Pas konsolidimit t\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb reja n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb, sfida kryesore p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb vet\u00ebm ruajtja e pozicionit n\u00eb dialog, por nd\u00ebrtimi i nj\u00eb strategjie t\u00eb qart\u00eb, proaktive dhe t\u00eb koordinuar nd\u00ebrinstitucionale, q\u00eb e orienton procesin drejt rezultateve konkrete.<\/p>\n
Ve\u00e7se ekziston nj\u00eb parakusht politik p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb K\u00ebshill t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebrgimi i Draft-statutit t\u00eb Asociacionit t\u00eb Komunave me Shumic\u00eb Serbe (AKS) n\u00eb Gjykat\u00eb Kushtetuese. Kosova ka dy rrug\u00eb p\u00ebrpara: t\u00eb koordinohet me aleat\u00ebt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb dhe t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb zgjidhje konkrete, apo ta zgjedh\u00eb bllokimin.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb vend t\u00eb nj\u00eb qasjeje reaktive, Kosova duhet ta p\u00ebrdor\u00eb dialogun si instrument p\u00ebr forcimin e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe avancimin e saj nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, dhe an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi n\u00eb KiE do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb hap jasht\u00ebzakonisht i madh drejt afirmimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n
Kjo strategji duhet t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb tri shtylla kryesore, t\u00eb cilat nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb ndara, por e plot\u00ebsojn\u00eb nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn: integrimi i strukturave paralele, zhvillimi i dialogut social me serb\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs dhe trajtimi i \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb Asociacionit t\u00eb Komunave me Shumic\u00eb Serbe (AKS).<\/p>\n
Fillimisht, integrimi i strukturave paralele n\u00eb veri dhe n\u00eb zonat me shumic\u00eb serbe duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb prioritet i pakthyesh\u00ebm institucional. Kjo nuk duhet par\u00eb vet\u00ebm si \u00e7\u00ebshtje teknike apo administrative, por si nj\u00eb proces politik i integrimit t\u00eb komunitetit serb n\u00eb ombrell\u00ebn institucionale t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, si dhe shtrirjes s\u00eb sovranitetit.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb faz\u00eb, fokusi duhet t\u00eb kthehet drejt arritjes s\u00eb k\u00ebtij q\u00ebllimi p\u00ebrmes zhvillimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb dialogu social t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb me serb\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs. Nj\u00eb qasje e till\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton afrimin gradual me komunitetin, nd\u00ebrtimin e besimit dhe krijimin e kanaleve t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme t\u00eb komunikimit n\u00eb nivelin lokal dhe qendror.<\/p>\n
Kjo k\u00ebrkon angazhim t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm institucional, p\u00ebrfshirje t\u00eb akter\u00ebve lokal\u00eb, si dhe adresimin e shqet\u00ebsimeve t\u00eb p\u00ebrditshme t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve, si: siguria, sh\u00ebrbimet publike, zhvillimi ekonomik dhe hallet e tjera q\u00eb shqet\u00ebsojn\u00eb komunitetin serb.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebrmes komunikimit t\u00eb hapur dhe t\u00eb rregullt, institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs mund t\u00eb zvog\u00eblojn\u00eb hendekun e besimit dhe t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb kushte p\u00ebr integrim m\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm dhe afatgjat\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Dialogu social me serb\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb ndoshta elementi m\u00eb i n\u00ebnvler\u00ebsuar deri m\u00eb tani, por me potencial t\u00eb madh transformues. N\u00eb vend q\u00eb dialogu t\u00eb mbetet ekskluzivisht nj\u00eb proces nd\u00ebrmjet elitave politike n\u00eb Bruksel, Kosova duhet t\u00eb zhvilloj\u00eb nj\u00eb dialog t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb investoj\u00eb n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e besimit me qytetar\u00ebt serb\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Kosova duhet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb nj\u00eb strategji t\u00eb qart\u00eb dhe t\u00eb artikuluar mir\u00eb n\u00eb opinionin publik vendor dhe diplomacin\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb vend t\u00eb refuzimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm, Kosova duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb vijat e kuqe t\u00eb saj, se \u00e7do form\u00eb e AKS-s\u00eb duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me Kushtetut\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs, pa kompetenca ekzekutive q\u00eb cenojn\u00eb funksionalitetin e shtetit.<\/p>\n
