Do ta filloj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb diskutim me dy pohime. S\u00eb pari, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr problemeve me sistemin ton\u00eb arsimor dhe mund\u00ebsive t\u00eb kufizuara t\u00eb t\u00eb rinjve dhe profesionist\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb avancuar n\u00eb fushat e tyre p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse, shikuar nga pik\u00ebpamja historike, mund t\u00eb thuhet se shoq\u00ebria kosovare asnj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb nuk ka pasur nj\u00eb sasi e cil\u00ebsi t\u00eb krahasueshme t\u00eb t\u00eb shkolluarve dhe profesionist\u00ebve t\u00eb fushave t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb dijes. Megjithk\u00ebt\u00eb, dhe s\u00eb dyti, mund t\u00eb thuhet se n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb ndjehet nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb e intelektualit. Pra, kemi nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb t\u00eb shkolluarve dhe profesionist\u00ebve t\u00eb trajnuar dhe me p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb n\u00eb fushat e specializimit t\u00eb tyre, por megjithk\u00ebt\u00eb, nuk kemi intelektual\u00eb, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb profesionist\u00eb me p\u00ebrgatitje teorike dhe p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb praktik\u00eb n\u00eb fushat e profesionit t\u00eb tyre q\u00eb e p\u00ebrdorin edhe jasht\u00eb fushave p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse n\u00eb betejat politike p\u00ebr ndonj\u00eb kauz\u00eb publike. Nga vjen kjo kriz\u00eb?<\/p>\n
Vitet e n\u00ebnt\u00ebdhjeta t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb frytshme p\u00ebr intelektual\u00ebt. At\u00ebbot\u00eb, kishim nj\u00eb kauz\u00eb t\u00eb madhe: \u00e7lirimin komb\u00ebtar, q\u00eb linte n\u00eb hije t\u00eb gjitha \u00e7\u00ebshtjet tjera politike e kulturore, si, bie fjala, problemet e identitetit, gruas, shkenc\u00ebs, artit e fes\u00eb. N\u00eb at\u00eb kontekst, intelektuali asociohej me \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e madhe ose universale t\u00eb \u00e7lirimit komb\u00ebtar. N\u00eb mesin e intelektual\u00ebve t\u00eb till\u00eb u shquan Ukshin Hoti, Fehmi Agani, Ibrahim Rugova, Rexhep Qosja, e tjer\u00eb. Kjo shpjegon, pjes\u00ebrisht, edhe p\u00ebrse sot nuk ka intelektual\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb. Sot, meqen\u00ebse nuk ka nj\u00eb kauz\u00eb universale q\u00eb mund t\u00eb l\u00eb n\u00eb hije \u00e7\u00ebshtjet tjera q\u00eb ziejn\u00eb n\u00eb kazanin shoq\u00ebror, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb mjedis i frytsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr intelektual\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb universal. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, e t\u00ebra \u00e7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb shpresojm\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto rrethana jan\u00eb intervenime nga specialist\u00eb t\u00eb fushave t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta q\u00eb do t\u00eb zhvillojn\u00eb betejat lokale n\u00eb fushat specifike t\u00eb specializimit t\u00eb tyre. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, p\u00ebrpjekja e dikujt p\u00ebr t\u2019u imponuar si intelektual universal, dmth q\u00eb flet n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve ose t\u00eb nj\u00eb kauze t\u00eb madhe, \u00ebsht\u00eb e pashpres\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Para k\u00ebsaj periudhe, n\u00eb sistemin monist jugosllav, intelektuali ishte n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb ideologjis\u00eb zyrtare titiste q\u00eb nuk e duronte pluralizmin. Pretendohej se teoria marksiste e materializmit historik kishte zbuluar ligjin e dinamik\u00ebs shoq\u00ebrore e politike dhe se ky narrativ i madh q\u00eb kaplonte n\u00eb shpjegimin e tij ombrell\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb problemet kulturore e politike, intelektual\u00ebt ideolog\u00eb q\u00eb e promovonin at\u00eb i vishte me nj\u00eb siguri shkencore. Natyrisht, me r\u00ebnien e k\u00ebtij narrativi t\u00eb madh, intelektual\u00ebt u zhvesh\u00ebn nga kjo siguri dhe, k\u00ebsisoj, edhe inteligjencia e till\u00eb ra.