{"id":12956,"date":"2025-07-15T13:47:44","date_gmt":"2025-07-15T11:47:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=12956"},"modified":"2025-07-15T14:00:13","modified_gmt":"2025-07-15T12:00:13","slug":"vuciqi-dhe-sns-ja-nuk-kane-me-monopol-lavjerresi-politik-ne-serbi-po-lekundet","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/vuciqi-dhe-sns-ja-nuk-kane-me-monopol-lavjerresi-politik-ne-serbi-po-lekundet\/","title":{"rendered":"Vucic and SNS No Longer Hold the Monopoly: The Political Pendulum in Serbia Is Swinging"},"content":{"rendered":"

Political instability in Serbia has continued through the summer, with Serbian students demonstrating resilience and a strong commitment to change, despite facing police violence and blackmail allegedly orchestrated by the SNS regime and President Vucic.<\/span><\/p>\n

On June 28 <\/span>Vidovdan <\/span><\/i>(St. Vitus Day), a significant Serbian national and religious holiday tied to the Kosovo myth, students organized a massive protest.<\/span><\/p>\n

While government sources claimed that only 40,000 people attended, organizers estimated the turnout at 150,000. Based on available photos and videos, it is safe to say that the number of protesters was no less than 100,000, marking the third consecutive student protest in Belgrade to draw six-figure numbers.<\/span><\/p>\n

The<\/b>Vidovdan<\/i><\/b> protests signal a turning point in Serbia, challenging Vucic\u2019s regime, exposing its eroding legitimacy, and paving the way for democratic renewal and political change. <\/b><\/p>\n

The symbolism of <\/b>Vidovdan<\/i><\/b><\/b><\/h3>\n

Besides its roots in the 1389 Battle of Kosovo, <\/span>Vidovdan<\/span><\/i> has been invoked throughout Serbian history to mark major national and political events, including the 1914 assassination of Austro-Hungarian crown prince Franz Ferdinand by a Serb in Bosnia, which triggered World War I, and Slobodan Milosevic\u2019s infamous nationalist speech delivered in 1989.<\/p>\n

However, the Serbian protesters did not choose this day for nationalist reasons, but rather as a symbolic protest strategy to appeal to all Serbian people. In Serbian, the word <\/span>Vidovdan<\/span><\/i> combines <\/span>videti <\/span><\/i>(to see) and <\/span>dan <\/span><\/i> (day), which can also be interpreted as a \u201c<\/span>day of revelation<\/span><\/i>\u201d<\/span>.<\/p>\n

Therefore, on the day of the protest, people chanted <\/span>\u201cSee you on Vidovdan\u201d<\/span><\/i>, a phrase that can be understood as a judgment day for the regime.<\/span><\/p>\n

Furthermore, by invoking the symbolism <\/span>Vidovdan<\/span><\/i>, the protesters targeted Vucic and the SNS regime, which has always used patriotism as a defense mechanism against anyone challenging their leadership, labeling the opposition, civil society, and media as traitors, and more recently, the protesters as terrorists seeking to overthrow the government.<\/span><\/p>\n

Key messages from the <\/b>Vidovdan<\/i><\/b> protest<\/b><\/h3>\n

The protest on June 28 centered around three key messages. First, the students called on the entire nation to unite, declaring the formation of a national political movement aimed at addressing the country\u2019s deepening crisis.<\/span><\/p>\n

Second, they demanded snap elections, presenting them as the only viable solution to break the ongoing political deadlock and restore democratic legitimacy.<\/span><\/p>\n

Third, the protesters called for the removal of the tent settlement in front of the President\u2019s Office, which had been established by so-called \u201c<\/span>students who want to study<\/span><\/i>.\u201d However, these individuals were widely perceived as being closely linked to the SNS.<\/p>\n

These demands were delivered as an ultimatum to the government, but President Vucic <\/span>strongly rejected them<\/span><\/a>, dismissing the protesters\u2019 calls and maintaining his firm stance against their movement.<\/span><\/p>\n

Vucic\u2019s Rejection of the Ultimatum Gives Way to Civil Disobedience<\/b><\/h3>\n

The rejection of the ultimatum led protesters to adopt a harsher strategy: civil disobedience. The following day, citizens spontaneously gathered in the streets to block traffic, using trash cans, containers, and construction fences to create barricades. By late evening, over 90 <\/span>barricades<\/span><\/a> were set up across Serbia, with 40 in Belgrade alone.<\/p>\n

On Monday, the government deployed heavy police forces to dismantle the barricades, but the protesters shifted tactics. Instead of confronting the police and risking injury or arrest, they chose to retreat peacefully and return once police left. In some cases, they simply moved to block other streets as police arrived.<\/span><\/p>\n

