{"id":1185,"date":"2023-05-21T15:45:26","date_gmt":"2023-05-21T14:45:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=1185"},"modified":"2023-12-20T10:15:18","modified_gmt":"2023-12-20T09:15:18","slug":"zgjedhjet-ne-shqiperi-drejt-partise-shtet-apo-nje-shprese-te-re","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/zgjedhjet-ne-shqiperi-drejt-partise-shtet-apo-nje-shprese-te-re\/","title":{"rendered":"Zgjedhjet n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri: drejt partis\u00eb-shtet apo nj\u00eb shprese t\u00eb re?"},"content":{"rendered":"

M\u00eb 14 maj n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri u zhvilluan zgjedhjet lokale n\u00eb 61 bashki, ku mor\u00ebn pjes\u00eb 40 subjekte zgjedhore, p\u00ebr mandatet e kryetar\u00ebve t\u00eb bashkive dhe an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb k\u00ebshillave bashkiak\u00eb. Procesi i votimit u shoq\u00ebrua me nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb parregullsish, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb\u00a0mosfunksionimin papritur t\u00eb pajisjeve t\u00eb votimit elektronik<\/a>, si dhe pranin\u00eb n\u00eb disa qendra votimi t\u00eb\u00a0personave t\u00eb paidentifikuar<\/a>, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ushtruan presion mbi qytetar\u00ebt. T\u00eb tilla nd\u00ebrhyrje vun\u00eb rishtas n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje mbar\u00ebvajtjen demokratike t\u00eb procesit zgjedhor.<\/p>\n

Gjithashtu, n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje u d\u00ebshmua nj\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrje mjaft e ul\u00ebt, me vet\u00ebm\u00a037.79%<\/a>\u00a0votues. Kjo p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb r\u00ebnie drastike n\u00eb krahasim me pjes\u00ebmarrjen prej\u00a047.83%<\/a>\u00a0n\u00eb zgjedhjet lokale t\u00eb vitit 2015. N\u00eb zgjedhjet pararend\u00ebse, m\u00eb 2019, pas\u00a0bojkotit t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs<\/a>, Partia Socialiste garoi e vetme, \u00e7far\u00eb shpjegon pjes\u00ebmarrjen prej vet\u00ebm\u00a022.96%<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb votuesve.<\/p>\n

Pik\u00ebs\u00ebpari, pjes\u00ebmarrja e ul\u00ebt \u00ebsht\u00eb tregues i\u00a0munges\u00ebs s\u00eb thell\u00eb t\u00eb besimit<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve tek institucionet qeveritare, partit\u00eb politike dhe vet\u00eb procesi zgjedhor. Skepticizmi v\u00ebrehet sidomos mes t\u00eb rinjve (18-29 vje\u00e7), duke pasur parasysh q\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vit 122,545 prej tyre fituan t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vot\u00ebs p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, vet\u00ebm 13.56% e ushtruan k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb: gjithsej 14,628 individ\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Pjes\u00ebmarrja e ul\u00ebt hedh nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht drit\u00eb mbi nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr fenomen: emigrimin n\u00eb mas\u00eb. Sipas Institutit Komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Statistikave n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, 188,345 qytetar\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb kan\u00eb emigruar q\u00eb prej vitit 2017. \u00cbsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb theksohet se k\u00ebto statistika\u00a0nuk specifikojn\u00eb numrin e individ\u00ebve, q\u00eb kan\u00eb emigruar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb padokumentuar. Mbi t\u00eb gjitha, vet\u00ebm n\u00eb 2022, popullsia rezidente n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri p\u00ebsoi nj\u00eb r\u00ebnie prej\u00a01.3%<\/a>.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebto kushte, bazuar n\u00eb\u00a0rezultatet finale t\u00eb zgjedhjeve<\/a>, Partia Socialiste ka siguruar 54 nga 61 bashki. N\u00eb Tiran\u00eb, Erion Veliaj do t\u00eb vijoj\u00eb detyr\u00ebn si kryetar bashkie, pas marrjes s\u00eb\u00a054.69%<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb votave. N\u00eb qytetet e tjera t\u00eb m\u00ebdha si\u00a0Shkodra<\/a>, kandidati i Partis\u00eb Socialiste Benet Beci ka p\u00ebrftuar 60.22% t\u00eb votave krahasimisht kandidatit\u00a0Bardh Spahia t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Bashk\u00eb Fitojm\u00eb , i cili ia ka dal\u00eb t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb vet\u00ebm 39.80% t\u00eb votave. