{"id":14272,"date":"2026-04-21T13:51:29","date_gmt":"2026-04-21T11:51:29","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=14272"},"modified":"2026-04-23T11:02:05","modified_gmt":"2026-04-23T09:02:05","slug":"zgjedhjet-lokale-ne-serbi-tjeter-fitore-e-pirros-per-vuciqin-dhe-sns-ne","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/opinion\/zgjedhjet-lokale-ne-serbi-tjeter-fitore-e-pirros-per-vuciqin-dhe-sns-ne\/","title":{"rendered":"Local Elections in Serbia: Another Pyrrhic Victory for Vucic and the SNS"},"content":{"rendered":"

After retaining<\/a> power in two municipalities in 2025 (Zajecar and Kosjeric), the new elections on March 29, 2026, in 10 local self-government units presented a new test for the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), but also for the student movement, which this time decided to change strategy.<\/p>\n

To step up their efforts and challenge the SNS regime, the students decided to run in the elections, under the \u201cStudents in Blockade<\/em>\u201d List, or different groups of youth and citizens with official support from the \u201cStudents in Blockade<\/em>\u201d, undergoing a major transformation from street-level protests and activism to active political participation.<\/p>\n

Unlike traditional political parties, they based their strategy on the grassroots level, conducting door-to-door campaigns in rural areas under the initiative \u201cTalk with a student<\/em>,\u201d and collecting signatures of support from citizens in advance.<\/p>\n

On the other hand, for the SNS, these elections were a fight for survival, and the party used every tool at its disposal, as expected. The campaign was marked by reports of intimidation, pressure on voters, vote-buying, the involvement of state officials, and several incidents of violence.<\/p>\n

Preliminary results show that the student movement failed to win any of the 10 municipalities. However, the elections point to a shifting political landscape, with students emerging as a rising force and the SNS seeing a gradual decline in support.<\/p>\n

The SNS continues a downward trend in its vote share <\/strong><\/h3>\n

Although the SNS managed to win all 10 municipalities, the results point to a decline in support. The SNS\u2019s vote share decreased in 8 out of 10 municipalities.<\/p>\n

The most significant drop was observed in Knjazevac<\/strong>, where support declined by approximately 20% compared to the previous elections.<\/p>\n

For instance, in Arandjelovac<\/strong>, Bor<\/strong>, and Kula<\/strong>, the SNS secured only narrow victories, further indicating an erosion of its electoral base:<\/p>\n

In Arandjelovac<\/strong>, the SNS-led coalition won 50.12%, while Students for Arandjelovac secured 46.08%. Students will hold 20 seats, compared to 21 for the SNS and its partners, making them the strongest single political group in the local assembly.<\/p>\n

In Bor<\/strong>, the SNS-led coalition won 48.08%, while the student-backed opposition list secured 39.76%. Additionally, in Kula<\/strong>, the difference was only under 2% (about 400 votes), with 49.49% for the SNS and 47.5% for the opposition.<\/p>\n

It should be noted that these are smaller, more suburban municipalities that have traditionally leaned toward SNS, where ruling parties previously secured between 60% and 80% of the vote.<\/p>\n

According to the Centre for Research, Transparency and Accountability (CRTA<\/a>), the election campaign environment was highly polarized and marked by heightened tensions.<\/p>\n

Observers, activists, and journalists were attacked by armed thugs while mass voting, vote-buying, violence near polling stations, and parallel voter lists contributed to the assessment<\/a> that the elections were unfair.<\/p>\n

CRTA also noted systemic weaknesses in election administration, questioned the authenticity of voter lists, including \u201cfake lists\u201d allegedly aimed at confusing opposition voters, and pointed to authorities\u2019 dominance, misuse of public resources, and the failure of institutions, including police and the electoral commission to respond to irregularities and criminal activity.<\/p>\n

Technically, the elections were free, but by no means fair. Given the tight government control, propaganda, and intimidation tactics, the student movement\u2019s results are more than respectable.<\/p>\n

