{"id":1169,"date":"2023-06-16T15:31:22","date_gmt":"2023-06-16T14:31:22","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=1169"},"modified":"2023-12-18T15:17:39","modified_gmt":"2023-12-18T14:17:39","slug":"dilema-e-serbise-per-kosoven-sprapsja-nga-marreveshja-perfundimtare","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/dilema-e-serbise-per-kosoven-sprapsja-nga-marreveshja-perfundimtare\/","title":{"rendered":"Dilema e Serbis\u00eb p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn: sprapsja nga marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebrfundimtare"},"content":{"rendered":"

Read the article in English\u00a0here.<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Dialogu i gjat\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb \u2013 q\u00eb ka zgjatur mbi nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb \u2013 ka prodhuar marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb shumta. Megjithat\u00eb, mbetet e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb arritja e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje p\u00ebrfundimtare gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse, q\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte si rezultat normalizimin e plot\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve midis dy vendeve.<\/p>\n

Derisa Kosova mori pjes\u00eb n\u00eb negociatat e Brukselit me kryeministra t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm, p\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb situata ka mbetur e nj\u00ebjta, me presidentin serb Aleksandar Vu\u00e7iq, q\u00eb drejton vet\u00eb shfaqjen. Gjat\u00eb dekad\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit, Vu\u00e7iqi ka mbajtur poste t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb pushtetit n\u00eb Serbi, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb postin e z\u00ebvend\u00ebskryeministrit, at\u00eb t\u00eb kryeministrit dhe aktualisht presidentit.<\/p>\n

Pavar\u00ebsisht nga roli i tij specifik, Vu\u00e7iqi ka ushtruar kontroll t\u00eb madh \u2013 n\u00ebse jo t\u00eb plot\u00eb \u2013 mbi vendimmarrjen n\u00eb Serbi, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb raport me Kosov\u00ebn. Pavar\u00ebsisht ndikimit dhe autoritetit t\u00eb tij t\u00eb konsideruesh\u00ebm, Vu\u00e7iqi ka treguar nj\u00eb munges\u00eb interesi p\u00ebr ta finalizuar nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje me Kosov\u00ebn. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb munges\u00eb entuziazmi kan\u00eb ndikuar shum\u00eb faktor\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Implikimet politike dhe ligjore<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ekziston nj\u00eb pritshm\u00ebri e p\u00ebrhapur gjithandej se dialogu Kosov\u00eb-Serbi p\u00ebrfundimisht do t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb n\u00eb njohje reciproke. Ky q\u00ebndrim nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ekskluziv vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, por gjithashtu mbahet edhe nga shum\u00eb vende europiane dhe ShBA-ja. Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebr lider\u00ebt politik\u00eb n\u00eb Serbi, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Vu\u00e7iqin, njohja e Kosov\u00ebs si shtet i pavarur do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb vet\u00ebvrasje politike.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb\u00a0sondazh<\/a>\u00a0i fundit i opinionit publik tregoi se 75% e qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb do ta kund\u00ebrshtonin njohjen e Kosov\u00ebs, edhe n\u00ebse kjo do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte p\u00ebrshpejtimin e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb n\u00eb BE.<\/p>\n

Motivi kryesor politik p\u00ebr prolongimin dhe vonimin e marr\u00ebveshjes gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshira p\u00ebr ta zgjatur pushtetin e Vu\u00e7iqit.<\/p>\n

Partia Progresive Serbe (SNS) dhe Vu\u00e7iqi erdh\u00ebn n\u00eb pushtet m\u00eb 2012, pas nj\u00eb periudhe kur ish-presidenti Boris Tadiq u perceptua gjer\u00ebsisht si jokonstruktiv dhe i pap\u00ebrgatitur p\u00ebr ta ndjekur normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me Kosov\u00ebn.\u00a0Tensionet<\/a>\u00a0midis Tadiqit dhe kancelares Merkel n\u00eb lidhje me Kosov\u00ebn gjat\u00eb\u00a0vizit\u00ebs<\/a>\u00a0s\u00eb saj n\u00eb\u00a0Belgrade<\/a>\u00a0m\u00eb 2011 kontribuuan n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb ndryshim.<\/p>\n

