{"id":1373,"date":"2022-03-22T14:01:01","date_gmt":"2022-03-22T13:01:01","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=1373"},"modified":"2023-12-11T15:06:53","modified_gmt":"2023-12-11T14:06:53","slug":"feminizmi-si-anti-autoritarizem","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/feminizmi-si-anti-autoritarizem\/","title":{"rendered":"Feminizmi si anti-autoritariz\u00ebm"},"content":{"rendered":"

Ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb demokracit\u00eb liberale nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendjen e tyre m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. Ato po sfidohen si brenda nga l\u00ebvizjet populiste dhe anti-pluraliste, ashtu edhe jasht\u00eb nga regjimet autokratike . Sipas studiuesit Larry Diamond ky sistem politik ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb futur n\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje recesioni. Shto k\u00ebtu faktin, se tjet\u00ebrsimi i demokracive sot po b\u00ebhet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb \u201ctejet tin\u00ebzare, t\u00eb fshehur dhe pa spektak\u00ebl brutal\u201d.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkaq, dy studiuesit e njohur, Sergei Guriev dhe Daniel Treisman, n\u00eb librin e tyre me t\u00eb ri,\u00a0as a \u201c<\/strong>Spin Dictators: The Changing Face of Tyranny in the 21st Century<\/a>\u201d pohojn\u00eb se, p\u00ebr dallim nga diktator\u00ebt e s\u00eb shkuar\u00ebs q\u00eb e bazonin dominimin e tyre n\u00eb frik\u00eb, dhun\u00eb, brutalitet dhe kampe t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrimit, si\u00e7 b\u00ebri Stalini n\u00eb Bashkimin Sovjetik apo Mao n\u00eb Kin\u00eb, sot n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e rasteve \u201clider\u00ebt autoritar\u00eb, qoft\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00eb apo t\u00eb djatht\u00eb, angazhohen q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb popullor\u00eb dhe t\u00eb dashur nga masat, sesa t\u00eb ngjallin frik\u00eb. Edhe pse q\u00ebllimi mbetet i nj\u00ebjt\u00eb: dominimi dhe kontrolli mbi shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb, megjithat\u00eb metodat dallojn\u00eb\u201d. Turqia, Singapori, Rusia, Venezuela, Brazili, Hungaria etj, jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm disa nga rastet me t\u00eb njohura t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj tendence.<\/p>\n

Terreni ku m\u00eb shumti manifestohet ky p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsim ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me tendenc\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u2019i pak\u00ebsuar dhe cunguar lirit\u00eb q\u00eb lidhen me avancimin dhe p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimin e t\u00eb drejtave gjinore.<\/p>\n