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme, pa\u00e7ka se me nj\u00eb rezultat mjaft t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, n\u00eb\u00a0Vlor\u00eb<\/a>, kandidati i Partis\u00eb Socialiste Ermal Dredha siguroi 70.55% t\u00eb votave, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb\u00a0Durr\u00ebs<\/a>, qytetin e dyt\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madh n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, kandidatja socialiste Emiriana Sako siguroi nj\u00eb fitore t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb me 55.57% t\u00eb votave. Partia Socialiste ka mundur t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb fitoren edhe n\u00eb bastionet historike t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Demokratike si\u00a0Tropoja<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0Kamza<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrthurje mes pjes\u00ebmarrjes s\u00eb ul\u00ebt dhe dob\u00ebsimit fatal t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs ia mund\u00ebsuan edhe nj\u00ebher\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste sigurimin e votave dhe sikurse spekulohet, p\u00ebrpjekjen p\u00ebr manipulimin m\u00eb me leht\u00ebsi t\u00eb zgjedhjeve. S\u00eb pari, opozita e udh\u00ebhequr nga Partia Demokratike (PD) ka mbetur peng i frym\u00ebs autoritariste t\u00eb Sali Berish\u00ebs q\u00eb prej zgjedhjeve parlamentare 2013. Pas k\u00ebtyre zgjedhjeve, t\u00eb cilat garantuan rotacionin e pushtetit p\u00ebrmes nd\u00ebshkimit me vot\u00eb, PD n\u00eb vend t\u00eb reformimit zgjodhi t\u00eb investohej n\u00eb nj\u00eb\u00a0luft\u00eb t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr s\u00eb brendshmi<\/a>, q\u00eb solli p\u00ebr\u00e7arje dhe ndarjen e partis\u00eb n\u00eb dy fraksione: Partin\u00eb Bashk\u00eb Fitojm\u00eb (fraksioni i Sali Berish\u00ebs) dhe Partin\u00eb Demokratike (fraksioni i Enkelejd Alibeajt). Gjithashtu, n\u00eb 2019, vendimi i opozit\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb bojkotuar zgjedhjet lokale i sh\u00ebrbeu n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste, p\u00ebr t\u00eb forcuar m\u00eb tej pushtetin e saj.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb fat t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm me PD ka patur edhe L\u00ebvizja Socialiste p\u00ebr Integrim (LSI), e njohur gjer\u00ebsisht p\u00ebr praktikat e dyshimta t\u00eb blerjes s\u00eb votave dhe e akuzuar p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfshirjen n\u00eb nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb\u00a0aferash korruptive<\/a>\u00a0dhe t\u00eb tjera krime. Pas shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes s\u00eb koalicionit me Partin\u00eb Socialiste, LSI p\u00ebrjetoi nj\u00eb rrokopuj\u00eb q\u00eb solli fragmentimin, dob\u00ebsimin dhe irrelevanc\u00ebn e saj n\u00eb sken\u00ebn aktuale politike.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebsisoj, n\u00eb 2017, PS ia doli t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb e vetme nj\u00eb\u00a0mazhoranc\u00eb parlamentare<\/a>, gj\u00eb q\u00eb s\u2019kishte ndodhur prej 2001. Pik\u00ebrisht viti 2017 p\u00ebrcolli shqet\u00ebsimin p\u00ebr rritjen e m\u00ebtejshme dhe konsolidimin e pakufijsh\u00ebm t\u00eb pushtetit p\u00ebr Partin\u00eb Socialiste. N\u00eb 2022, Bajram Begaj, nominimi zyrtar i Partis\u00eb Socialiste p\u00ebr president, u votua me 78 vota pro, q\u00eb u p\u00ebrkthye de facto n\u00eb transferimin e pushtetit t\u00eb PS-s\u00eb n\u00eb zyr\u00ebn e presidentit. N\u00eb k\u00ebto \u00e7aste, socialist\u00ebt ushtrojn\u00eb kontroll n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha institucionet shtet\u00ebrore, p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb opozite t\u00eb d\u00ebrrmuar, t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb dhe pa perspektiv\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Gjithashtu, nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri civile po aq e p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb dhe e pafuqishme, nj\u00eb pushtet mediatik i kapur dhe emigrimi pa nd\u00ebrprerje i popullat\u00ebs i kan\u00eb krijuar mund\u00ebsin\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste q\u00eb t\u00eb operoj\u00eb pa asnj\u00eb kufizim. De facto, Shqip\u00ebria ka regresuar te nj\u00eb sistem i ngjash\u00ebm me