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb post-komuniste dhe pas pushtimit serb, instancat apo hap\u00ebsirat ku krijohet dija dhe m\u00ebsohen t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetat jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb shumta dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb diversifikuara: universiteti, forumet qytetare, institutet hulumtuese, mediat, platformat n\u00eb internet, botuesit e librave, forumet dhe kompanit\u00eb e prodhimit artistik, shoqatat, strukturat politike, etj. Mir\u00ebpo, p\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, politika mbizot\u00ebron t\u00eb tjerat dhe i z\u00eb frym\u00ebn shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile dhe diskurseve q\u00eb krijohen e mund t\u00eb krijohen n\u00eb to. Ajo imponohet me arroganc\u00eb si autoriteti m\u00eb i lart\u00eb i dijes edhe fal\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs q\u00eb i japin mediat. Por, n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb emancipuar, politika nuk mundet me qen\u00eb e autoritet i dijes. Ajo, p\u00ebr nga natyra e saj, si fush\u00eb e veprimit dhe jo e mendimit, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00eb ku, n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb dhe mbi t\u00eb gjitha, nuk synohet arritja tek e v\u00ebrteta n\u00eb vete dhe p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb saj, por synohen t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetat q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb veprimit pragmatik dhe q\u00eb, mbi t\u00eb gjitha, sigurojn\u00eb rritjen dhe forcimin e fuqis\u00eb politike.<\/p>\n
Si ilustrim jo tipik, por, gjithsesi, si rrjedhoj\u00eb e logjikshme e tendenc\u00ebs mbizot\u00ebruese t\u00eb diskursit politik, shohim se \u00e7far\u00eb ka ndodhur prej se pushteti ka pretenduar autorizime mbikushtetuese gjat\u00eb pandemis\u00eb s\u00eb Covidit: n\u00eb gjendjen e jasht\u00ebzakonshme t\u00eb pandemis\u00eb, pushteti q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb mbi ligjin, ndaloi arsimin, kultur\u00ebn, fen\u00eb, sportin e arg\u00ebtimin: shkollat e universitetet, teatrot e muzet\u00eb, galerit\u00eb e panairat e librit, festivalet e koncertet, kishat e xhamiat. Pushteti e lejoji vet\u00ebm politik\u00ebn dhe \u201cz\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebsit\u201d e saj, televizionet: u nd\u00ebrruan qeverit\u00eb, u b\u00ebn\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjet \u201chistorike” dhe n\u00eb televizion u analizuan zhvillimet politike ps kurrfafr\u00eb kufizimi. Me nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb, pushteti mbylli shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb qytetare dhe e forcoi shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb politike. Nuk do mend, se n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb tilla, autorititet i dijes priret t\u00eb dominohet nga politika q\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb tep\u00ebr ngushton hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn p\u00ebr instancat tjera ku krijohet dhe p\u00ebrhapet dija.<\/p>\n
Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, kemi nj\u00eb kategori t\u00eb re q\u00eb duke u sh\u00ebrbyer me mund\u00ebsit\u00eb q\u00eb i ofron pluralizmi medial, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht televizioni e interneti, synon t\u00eb imponohet si autoritet i dijes, por pa pasur p\u00ebrgatitje profesionale p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb. T\u00eb till\u00ebt jan\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajrit \u201canalist\u00eb\u201d a \u201copinionist\u00eb\u201d q\u00eb ftohen n\u00eb debate televizive dhe shkruajn\u00eb kolumne n\u00eb portale a gazeta elektronike. Problemi me \u201canalizat\u201d e tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb se, n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, nuk jan\u00eb analiza, por opinione. N\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb lir\u00eb e t\u00eb hapur, t\u00eb drejt\u00eb n\u00eb opinion ka \u00e7dokush, por amplifikimi q\u00eb media (televizioni, sidomos) ia mund\u00ebson opinioneve t\u00eb tyre, n\u00eb d\u00ebm t\u00eb opinioneve t\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve, \u00ebsht\u00eb abuzim me pushtetin medial. Pse duhet q\u00eb opinion i dikujt t\u00eb paraqitet si m\u00eb meritor t\u00eb shprehet n\u00eb televizion se i t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve?!<\/p>\n