Konkretisht, nevojitet zbatim n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb me Serbin\u00eb i Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Ohrit. Fillimisht, duhet k\u00ebrkuar plan t\u00eb zbatimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes t\u00eb pajtuar reciprokisht me Serbin\u00eb. Gjithashtu, duhet t\u2019u kumtohet pal\u00ebve se AKS-ja do t\u00eb jet\u00eb kompromisi final i Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb dialog, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb evitohen kompromise t\u00eb reja.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, Kosova mund t\u00eb propozoj\u00eb nj\u00eb model alternativ q\u00eb adreson shqet\u00ebsimet legjitime t\u00eb komunitetit serb. Ky model mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb forcimin e mekanizmave ekzistues p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb komuniteteve dhe garantimin e nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi m\u00eb efektiv n\u00eb nivelin lokal dhe qendror.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb qasje e till\u00eb e zhvendos debatin nga nj\u00eb proces reaktiv, i dominuar nga presioni nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, n\u00eb qasje proaktive, duke e pozicionuar Kosov\u00ebn si pal\u00eb konstruktive q\u00eb ofron zgjidhje konkrete dhe t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebrfundimisht, Kosova duhet ta shfryt\u00ebzoj\u00eb dialogun si mjet p\u00ebr avancimin e aspiratave t\u00eb saj nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Kjo k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb afrim m\u00eb t\u00eb madh me akter\u00ebt ky\u00e7\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb, por edhe nj\u00eb ndryshim t\u00eb qasjes n\u00eb negociata me Serbin\u00eb, duke qen\u00eb m\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjegjshme, m\u00eb serioze dhe m\u00eb strategjike.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb qasje e till\u00eb do t\u00eb ndikonte pozitivisht, duke nd\u00ebrtuar besim dhe duke krijuar ura bashk\u00ebpunimi p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Pas konsolidimit t\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb reja n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb, sfida kryesore p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb vet\u00ebm ruajtja e pozicionit n\u00eb dialog, por nd\u00ebrtimi i nj\u00eb strategjie t\u00eb qart\u00eb, proaktive dhe t\u00eb koordinuar nd\u00ebrinstitucionale, q\u00eb e orienton procesin drejt rezultateve konkrete. Ve\u00e7se ekziston nj\u00eb parakusht politik p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb K\u00ebshill t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebrgimi i […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":19,"featured_media":14135,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[665,1383,2744,972,624],"ppma_author":[29],"class_list":["post-14134","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-aks","tag-asociacioni","tag-dialogu-social","tag-kosove","tag-kryesore"],"authors":[{"term_id":29,"user_id":19,"is_guest":0,"slug":"seb-bytyci","display_name":"Seb Byty\u00e7i","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1668771566235.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1668771566235.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Byty\u00e7i","first_name":"Seb","description":"Dr. Seb Bytyci ka p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse n\u00eb hulumtim shkencor dhe m\u00ebsimdh\u00ebnie p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy dekada, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb angazhime me University of London\/LSE, University of York, University of Winchester, William College, IPOL Institute, si dhe Police Federation of England and Wales. Ai ka qen\u00eb gjithashtu i p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb avokim praktik dhe ka bashk\u00ebpunuar me organizata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare si OKB, UNDP dhe OSBE.\r\n\r\nSeb ka doktoratur\u00eb (PhD) nga University of York; nj\u00eb Master n\u00eb Administrat\u00eb Publike (MPA) n\u00eb Analiz\u00eb Politikash dhe \u00c7\u00ebshtje Krahasuese & Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare nga Indiana University (Bloomington), si dhe nj\u00eb MES n\u00eb Integrim Evropian dhe Rajonaliz\u00ebm nga University of Graz\/EIPA\/EURAC.\r\n\r\nHulumtimi i tij i doktoratur\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb fokusuar n\u00eb institucionet n\u00eb vende n\u00eb tranzicion, nd\u00ebrsa fushat e tij t\u00eb interesit p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e institucioneve efektive dhe lidershipin, \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e BE-s\u00eb dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, zgjidhjen e konflikteve, shtetin zhvillimor dhe proceset e transformimit shoq\u00ebror."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14134","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/19"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=14134"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14134\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":14136,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14134\/revisions\/14136"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/14135"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=14134"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=14134"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=14134"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=14134"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}