partin\u00eb-shtet \u00e7ka p\u00ebrb\u00ebn shqet\u00ebsim p\u00ebr thellimin e autoritarizmit n\u00eb vend, p\u00ebrhapjen e m\u00ebtejshme t\u00eb korrupsionit dhe bashk\u00ebpunimin e pand\u00ebrprer\u00eb t\u00eb partis\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse me\u00a0organized crime<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Sigurimi i nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr mandati p\u00ebr Erion Veliajn dhe thellimi i m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm i pushtetit t\u00eb tij brenda bashkis\u00eb s\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs, ngre hamend\u00ebsime mbi mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e\u00a0pastrimit t\u00eb parave<\/a>\u00a0for\u00a0krimin e organizuar p\u00ebrmes biznesit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit<\/a>, sikurse\u00a0shkat\u00ebrrimi i Teatrit Komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb\u00a0<\/a>gjat\u00eb pandemis\u00eb paralajm\u00ebroi n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, k\u00ebto zgjedhje soll\u00ebn nj\u00eb risi, jo vet\u00ebm me pranin\u00eb e subjekteve t\u00eb reja politike, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb buruar nga radh\u00ebt e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile, por gjithashtu me p\u00ebrfshirjen e kandidat\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre n\u00eb k\u00ebshillat bashkiak\u00eb. Nisma Thurje, nj\u00eb parti centriste, kund\u00ebr korrupsionit, e krijuar n\u00eb 2018 dhe L\u00ebvizja Bashk\u00eb, nj\u00eb parti e majt\u00eb\u00a0radikale, e themeluar n\u00eb 2022 do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebshillin bashkiak t\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs\u00a0dy kandidat\u00eb<\/a>: p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht, Endri Shabanin si p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues i Nism\u00ebs Thurje dhe Mirela Rukon, si p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese e L\u00ebvizjes Bashk\u00eb. Gjithashtu, Nisma Thurje do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb edhe kat\u00ebr kandidat\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb n\u00eb Kor\u00e7\u00eb, Mirdit\u00eb dhe Kuk\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Kjo p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb zhvillim t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm duke qen\u00eb se p\u00ebrfshirja e z\u00ebrave t\u00eb rinj, jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb do t\u00eb sjell\u00eb nj\u00eb frym\u00eb t\u00eb re brenda institucioneve, t\u00eb cilat deri dje kan\u00eb qen\u00eb uzurupuar nga militant\u00ebt e\u00a0bandave<\/em>\u00a0partiake, por nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, prania e tyre mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthehet n\u00eb vota kund\u00ebr p\u00ebr \u00e7do iniciativ\u00eb q\u00eb rreket ta d\u00ebmtoj\u00eb m\u00eb tej qytetin, sidomos n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb. Edhe n\u00eb rastin e pamund\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kthyer apo ndaluar vendime specifike, prania e k\u00ebtyre p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb rinj mund t\u00eb garantoj\u00eb q\u00eb publiku t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb i informuar mbi gjith\u00e7ka ndodh brenda dyerve t\u00eb mbyllura t\u00eb institucioneve, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebrsa i p\u00ebrket aferave korruptive apo t\u00eb tjera shkelje.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb zgjedhjet p\u00ebr kryetar bashkie p\u00ebr Tiran\u00ebn, L\u00ebvizja Bashk\u00eb ka l\u00ebn\u00eb pas partit\u00eb e tjera garuese, duke u radhitur e treta n\u00eb p\u00ebrqindje (4.77%), pas Partis\u00eb Bashk\u00eb Fitojm\u00eb (34.58%), t\u00eb kryesuar nga Belind K\u00eblli\u00e7i. Kjo zhvendosje e papritur e v\u00eb theksin te nevoja shoq\u00ebrore p\u00ebr alternativa t\u00eb reja politike, t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb t\u00eb shk\u00ebputura nga drama e tranzicionit shqiptar dhe q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb mbi triad\u00ebn korruptive PD-PS-LSI, duke ndezur shk\u00ebndij\u00ebn p\u00ebr nj\u00eb front t\u00eb nj\u00ebmendt\u00eb opozitar n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen e af\u00ebrt. K\u00ebto rezultate reflektojn\u00eb gjithashtu qasjen e elektoratit