Within the first 24 hours, there were over 200 local actions, including blockades of the regional road to the <\/span>Sid <\/span><\/i>border crossing with Croatia and the international Belgrade-Bar railway. In <\/span>Zemun, <\/span><\/i>the main street remained barricaded for over 24 hours. Locals have already started calling it \u201cFreedom Street.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

The main goal is to overwhelm the police, as the government lacks the capacity to dismantle barricades at hundreds of locations across Serbia simultaneously. So far, the strategy appears to be effective, as the police have been unable to remove the blockades.<\/span><\/p>\n

Is a Change in Power Coming in Serbia?<\/b><\/h3>\n

The large turnout on the streets of Belgrade during and after the <\/span>Vidovdan<\/span><\/i> protests signals a growing loss of government legitimacy. Many now refer to the authorities as an <\/span>\u201coccupying force.\u201d<\/span><\/i> Repression has proven counterproductive, drawing more attention to the unrest.<\/p>\n

In the days that followed, over a hundred students and activists were arrested on charges ranging from inciting riots to attempting to overthrow the constitutional order\u2014clear signs of the government's authoritarian shift. Yet, those detained smiled as they were escorted by police, cheered on by supporters, and wore their arrests as a badge of honor.<\/span><\/p>\n

The government has entered a spiral where, whatever it does, it only further motivates the protesters. As a result, the political pendulum appears to be swinging toward the students, who are signaling the emergence of new political forces and a potential shift in power.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Early elections appear inevitable as the only way out of the political crisis. Still, the decision rests with Vucic, who is likely to delay them to weaken protest momentum. Even then, a student movement victory is uncertain, depending on factors such as international scrutiny, electoral fairness, and opposition unity.<\/span>
\n<\/span><\/p>\n

One thing is clear: Serbia\u2019s political struggle is intensifying, with growing signs of a shifting balance of power, setting the stage for future change.<\/span><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Gjat\u00eb ver\u00ebs, ka vazhduar paq\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebria politike n\u00eb Serbi, me student\u00ebt serb\u00eb q\u00eb, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr se jan\u00eb p\u00ebrballur me dhun\u00eb policore dhe shantazh q\u00eb dyshohet se jan\u00eb orkestruar nga regjimi i SNS-s\u00eb dhe presidentit Vu\u00e7iq, kan\u00eb demonstruar q\u00ebndres\u00eb dhe angazhim t\u00eb fort\u00eb p\u00ebr ndryshim. M\u00eb 28 qershor, p\u00ebr Vidovdan (Dita e Sh\u00ebn Vitusit), nj\u00eb fest\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":15,"featured_media":12966,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[2540,624,998,971,1057],"ppma_author":[25],"class_list":["post-12956","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-dita-e-shen-vitusit","tag-kryesore","tag-politike","tag-serbi","tag-vucic"],"authors":[{"term_id":25,"user_id":15,"is_guest":0,"slug":"milos-pavkovic","display_name":"Milo\u0161 Pavkovi\u0107","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/MP_cropped-150x150-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/MP_cropped-150x150-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Pavkovi\u0107","first_name":"Milo\u0161","description":"Milo\u0161 Pavkovi\u0107 \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shkenc\u00ebtar politik me specializim n\u00eb rajonin e Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore, politik\u00ebn krahasuese, regjimet hibride dhe politik\u00ebn e BE-s\u00eb. Studimet bachelor dhe master p\u00ebr shkenca politike i kreu n\u00eb Universitetin e Beogradit. Ai kaloi nj\u00eb vit n\u00eb Universitetin e Grazit si student n\u00eb Erasmus dhe mbrojti tez\u00ebn e magjistratur\u00ebs (De)konsolidimi i shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb kontekstin e negociatave bashk\u00ebkohore nd\u00ebrmjet Qeverive t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs* dhe Serbis\u00eb. Ai kreu masterin e dyt\u00eb n\u00eb shkencat politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Evrop\u00ebs Qendrore (CEU). Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebautor i publikimit Elementet kryesore t\u00eb nevojshme p\u00ebr p\u00ebrparimin n\u00eb normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. Milo\u0161 aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb i pun\u00ebsuar si studiues n\u00eb Qendr\u00ebn e Politikave Evropiane (CEP), Beograd dhe sh\u00ebrben si Ambasador i Ri i Evrop\u00ebs n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12956","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/15"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=12956"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12956\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12961,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12956\/revisions\/12961"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12966"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=12956"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=12956"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=12956"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=12956"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}