Madje, p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb kategori t\u00eb sundimtar\u00ebve modern\u00eb, as q\u00eb kan\u00eb ndonj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi statistikat shkencore si dhe konstatimet e instituteve hulumtuese q\u00eb argumentojn\u00eb qart\u00eb p\u00ebr efektet ekonomike q\u00eb do t\u2019i kishte krijimi i kushteve p\u00ebr pun\u00ebsim t\u00eb barabart\u00eb si p\u00ebr burrat ashtu edhe p\u00ebr grat\u00eb. Bie fjala, Rachel Vogelstein n\u00eb shkrimin\u00a0as a \u201c<\/strong>Let Women Work -The Economic Case for Feminism<\/a>\u201d slogans<\/strong>duke u bazuar n\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat e nj\u00eb raporti t\u00eb shkruar n\u00eb vitin 2015 nga Instituti Global McKinsey, pat konkluduar se n\u00eb rast t\u00eb \u201cngushtimit t\u00eb hendekut gjinor nd\u00ebrmjet burrave dhe grave vet\u00ebm n\u00eb vendin e pun\u00ebs, pasuria bot\u00ebrore p\u00ebraf\u00ebrsisht do t\u00eb shtohej deri n\u00eb 12 trilion\u00eb dollar\u00eb sa i p\u00ebrket BPV-s\u00eb globale deri n\u00eb vitin 2025\u201d.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu, edhe p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr k\u00ebtyre efekteve t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme pozitive, p\u00ebrs\u00ebri shtytja irracionale kund\u00ebr fuqizimit t\u00eb grave, si\u00e7 argumentojn\u00eb Erica Chenoweth dhe Zoe Marks, n\u00eb shkrimin\u00a0as a \u201c<\/strong>Revenge of the Patriarchs -Why Autocrats Fear Women<\/a>\u201d slogans<\/strong>, ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb duke e form\u00ebsuar sjelljen politike t\u00eb protagonist\u00ebve t\u00eb pushtetit patriarkal autoritar. Dhe at\u00eb pa dallim. Operimi me gjuh\u00ebn e diskriminimit t\u00eb hapur, seksismit pervers, p\u00ebrjashtimit gjinor, mizogjenis\u00eb dhe n\u00ebnvler\u00ebsimit t\u00eb rolit t\u00eb grave p\u00ebr proceset politike \u00ebsht\u00eb shp\u00ebrfaqur n\u00eb secilin prej k\u00ebtyre regjimeve aktuale populiste.\u00a0 E t\u00eb mos flasim k\u00ebtu p\u00ebr kultur\u00ebn homofobe q\u00eb e promovon shkeljen e t\u00eb drejtave individuale t\u00eb komunitetit LGBT. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebtij mentaliteti ideologjik dhe Kuvendi i Kosov\u00ebs nuk arriti q\u00eb ta miratoj\u00eb Projktkodin Civil, me an\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb cilit parashihej njohja e t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs p\u00ebr martes\u00eb p\u00ebr personat e seksit t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb. (Por, p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb tem\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00ebrin nga shkrimet e radh\u00ebs)<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, urrejtje e till\u00eb e hapur ndaj t\u00eb drejtave demokratike t\u00eb grave ka marr\u00eb forma t\u00eb shumta. Madje, \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur t\u00eb radhiten t\u00eb gjitha. Bie fjala n\u00eb Kin\u00eb Xi Jinping-uka \u201cshtypur l\u00ebvizjet feministe duke i shtr\u00ebnguar grat\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb heshtin p\u00ebr sulmet seksuale ndaj tyre. N\u00eb Rusi, Vladimir Putini, po e \u201cafirmon vet\u00ebm rolin tradicional t\u00eb gruas sht\u00ebpiake\u201d (Revenge of the Patriarchs -Why Autocrats Fear Women<\/a>). Nj\u00eb frym\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb ka koh\u00eb qe ka ushqyere edhe kryetari i Turqis\u00eb, Recep Taip Erdogan. T\u00eb mos flasim k\u00ebtu p\u00ebr vende si Afganistani ku \u201cfitorja e talibaneve paraqet fundin e progresit 20 vje\u00e7ar q\u00eb ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vend, sa i p\u00ebrket edukimit dhe p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb tyre n\u00eb institucione publike\u201d (Revenge of the Patriarchs -Why Autocrats Fear Women<\/a>).<\/p>\n

Mjerisht, kjo frym\u00eb e \u201cautoritarizmit patriarkal\u201d (Ethics of Sexual Difference<\/a>) i ka infektuar edhe disa demokraci per\u00ebndimore, duke i b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb anojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb kah varianti joliberal i k\u00ebtij modeli. N\u00eb shum\u00eb shtete, si Hungaria dhe Polonia, \u201cku kemi pasur rastin ta shohim ngritjen e l\u00ebvizjeve t\u00eb djathta p\u00ebrtej qendr\u00ebs po promovohet narracioni mbi rikthimin e grave n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn e tyre tradicionale\u201d (Revenge of the Patriarchs -Why Autocrats Fear Women<\/a>).\u00a0Madje ky prapakthim po glorifikohet si nj\u00eb detyr\u00eb e shenjt\u00eb patriotike. Kurse \u201cideologjia e gjinore po portretizohet si hi\u00e7 m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb mashtrim i friksh\u00ebm\u201d (Revenge of the Patriarchs -Why Autocrats Fear Women<\/a>).<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/div>\n