The Student Movement Levels Up Its Game<\/strong><\/h3>\n

The student movement appears to have consolidated its political support, moving closer to becoming a significant political actor, with an estimated 30% to 50% vote share across the municipalities where elections were held.<\/p>\n

Although a public opinion poll<\/a> published in March ahead of the elections placed the \u201cStudents in Blockade List<\/em>\u201d at around 24% nationally, they managed to increase their support and achieve strong results in the local elections.<\/p>\n

These outcomes suggest that the student movement is emerging as a credible alternative to an increasingly authoritarian government and offers Serbia a potential path back toward democratic governance.<\/p>\n

Although the SNS and Vucic emerged victorious, this was, as in the 2025 local elections, a Pyrrhic victory that signals a clear downward trend for the ruling party that can no longer be ignored.<\/p>\n

Simultaneously, the student movement has made Serbian elections more competitive, a dynamic not seen in years, and concern over potential general elections continues to grow within the party leadership.<\/p>\n

The March 29, 2026, local elections confirmed a dual reality in Serbia. SNS retained control in all ten municipalities, but with declining vote shares and narrower margins. Meanwhile, the student movement emerged as a credible and competitive political actor, achieving strong results in an uneven electoral environment.<\/p>\n

Taken together with 2025, the results point to increasingly competitive politics, with SNS maintaining power through Pyrrhic victories while the opposition continues to strengthen.<\/p>\n

It remains uncertain how long this trajectory can be sustained, but the 2025 and 2026 election patterns suggest that the ruling party\u2019s political dominance is gradually weakening.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Pas ruajtjes s\u00eb pushtetit m\u00eb 2025 n\u00eb dy komuna (Zaje\u00e7ar dhe Kosjeriq), zgjedhjet e reja n\u00eb dhjet\u00eb nj\u00ebsi vet\u00ebqeveris\u00ebse, t\u00eb mbajtura m\u00eb 29 mars 2025, paraqit\u00ebn nj\u00eb test t\u00eb ri p\u00ebr Partin\u00eb Progresiste Serbe (SNS), por gjithashtu edhe p\u00ebr l\u00ebvizjen studentore, e cila k\u00ebt\u00eb her\u00eb vendosi t\u00eb ndryshonte strategji. P\u00ebr t\u2019i shtuar p\u00ebrpjekjet e tyre […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":15,"featured_media":14021,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[624,2633,971,2568],"ppma_author":[25],"class_list":["post-14272","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-kryesore","tag-levizja-studentore","tag-serbi","tag-zgjedhje"],"authors":[{"term_id":25,"user_id":15,"is_guest":0,"slug":"milos-pavkovic","display_name":"Milo\u0161 Pavkovi\u0107","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/MP_cropped-150x150-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/MP_cropped-150x150-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Pavkovi\u0107","first_name":"Milo\u0161","description":"Milo\u0161 Pavkovi\u0107 \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shkenc\u00ebtar politik me specializim n\u00eb rajonin e Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore, politik\u00ebn krahasuese, regjimet hibride dhe politik\u00ebn e BE-s\u00eb. Studimet bachelor dhe master p\u00ebr shkenca politike i kreu n\u00eb Universitetin e Beogradit. Ai kaloi nj\u00eb vit n\u00eb Universitetin e Grazit si student n\u00eb Erasmus dhe mbrojti tez\u00ebn e magjistratur\u00ebs (De)konsolidimi i shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb kontekstin e negociatave bashk\u00ebkohore nd\u00ebrmjet Qeverive t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs* dhe Serbis\u00eb. Ai kreu masterin e dyt\u00eb n\u00eb shkencat politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Evrop\u00ebs Qendrore (CEU). Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebautor i publikimit Elementet kryesore t\u00eb nevojshme p\u00ebr p\u00ebrparimin n\u00eb normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. Milo\u0161 aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb i pun\u00ebsuar si studiues n\u00eb Qendr\u00ebn e Politikave Evropiane (CEP), Beograd dhe sh\u00ebrben si Ambasador i Ri i Evrop\u00ebs n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14272","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/15"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=14272"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14272\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":14277,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14272\/revisions\/14277"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/14021"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=14272"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=14272"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=14272"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=14272"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}