shqiptar ndaj subjekteve t\u00eb reja n\u00eb kontekstin politik t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb ku p\u00ebr shembull, n\u00eb zgjedhjet parlamentare 2021, kandidat\u00ebt e L\u00ebvizjes Vet\u00ebvendosje jan\u00eb par\u00eb si subjekt i jasht\u00ebm dhe retorika e tyre si prurje e sforcuar nga Kosova, m\u00eb tep\u00ebr se pasoj\u00eb e zhvillimit organik t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeve t\u00eb reja shoq\u00ebrore dhe politike, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb konsideruar Nisma Thurje dhe L\u00ebvizja Bashk\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Regjimi hibrid i Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb<\/a> megjithat\u00eb, paralajm\u00ebron sfida t\u00eb shumta p\u00ebr partit\u00eb e reja. Ndaj, \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme q\u00eb k\u00ebto subjekte, s\u00eb bashku me grupet civile, t\u00eb m\u00ebsojn\u00eb t\u2019i shtrijn\u00eb dor\u00ebn nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb n\u00eb solidaritet. Nj\u00eb strategji e till\u00eb mund t\u00eb garantoj\u00eb progres m\u00eb t\u00eb ndjesh\u00ebm p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb kaste t\u00eb kriminalizuar dhe q\u00eb g\u00ebzon t\u00eb gjitha mjetet p\u00ebr ta intensifikuar shtypjen dhe p\u00ebr\u00e7arjen. P\u00ebrndryshe, n\u00eb kushtet aktuale, t\u00eb operuarit vet\u00ebm dhe r\u00ebnia n\u00eb pesimiz\u00ebm mund t\u00eb na kushtoj\u00eb shum\u00eb.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

M\u00eb 14 maj n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri u zhvilluan zgjedhjet lokale n\u00eb 61 bashki, ku mor\u00ebn pjes\u00eb 40 subjekte zgjedhore, p\u00ebr mandatet e kryetar\u00ebve t\u00eb bashkive dhe an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb k\u00ebshillave bashkiak\u00eb. Procesi i votimit u shoq\u00ebrua me nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb parregullsish, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb\u00a0mosfunksionimin papritur t\u00eb pajisjeve t\u00eb votimit elektronik, si dhe pranin\u00eb n\u00eb disa qendra votimi t\u00eb\u00a0personave t\u00eb paidentifikuar, […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":222,"featured_media":1186,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[639,926,548],"ppma_author":[233],"class_list":["post-1185","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-albania","tag-elections","tag-politics"],"authors":[{"term_id":233,"user_id":222,"is_guest":0,"slug":"gresa-hasa","display_name":"Gresa Hasa","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-17-3.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-17-3.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Hasa","first_name":"Gresa","description":"Gresa Hasa \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebthemeluese dhe kryeredaktore e revist\u00ebs \u201cShota\u201d. Ajo ka studiuar \"Shkenca Politike\" n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe prej vitesh \u00ebsht\u00eb angazhuar n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet gjinore, organizimin studentor dhe at\u00eb sindikal n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, Gresa kontribuon n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb rregullt, si publiciste e pavarur n\u00eb fush\u00ebn politike, shoq\u00ebrore dhe kulturore, n\u00eb nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb mediash, brenda dhe jasht\u00eb vendit. Gjithashtu, ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb angazhuar me p\u00ebrkthimin e nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb teksteve t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs politike, publicistike, kulturore dhe teori feministe."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1185","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/222"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1185"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1185\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1187,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1185\/revisions\/1187"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1186"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1185"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1185"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1185"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=1185"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}