{"id":14192,"date":"2026-04-08T14:09:03","date_gmt":"2026-04-08T12:09:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=14192"},"modified":"2026-04-20T13:25:34","modified_gmt":"2026-04-20T11:25:34","slug":"narrativa-ruse-e-keqperdor-perfundimin-e-mandatit-te-presidentes-per-ta-sulmuar-shtetesine-e-kosoves","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/disinfo\/narrativa-ruse-e-keqperdor-perfundimin-e-mandatit-te-presidentes-per-ta-sulmuar-shtetesine-e-kosoves\/","title":{"rendered":"Narrativa ruse e keqp\u00ebrdor p\u00ebrfundimin e mandatit t\u00eb presidentes p\u00ebr ta sulmuar shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"

P\u00ebrfundimi i mandatit<\/a> t\u00eb presidentes Vjosa Osmani m\u00eb 4 prill ka sh\u00ebrbyer si pik\u00ebnisje p\u00ebr nj\u00eb val\u00eb interpretimesh t\u00eb shtremb\u00ebruara n\u00eb disa kanale mediatike t\u00eb lidhura me rrjete pro-ruse. N\u00eb k\u00ebto p\u00ebrmbajtje, procedura standarde kushtetuese q\u00eb zbatohet pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb mandatit t\u00eb secilit presidente\/es, paraqitet si d\u00ebshmi e \u201cd\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb shtetit\u201d dhe gjoja shkat\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb iluzionit t\u00eb funksionalitetit institucional. Por analiza e fakteve, kontekstit juridik dhe praktik\u00ebs demokratike tregojn\u00eb nj\u00eb realitet krejt\u00ebsisht ndryshe.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb sistemin kushtetues t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, p\u00ebrfundimi i mandatit t\u00eb presidentit nuk krijon vakum institucional. Kushtetuta<\/a> e parasheh qart\u00eb se n\u00eb raste t\u00eb tilla, kompetencat e presidentit kalojn\u00eb p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht te kryetari i Kuvendit. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, kjo detyr\u00eb<\/a> i ka kaluar Albulena Haxhiut, duke garantuar vazhdim\u00ebsin\u00eb institucionale. Ky mekaniz\u00ebm nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtim, por pjes\u00eb e sistemit politik dhe demokratik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebrmes t\u00eb cilit synohet t\u00eb shmanget \u00e7do boshll\u00ebk institucional n\u00eb ushtrimin e pushtetit dhe kompetencave t\u00eb cilat ia p\u00ebrshkruan kushtetuta presidentit\/es.<\/p>\n

Synohet zbehja e besimit n\u00eb institucione <\/strong><\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, ky zhvillim \u00ebsht\u00eb interpretuar ndryshe nga platforma si \u201cPravda<\/a>\u201d n\u00eb versionin shqip dhe kanale t\u00eb lidhura me t\u00eb n\u00eb Telegram, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb @balkanar<\/a>. N\u00eb raportimin e tyre p\u00ebrdoret nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb e ngarkuar ideologjikisht, ku Kosova cil\u00ebsohet si \u201ckuazi-shtet\u201d dhe situata aktuale paraqitet si d\u00ebshmi e nj\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb pa nd\u00ebrhyrjen e Per\u00ebndimit. Kjo qasje p\u00ebrputhet me narrativat e njohura t\u00eb propagand\u00ebs pro-Kremlinit q\u00eb kan\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim delegjitimimin e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe dob\u00ebsimin e besimit n\u00eb institucionet demokratike.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb element ky\u00e7 q\u00eb shp\u00ebrfillet n\u00eb k\u00ebto raportime \u00ebsht\u00eb roli i Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese<\/a> t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs e cila p\u00ebrmes aktgjykimeve t\u00eb saj ka sqaruar disa her\u00eb rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebrpara n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb shmangies s\u00eb bllokadave dhe funksionalizimit t\u00eb insitutucioneve.<\/p>\n