Vu\u00e7iqi premtoi t\u00eb angazhohej m\u00eb aktivisht n\u00eb dialog dhe inicioi k\u00ebt\u00eb angazhim duke n\u00ebnshkruar\u00a0Marr\u00ebveshjen e Brukselit<\/a>\u00a0m\u00eb 2013, duke leht\u00ebsuar k\u00ebshtu integrimin e serb\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs dhe duke t\u00ebrhequr policin\u00eb dhe gjyq\u00ebsorin serb (institucionet paralele) nga kat\u00ebr komunat veriore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, Vu\u00e7iqi p\u00ebrfundimisht e kuptoi se p\u00ebrfundimi i procesit t\u00eb dialogut do ta sh\u00ebnonte fundin e karrier\u00ebs s\u00eb tij politike. Si rrjedhoj\u00eb, nisi ta vononte zbatimin e marr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb dakorduara n\u00eb Bruksel dhe shmangu n\u00ebnshkrimin e marr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb reja, si dhe q\u00ebllimisht krijoi tensione p\u00ebr t\u2019i bllokuar negociatat.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, njohja e Kosov\u00ebs bie ndesh me kushtetut\u00ebn serbe. Preambula e kushtetut\u00ebs e konsideron Kosov\u00ebn si pjes\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebse t\u00eb territorit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb. Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, \u00e7do amandament kushtetues k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb prej 2\/3 t\u00eb votave, ndjekur nga nj\u00eb referendum i detyruesh\u00ebm, n\u00eb rast ndryshimi t\u00eb kushtetut\u00ebs. K\u00ebsisoj, k\u00ebta faktor\u00eb e komplikojn\u00eb ndjesh\u00ebm mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e arritjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje p\u00ebrfundimtare q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin njohjen eksplicite t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Shpresat p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shk\u00ebmbim territoresh<\/strong><\/p>\n

Mungesa e zbatimit t\u00eb Asociacionit\/Bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Komunave me Shumic\u00eb Serbe (AKS), p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ishte r\u00ebn\u00eb dakord n\u00eb Bruksel m\u00eb 2013, ka krijuar pengesa shtes\u00eb n\u00eb dialog.<\/p>\n

Mungesa e progresit n\u00eb zbatimin e AKS-s\u00eb shtyu ish-presidentin Tha\u00e7i dhe presidentin Vu\u00e7iq, si\u00e7 thuhet, t\u00eb diskutojn\u00eb opsionin e nj\u00eb\u00a0shk\u00ebmbimi territoresh<\/a>\u00a0midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. Sipas k\u00ebtij propozimi, Serbia do t\u2019i l\u00ebshonte zonat e banuara me shqiptar\u00eb n\u00eb Lugin\u00ebn e Preshev\u00ebs n\u00eb Serbin\u00eb Jugore, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb rimerrte kontrollin mbi zonat me shumic\u00eb etnike serbe n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, kjo ide u p\u00ebrball me\u00a0rezistenc\u00eb t\u00eb atyp\u00ebratyshme<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb dhe disa vendeve t\u00eb tjera an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, duke \u00e7uar k\u00ebshtu p\u00ebrfundimisht n\u00eb hedhjen posht\u00eb t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