T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto fakte, sipas Erica Chenoweth dhe Zoe Marks, tregojn\u00eb se armiku kryesor i lider\u00ebve populist\u00eb mbeten politikat e barazis\u00eb gjinore. Dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201ckoincidenc\u00eb q\u00eb forcimi i regjimeve autoritare shkon paralelisht me dob\u00ebsimin e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb grave dhe anasjelltas q\u00eb sulmet mbi vlerat liberale demokratike shoq\u00ebrohen me sulme ndaj kauzave gjinore\u201d (Revenge of the Patriarchs -Why Autocrats Fear Women<\/a>). E, nj\u00eb strategji e till\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e mir\u00eb shestuar. Sepse, \u00e7do l\u00ebvizje politike dhe sociale q\u00eb ka m\u00ebtuar t\u00eb promovoj\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysjen e regjimeve diktatoriale t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha ngjyrave, ka mundur t\u00eb ket\u00eb impakt m\u00eb t\u00eb madh vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse ka arritur t\u2019i mobilizoj\u00eb edhe grat\u00eb n\u00eb radh\u00ebt e veta.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkaq, projektin e margjinalizimit t\u00eb grave nga shum\u00eb sfera t\u00eb jet\u00ebs shumica e lider\u00ebve populist\u00eb dhe autokrat\u00eb mundohen q\u00eb ta jet\u00ebsojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb fshehta dhe tejet t\u00eb sofistikuara. p.sh. duke mveshur petkun dhe rolin e prindit apo bashk\u00ebshortit t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegjsh\u00ebm, e jo at\u00eb t\u00eb diktatorit brutal. Pra, sikur q\u00eb n\u00eb familje i takon sigurimi i t\u00eb mirave materiale dhe shpirt\u00ebrore, kurse grave lindja dhe edukimi i f\u00ebmij\u00ebve, po ky parim duhet t\u00eb implementohet edhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrmasa shoq\u00ebrore. I pari identifikohet me bot\u00ebn, e dyta me sht\u00ebpin\u00eb. Nj\u00ebrit i takon sfera politike, tjetr\u00ebs ajo private. Maskuniliteti lidhet me lirin\u00eb politike, kurse feminiteti me domosdoshm\u00ebrin\u00eb biologjike.<\/p>\n

Operimi me imazhe dhe simbole t\u00eb tilla, q\u00eb edhe autoret n\u00eb fjal\u00eb, \u00e7udit\u00ebrisht s’e potencojn\u00eb, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka e paq\u00ebllimshme,por produkt i mot\u00ebrzimit bizar nd\u00ebrmjet populizmit, autoritarizmit dhe patriarkalizmit me ideologjin\u00eb e \u201cnacionalizmit organik\u201d. K\u00ebt\u00eb doktrin\u00eb e ka analizuar Hannah Arendt te \u201cGjendja njer\u00ebzore<\/a>\u201d. Sipas saj, shoq\u00ebria nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht bashk\u00ebsi pluraliste e p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga individ\u00eb q\u00eb g\u00ebzojn\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vet\u00ebvendosjes, si qenie t\u00eb lira dhe pavarura, por nj\u00eb konglomerat biologjik kolektiv. Dhe jan\u00eb kategori t\u00eb tilla homogjene, t\u00eb cilat duke e \u201cidentifikuar kombin dhe raportet e an\u00ebtareve brenda tij me familjen dhe raportet familjare\u201d q\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr po i ushqejn\u00eb edhe sot shumic\u00ebn e l\u00ebvizjeve politike me prirje populiste. E ku me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi na shfaqet si imitim i \u2018Pater Familias\u2019 mbi t\u00eb cilin ka r\u00ebn\u00eb barra e drejtimit kolektiv shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, q\u00ebllimi themelor i s\u00eb cil\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb mir\u00ebqenia e jet\u00ebs komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Kurse me an\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij parav\u00ebni ideologjik, l\u00ebvizjet populiste m\u00ebtojn\u00eb t\u2019i konservojn\u00eb relacionet shtyp\u00ebse si n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri ashtu edhe brenda familjes. Sepse, duke e \u00e7imentuar n\u00eb rend social dhe politik ku grave u caktohet vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb rol biologjik dhe familjar gjysma e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtohet nga vendimmarrja e \u00e7doditshme politike, rrjedhimisht p\u00ebrgjysmohet edhe mund\u00ebsia e rezistenc\u00ebs demokratike,\u00a0 nd\u00ebrkaq vet\u00eb grat\u00eb, duke qen\u00eb t\u00eb mbyllura n\u00eb kafazin e jet\u00ebs private, privohen nga kultura e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt e aksionit politik dhe publik p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar dhe demokratizuar edhe gjendjen e tyre n\u00eb familje.<\/p>\n

\u00c7montimi i shtyllave t\u00eb k\u00ebtij sundimi dinak, tregon m\u00eb mir\u00eb as asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pse projekti feminist ka nj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi strategjike n\u00eb kufizimin e potencialeve t\u00eb regjimeve autoritare q\u00eb kan\u00eb lul\u00ebzuar koh\u00ebn e fundit, si dhe mbetet e vetmja mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur perspektivat plurale t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