Kushtetuesja edhe n\u00eb aktgjykimin<\/a> e fundit sqaroi procedurat dhe afatet q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ndiqen p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e presidentit t\u00eb ri n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb tejkalimit t\u00eb ng\u00ebr\u00e7it politik. Kushtetuesja e \u00a0p\u00ebrcaktoi se procedura p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e presidentit do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundonte jo m\u00eb von\u00eb se 30 dit\u00eb para p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb mandatit aktual t\u00eb presidentes. Meq\u00eb mandati i Vjosa Osmanit do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundonte m\u00eb 4 prill, presidenti i ri do t\u00eb duhej zgjedhur deri m\u00eb 5 mars.<\/p>\n

Por p\u00ebr shkak se Kuvendi u konstitua tek m\u00eb m\u00eb 11 shkurt, Gjykata Kushtetuese e ka llogaritur afatin 60-ditor nga kjo dat\u00eb. Sipas aktgjykimit, tani Kuvendi ka afat ligjor q\u00eb ta zgjedh\u00eb presidentin deri m\u00eb 28 prill. N\u00ebse d\u00ebshton ta b\u00ebj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, vendi shkon n\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme.<\/p>\n

Vet\u00eb ekzistenca dhe funksionimi i k\u00ebtij mekanizmi d\u00ebshmon p\u00ebr nj\u00eb sistem institucional q\u00eb operon mbi baz\u00ebn kushtetuese e ligjore dhe jo p\u00ebr nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb t\u00eb brisht\u00eb apo t\u00eb paq\u00ebndrueshme si\u00e7 tentohet t\u00eb paraqitet n\u00eb narrativ\u00ebn ruse.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb realitet, sfida aktuale lidhet me munges\u00ebn<\/a> e konsensusit politik n\u00eb Kuvend p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e presidentit t\u00eb ri. Sipas Kushtetut\u00ebs<\/a>, 80 deputet\u00eb duhet t\u00eb marrin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb votimin ku zgjedhet Presidenti, n\u00eb t\u00eb tri raundet e votimit sa zhvillohen gjithsejt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb raundin e par\u00eb dhe t\u00eb dytin k\u00ebrkohen 80 vota p\u00ebr. N\u00eb t\u00eb tretin presidenti zgjedhet me 61 vota pro, por me kushtin q\u00eb n\u00eb votim t\u00eb marrin pjes\u00eb 80 deputet\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Pretendime t\u00eb rrejshme p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrhyrje t\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebve <\/strong><\/p>\n

Element tjet\u00ebr manipulues \u00ebsht\u00eb narrativa q\u00eb pretendon se ambasada e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs dhe Bashkimi Evropian e kontrollojn\u00eb procesin politik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. K\u00ebta aktor\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb deri tash kan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebs dhe k\u00ebshillues duke k\u00ebrkuar institucione funksionale dhe stabilitet p\u00ebr t\u2019i shtyr\u00eb p\u00ebrpara proceset integruese. Por vendimmarrja dhe marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebr presidentin mbetet ekskluzivisht n\u00eb duart e partive politike, duke filluar nga L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje me p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb kryesore politike si subjekti fitues i zgjedhjeve parlamentare t\u00eb 28 dhjetorit t\u00eb vitit t\u00eb kaluar. Deri tash nuk ekzistojn\u00eb prova apo raportime t\u00eb besueshme nga mediume n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb apo jasht\u00eb saj q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesin pretendimet p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrhyrje direkte nga nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebt n\u00eb zgjedhjen e presidentit.<\/p>\n