Nga marr\u00ebveshja e shk\u00ebmbimit t\u00eb territoreve Vu\u00e7iqi do t\u00eb kishte p\u00ebrfituar n\u00eb dy m\u00ebnyra. S\u00eb pari, ajo do t\u2019i kishte lejuar t\u00eb ruante fytyr\u00ebn para qytetar\u00ebve serb\u00eb, duke shmangur humbjen e plot\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe s\u00eb dyti, ai do t\u00eb mund ta shpallte veten si nj\u00eb lider i fort\u00eb q\u00eb merr vendime t\u00eb zorshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e Serbis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me strategjin\u00eb e viktimizimit t\u00eb Vu\u00e7iqit, q\u00eb paraqitet si i gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb \u201csakrifikohet<\/a>\u201d dhe t\u00eb \u201cvdes\u00eb<\/a>\u201d p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb. M\u00eb 2023 \u00ebsht\u00eb e besueshme q\u00eb Vu\u00e7iqi q\u00ebllimisht po shkakton tensionet \u2013 dhe po p\u00ebrfiton nga veprimet e iniciuara nga qeveria Kurti \u2013 p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar se integrimi i serb\u00ebve n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb i paarritsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Kjo qasje sh\u00ebrben p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrforcuar nocionin se nj\u00eb shk\u00ebmbim territoresh mund ta zgjidh\u00eb nj\u00eb problem t\u00eb mo\u00e7\u00ebm n\u00eb Ballkan. K\u00ebshtu, diskutimet e vazhdueshme rreth ides\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00eb shk\u00ebmbimi territoresh mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb nga arsyet pse ende nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb arritur nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebrfundimtare.<\/p>\n

Integrimi (joekzistent) europian<\/strong><\/p>\n

Premtimi p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE ka luajtur rol vendimtar n\u00eb nxitjen e normalizimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. Kur premtimi p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE ishte i besuesh\u00ebm, u arrit v\u00ebrtet p\u00ebrparim i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb dialog.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr shembull, Serbia u pajtua t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruaj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb shumta me Kosov\u00ebn m\u00eb 2012, pasi mori statusin e kandidatit p\u00ebr n\u00eb BE. Kosova, nga tjetra an\u00eb, n\u00ebnshkroi Marr\u00ebveshjen e Brukselit m\u00eb 2013 pasi n\u00ebnshkroi Marr\u00ebveshjen e Stabilizim-Asociimit (MSA), marr\u00ebveshjen e par\u00eb kontraktuale me BE-n\u00eb. Nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb pas nis\u00ebn negociatat e pranimit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb n\u00eb BE.<\/p>\n

Megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb, Vu\u00e7iqi p\u00ebrfundimisht e kuptoi se perspektiva p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE nuk ishte e af\u00ebrt n\u00eb koh\u00eb, p\u00ebrball\u00eb lodhjes q\u00eb tregonte BE-ja sa i p\u00ebrket zgjerimit, dhe p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb u tregua m\u00eb pak i p\u00ebrkushtuar karshi dialogut. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, vonesat dhe pengesat e p\u00ebrs\u00ebritura me t\u00eb cilat ballafaqohet Kosova n\u00eb marrjen e liberalizimit t\u00eb vizave ngrit\u00ebn shqet\u00ebsime serioze rreth p\u00ebrkushtimit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb ndaj politik\u00ebs s\u00eb saj t\u00eb zgjerimit.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebsisoj, kjo kontribuoi n\u00eb nj\u00eb ndjesi pasigurie dhe skepticizmi nga t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt, duke penguar k\u00ebshtu p\u00ebrparimin e m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm n\u00eb dialog.<\/p>\n

Serbia aktualisht heziton t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb l\u00ebshime t\u00eb m\u00ebtejshme pa marr\u00eb di\u00e7ka n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim nga BE-ja. Bashk\u00eb me an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb BE, pritshm\u00ebrit\u00eb e Serbis\u00eb p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb autonomin\u00eb territoriale p\u00ebr popullat\u00ebn serbe n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, sikund\u00ebr p\u00ebrcaktohet me Marr\u00ebveshjen e par\u00eb dhe t\u00eb dyt\u00eb t\u00eb Brukselit (2013 dhe 2023).<\/p>\n

Vu\u00e7iqi nuk do ta n\u00ebnshkruaj\u00eb kurr\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebrfundimtare me Kosov\u00ebn<\/strong><\/p>\n