Rrjedhimisht, ajo \u00e7far\u00eb rezulton nga kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb opinion publik, dmth q\u00eb vjen\u00a0nga\u00a0<\/em>publiku, por opinione (q\u00eb kushedi se nga burojn\u00eb) q\u00eb servohen e imponohen\u00a0n\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>publik me fuqin\u00eb e mediave. Pra, \u00ebsht\u00eb manipulim me opinionin publik. Tjet\u00ebr gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse ato me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb kishin me qen\u00eb analiza t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb studime t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillta dhe t\u00eb formuara nga njohuri specialist\u00ebsh. I pap\u00ebrfillsh\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb numri i atyre analist\u00ebve n\u00eb studiot e debateve televizive q\u00eb ftohen aty sepse kan\u00eb njohuri t\u00eb thella p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb flasin, ose n\u00eb saj\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitjes s\u00eb tyre profesionale ose n\u00eb saj\u00eb t\u00eb studimeve a hulumtimeve q\u00eb i kan\u00eb kryer p\u00ebr ato \u00e7\u00ebshtje.<\/p>\n P\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbledhur, intelektuali \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kriz\u00eb. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, kemi politikan\u00ebt q\u00eb imponohen si autoritete t\u00eb dijes, duke dominuar dhe ngushtuar hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e burimeve alternative t\u00eb dijes nga shoq\u00ebria civile, si dhe t\u00eb ashtuquajturit \u201canalist\u00eb\u201d q\u00eb n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitjes teorike ose p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebs, ose t\u00eb dyjave bashk\u00eb, pretendojn\u00eb t\u00eb kryejn\u00eb pun\u00ebn e intelektualit. Mir\u00ebpo, mungesa e kompetenc\u00ebs shkencore teorike dhe praktik\u00ebs profesionale, q\u00eb kishin me qen\u00eb themele p\u00ebr krijimin e pik\u00ebpamjeve t\u00eb reja racionale, plot\u00ebsohet me paragjykime e q\u00ebndrimet emocionale q\u00eb n\u00eb televizion artikulohen si gjykime dhe dikotomi n\u00eb mes \u201cheronjve\u201d e \u201ctradh\u00ebtar\u00ebve\u201d, \u201cpro-amerikan\u00ebve\u201d e \u201cantiamerikan\u00ebve\u201d e t\u00eb ngjashme.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Do ta filloj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb diskutim me dy pohime. S\u00eb pari, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr problemeve me sistemin ton\u00eb arsimor dhe mund\u00ebsive t\u00eb kufizuara t\u00eb t\u00eb rinjve dhe profesionist\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb avancuar n\u00eb fushat e tyre p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse, shikuar nga pik\u00ebpamja historike, mund t\u00eb thuhet se shoq\u00ebria kosovare asnj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb nuk ka pasur nj\u00eb sasi e cil\u00ebsi t\u00eb krahasueshme […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":196,"featured_media":1421,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[680,732,701],"ppma_author":[700],"class_list":["post-1420","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-education","tag-policy","tag-yugoslavia"],"authors":[{"term_id":700,"user_id":196,"is_guest":0,"slug":"gezim-selaci","display_name":"G\u00ebzim Selaci","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/1-1-e1728652765257.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/1-1-e1728652765257.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Selaci","first_name":"G\u00ebzim","description":"G\u00ebzimi Selaci \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Departamentin e Sociologjis\u00eb n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Ka studiuar Sociologji dhe Teori politike n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb, Lond\u00ebr dhe Budapest. Specializimi i tij ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me legjitimimin e pushtetit dhe nd\u00ebrtimin e shtetit. Interesimi i tij p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrohet tek politika dhe pushteti n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri nga perspektiva nd\u00ebrdisiplinore dhe shtrihet tek t\u00eb kuptuarit e pranimit\/mospranimit t\u00eb autoritetit, dinamik\u00ebs s\u00eb identiteteve kolektive, si dhe aktivizmit politik."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1420","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/196"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1420"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1420\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1422,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1420\/revisions\/1422"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1421"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1420"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1420"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1420"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=1420"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}