E p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjeruar imagjinat\u00ebn dhe horizontet e k\u00ebsaj beteje, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e rast\u00ebsishme q\u00eb shum\u00eb nga teoricienet e spikatura t\u00eb mendimit feminist si Luce Irigaray, apo Judith Butler i jan\u00eb rikthyer edhe tragjedive antike. E para n\u00eb nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb punimesh q\u00eb mund t\u00eb gjenden n\u00eb vepr\u00ebn \u201cEthics of Sexual Difference<\/a>\u201d ka treguar se si te Antigona e Sofokliut, mund t\u00eb v\u00ebrehen disa prej impulseve t\u00eb para t\u00eb rebelimit feminist. Madje k\u00ebt\u00eb vep\u00ebr, pohon Luce Irigaray,\u00a0 nuk duhet ta lexojm\u00eb ashtu si\u00e7 e ka interpretuar Hegeli: si konflikt nd\u00ebrmjet dy t\u00eb drejtave, at\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohet nga Kreoni, i cili vendos q\u00eb trupi i vdekur i Polinisit\u00a0 t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb ushqim p\u00ebr korbat duke ia mohuar t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e varrimit, dhe refuzimit t\u00eb Antigon\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u2019iu bindur k\u00ebtij dekreti p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e familjes, sepse si\u00e7 dihet, kufoma ishte v\u00ebllai i heroin\u00ebs tragjike. Por, n\u00eb thesaret e k\u00ebsaj drame gjenden t\u00eb pleksura parimet e revolt\u00ebs s\u00eb \u201cfemintetit kund\u00ebr rregullave t\u00eb etatizmit dhe anti-autoritarzimit\u201d. Ky konflikt q\u00eb u lind nga shp\u00ebrfillja e Antigon\u00ebs ndaj urdhrave t\u00eb Kreonit, m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nga detyrimi p\u00ebr ta mbrojtur t\u00eb \u201cdrejt\u00ebn hyjnore t\u00eb familjes\u201d n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb u \u201cprovokua\u201d nga vendosm\u00ebria e saj, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos i ndjekur verb\u00ebrisht kufizimet legale shtet\u00ebrore t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuara mbi modelin e reprezentimit politik patriarkal. Sepse, me aktin e mosbindjes, Antigona, del nga roli i tradicional i gruas dhe konfrontohet n\u00eb terrenin e jet\u00ebs publike.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, edhe kjo dram\u00eb mbetet inspiruese edhe sot e k\u00ebsaj dite.\u00a0 Mesazhi q\u00eb na e p\u00ebr\u00e7on \u00ebsht\u00eb i qart\u00eb: se vet\u00ebm duke e radikalizuar p\u00ebrpjekjen kund\u00ebr kufijve t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit politik autoritar me sfond patriarkal krijohen kushtet p\u00ebr trajtim t\u00eb barabart\u00eb gjinor dhe p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtim t\u00eb nj\u00eb rendi t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb demokratik.\u00a0 Mbase kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja se pse demokracia dhe feminizmi ndodhen n\u00eb nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebdyzim t\u00eb p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm. Dhe e vetmja alternativ\u00eb p\u00ebr t’iu kund\u00ebrv\u00ebn\u00eb rrezikut q\u00eb paraqesin l\u00ebvizjet bashk\u00ebkohore populiste p\u00ebr vlerat liberale dhe demokratike.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb demokracit\u00eb liberale nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendjen e tyre m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. Ato po sfidohen si brenda nga l\u00ebvizjet populiste dhe anti-pluraliste, ashtu edhe jasht\u00eb nga regjimet autokratike . Sipas studiuesit Larry Diamond ky sistem politik ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb futur n\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje recesioni. Shto k\u00ebtu faktin, se tjet\u00ebrsimi i demokracive sot […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":377,"featured_media":1375,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[721,664,722,695],"ppma_author":[371],"class_list":["post-1373","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-feminism","tag-kosovo","tag-patriarchy","tag-philosophy"],"authors":[{"term_id":371,"user_id":377,"is_guest":0,"slug":"afrim-kasolli","display_name":"Afrim Kasolli","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Kasolli","first_name":"Afrim","description":"Afrim Kasolli ka studiuar Filozofi-Sociologji. Nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka ligj\u00ebruar l\u00ebnd\u00ebn \u201cHyrje n\u00eb Shkencat Politike n\u00eb Kolegjin Victory\u201d. Ka qen\u00eb deputet i Kuvendit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Merret me shkrime dhe ese filozofike. Sfer\u00eb e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e interesit t\u00eb tij \u00ebsht\u00eb filozofia politike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1373","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/377"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1373"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1373\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1378,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1373\/revisions\/1378"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1375"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1373"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1373"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1373"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=1373"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}