Vet\u00eb forma dhe gjuha e teksteve t\u00eb publikuara nga k\u00ebto kanale<\/a> ngren\u00eb dyshime p\u00ebr autenticitetin dhe q\u00ebllimin e tyre. Gabimet e shumta drejtshkrimore dhe sintaksore n\u00eb shqip \u2013 si p\u00ebrdorimi i formave t\u00eb pasakta t\u00eb emrave apo p\u00ebrkthime t\u00eb \u00e7uditshme si \u201cFunnysht\u00eb qesharake\u201d \u2013 sugjerojn\u00eb se p\u00ebrmbajtja \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkthyer automatikisht nga gjuh\u00ebt e tjera, nga rusishtja ose anglishtja. Teksti ka edhe disa gabime t\u00eb tjera drejtshkrimore si Hadxhiu\u201d (n\u00eb vend t\u00eb Haxhiu), apo edhe p\u00ebrdorim i \u00e7uditsh\u00ebm i shkronjave t\u00eb m\u00ebdha (\u201cE Kosov\u00ebs\u201d, \u201cT\u00eb Osmanit\u201d).<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb praktik\u00eb e zakonshme n\u00eb rrjetet e dezinformimit, sikurse Pravda, ku p\u00ebrmbajtja prodhohet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb automatike t\u00eb centralizuar dhe e nj\u00ebjta m\u00eb pas shp\u00ebrndahet n\u00eb gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur audienc\u00eb sa m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kanale si @balkanar n\u00eb Telegram funksionojn\u00eb n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebtij ekosistemi, duke p\u00ebrdorur gjuh\u00eb<\/a> sensacionale e fyese, si dhe narrativa destabilizuese p\u00ebr t\u00eb paraqitur Ballkanin si nj\u00eb rajon t\u00eb paq\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb etur p\u00ebr konflikte. P\u00ebrmes k\u00ebtyre p\u00ebrmbajtjeve, synohet krijimi i perceptimit se institucionet demokratike jan\u00eb t\u00eb brishta dhe t\u00eb varura nga aktor\u00eb t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm, duke minuar k\u00ebshtu besimin e qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb sistem.<\/p>\n

Realiteti politik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb kompleks dhe m\u00eb pak dramatik sesa paraqitet. Ng\u00ebr\u00e7i aktual \u00ebsht\u00eb rezultat i dinamikave t\u00eb brendshme politike dhe nevoj\u00ebs p\u00ebr kompromis mes partive politike. Korniza kushtetuese ofron rrug\u00eb t\u00eb qarta p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e situat\u00ebs, qoft\u00eb p\u00ebrmes arritjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje p\u00ebr presidentin e ri apo p\u00ebrmes rikthimit t\u00eb vendimit te qytetar\u00ebt p\u00ebrmes zgjedhjeve t\u00eb reja.<\/p>\n

Ajo q\u00eb paraqitet si \u201cparaliz\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb narrativat propagandistike, n\u00eb fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb proces politik i zakonsh\u00ebm n\u00eb nj\u00eb demokraci funksionale. Institucionet jan\u00eb aktive, procedurat jan\u00eb n\u00eb fuqi dhe mekanizmat p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e krizave ekzistojn\u00eb .<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

P\u00ebrfundimi i mandatit t\u00eb presidentes Vjosa Osmani m\u00eb 4 prill ka sh\u00ebrbyer si pik\u00ebnisje p\u00ebr nj\u00eb val\u00eb interpretimesh t\u00eb shtremb\u00ebruara n\u00eb disa kanale mediatike t\u00eb lidhura me rrjete pro-ruse. N\u00eb k\u00ebto p\u00ebrmbajtje, procedura standarde kushtetuese q\u00eb zbatohet pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb mandatit t\u00eb secilit presidente\/es, paraqitet si d\u00ebshmi e \u201cd\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb shtetit\u201d dhe gjoja shkat\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":18,"featured_media":14193,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[363],"tags":[2577,624,2546,2717],"ppma_author":[28],"class_list":["post-14192","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-disinfo","tag-antidisinfo","tag-kryesore","tag-narrativa","tag-zgjedhja-e-presidentit"],"authors":[{"term_id":28,"user_id":18,"is_guest":0,"slug":"disinfo","display_name":"Disinfo","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Sbunker_FAKE_NEWS_001-min1647858578.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Sbunker_FAKE_NEWS_001-min1647858578.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"","first_name":"Disinfo","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14192","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/18"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=14192"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14192\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":14268,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14192\/revisions\/14268"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/14193"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=14192"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=14192"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=14192"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=14192"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}