Vu\u00e7iqi \u00ebsht\u00eb nacionalist i krahut t\u00eb djatht\u00eb dhe baza e tij zgjedhore p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebs nacionalist\u00eb e konservator\u00eb t\u00eb krahut t\u00eb djatht\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb kompromis p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj historike dhe kulturore.<\/p>\n

Ky q\u00ebndrim\u00a0u shpreh<\/a>\u00a0publikisht m\u00eb 2019, kur Vu\u00e7iqi deklaroi pa asnj\u00eb m\u00ebdyshje se p\u00ebr aq koh\u00eb sa ai do t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb krye t\u00eb presidenc\u00ebs, Serbia nuk do ta njoh\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ai\u00a0p\u00ebrs\u00ebriti<\/a>\u00a0q\u00ebndrimin e tij kur propozimi franko-gjerman u nxor n\u00eb media vitin e kaluar. Vu\u00e7iqi deklaroi se Serbia nuk do ta njoh\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn dhe kund\u00ebrshtoi an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin e saj n\u00eb OKB.<\/p>\n

Edhe pas Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Ohrit n\u00eb mars 2023, Vu\u00e7iqi\u00a0deklaroi<\/a>\u00a0s\u00ebrish se Serbia nuk do ta zbatoj\u00eb asnj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes q\u00eb lidhet me an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb OKB dhe n\u00ebnvizoi se njohja mbetet vij\u00eb e kuqe p\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebsisoj, duke pasur parasysh rrethanat aktuale, ka shum\u00eb pak gjasa q\u00eb Vu\u00e7iqi t\u00eb shqyrtoj\u00eb n\u00ebnshkrimin e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje p\u00ebrfundimtare gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse me Kosov\u00ebn, t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar n\u00eb njohje reciproke.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Read the article in English\u00a0here. Dialogu i gjat\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb \u2013 q\u00eb ka zgjatur mbi nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb \u2013 ka prodhuar marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb shumta. Megjithat\u00eb, mbetet e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb arritja e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje p\u00ebrfundimtare gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse, q\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte si rezultat normalizimin e plot\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve midis dy vendeve. Derisa Kosova mori pjes\u00eb n\u00eb negociatat […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":15,"featured_media":1170,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[669,664,12],"ppma_author":[25],"class_list":["post-1169","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-dialogue","tag-kosovo","tag-serbia"],"authors":[{"term_id":25,"user_id":15,"is_guest":0,"slug":"milos-pavkovic","display_name":"Milo\u0161 Pavkovi\u0107","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/MP_cropped-150x150-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/MP_cropped-150x150-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Pavkovi\u0107","first_name":"Milo\u0161","description":"Milo\u0161 Pavkovi\u0107 \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shkenc\u00ebtar politik me specializim n\u00eb rajonin e Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore, politik\u00ebn krahasuese, regjimet hibride dhe politik\u00ebn e BE-s\u00eb. Studimet bachelor dhe master p\u00ebr shkenca politike i kreu n\u00eb Universitetin e Beogradit. Ai kaloi nj\u00eb vit n\u00eb Universitetin e Grazit si student n\u00eb Erasmus dhe mbrojti tez\u00ebn e magjistratur\u00ebs (De)konsolidimi i shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb kontekstin e negociatave bashk\u00ebkohore nd\u00ebrmjet Qeverive t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs* dhe Serbis\u00eb. Ai kreu masterin e dyt\u00eb n\u00eb shkencat politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Evrop\u00ebs Qendrore (CEU). Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebautor i publikimit Elementet kryesore t\u00eb nevojshme p\u00ebr p\u00ebrparimin n\u00eb normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. Milo\u0161 aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb i pun\u00ebsuar si studiues n\u00eb Qendr\u00ebn e Politikave Evropiane (CEP), Beograd dhe sh\u00ebrben si Ambasador i Ri i Evrop\u00ebs n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1169","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/15"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1169"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1169\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1171,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1169\/revisions\/1171"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1170"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1169"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1169"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1169"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=1169"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}