{"id":1575,"date":"2020-08-15T14:55:09","date_gmt":"2020-08-15T13:55:09","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=1575"},"modified":"2023-12-18T15:11:22","modified_gmt":"2023-12-18T14:11:22","slug":"ne-kerkim-te-shtigjeve","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/ne-kerkim-te-shtigjeve\/","title":{"rendered":"N\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb shtigjeve"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Intervist\u00eb me politikanin dhe filozofin Arb\u00ebn Xhaferi<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Arb\u00ebn Xhaferi \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr figurat m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb fundshekullit t\u00eb XX, n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn shqiptare. Ai ishte nd\u00ebr mendimtar\u00ebt m\u00eb serioz n\u00eb artikulimin e lirive dhe t\u00eb drejtave qytetare p\u00ebr popullin shqiptar. Bot\u00ebkuptimet e tij mbi t\u00eb drejtat politike dhe komb\u00ebtare vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb mbesin si nj\u00eb traktat politik p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb shqiptare. Mendimi i tij p\u00ebr\/mbi politik\u00ebn si fundament kishte filozofin\u00eb, kurse si q\u00ebllim kishte emancipimin kulturor dhe politik t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. Figura e tij rrezatonte nj\u00eb urt\u00ebsi antike, kurse mendimet e tij p\u00ebrve\u00e7 q\u00eb ishin thell\u00ebsisht filozofike, ishin edhe rikonfigurim i frym\u00ebs iluministe rilindase.<\/p>\n

Arb\u00ebn Xhaferi vdiq m\u00eb 15.08.2012, dhe n\u00eb shenj\u00eb p\u00ebrkujtimi kemi vendosur q\u00eb ta ribotojm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb intervist\u00eb t\u00eb tij, dh\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb 12.12.2009, e q\u00eb mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu ende i p\u00ebrgjigjen aktualitetit social e politik n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin po jetojm\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Dritan DRAGUSHA: Si\u00a0e p\u00ebrkufizoni shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb shqiptare dhe gjendjen n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ndodhet sot kjo shoq\u00ebri?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Arb\u00ebn XHAFERI:<\/strong>\u00a0N\u00eb pozit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb sesa q\u00eb meritojm\u00eb. Mendojm\u00eb se jemi t\u00eb bashkuar, por kur fillojm\u00eb t\u2019i num\u00ebrojm\u00eb argumentet q\u00eb e mb\u00ebshtesin k\u00ebt\u00eb pohim, nisin problemet. Sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb q\u00eb fitojm\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb dhe kushte p\u00ebr vet\u00ebp\u00ebrkufizim, p\u00ebr liri t\u00eb veprimit politik, p\u00ebr shprehje t\u00eb lir\u00eb t\u00eb mendimit, hapen dilemat rreth identitetit komb\u00ebtar, rreth p\u00ebrkufizimit t\u00eb rolit t\u00eb religjionit brenda nj\u00eb formacioni shekullar shoq\u00ebror ose rreth modaliteteve t\u00eb zhvillimit t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb etj.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha hap\u00ebsirat shqiptare ka ndodhur p\u00ebrmbysja e sistemit\u00a0parak t\u00eb vlerave me t\u00eb cilin ishim t\u00eb m\u00ebsuar t\u00eb jetonim, t\u00eb vepronim, t\u00eb dallonim t\u00eb keqen ose t\u00eb mir\u00ebn. Ky sistem i vlerave ishte mapa jon\u00eb orientuese p\u00ebr vler\u00ebsime mohuese ose pohuese, si n\u00eb politik\u00eb, ashtu edhe n\u00eb jet\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrmbysja e sistemit t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr dhe vonesa e krijimit t\u00eb sistemit t\u00eb ri krijoi huti q\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb shans p\u00ebr egocentrik\u00ebt ta pushtojn\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e zbrazur. Ata e pushtuan at\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb, por pa ofert\u00eb p\u00ebr zgjidhje t\u00eb problemeve. Mungesa e ofert\u00ebs reale u z\u00ebvend\u00ebsua me retorik\u00eb njollos\u00ebse, me fyerje t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtarit, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht nxirrosjen e t\u00eb bardh\u00ebs dhe jo me zbardhjen e t\u00eb zez\u00ebs. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb loj\u00eb t\u00eb skualifikimit t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtarit potencial merrnin pjes\u00eb ata q\u00eb s\u2019kishin \u00e7ka t\u00eb humbnin, nd\u00ebrkaq ata q\u00eb kishin ofert\u00eb filluan t\u00eb zbrapsen. Koha e re kishte nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00a0 njer\u00ebz t\u00eb rinj, t\u00eb vendosur, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt imponoheshin me arroganc\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, n\u00eb hap\u00ebsirat shqiptare e reja, liria e t\u00eb shprehurit u shfaq si liri nga skrupullat morale, si liri e njollosjes. Kjo risi ishte e pakuptueshme p\u00ebr moralin e shumic\u00ebs, por ishte shans\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb paedukuarit. Ky proces i pushtimit t\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs s\u00eb liruar rezultoi me eliminim t\u00eb shtres\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme, jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb politik\u00eb, por edhe n\u00eb kultur\u00eb, sport etj. Asnj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri nuk mund t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb pa shtres\u00ebn e mesme q\u00eb krijon kushte p\u00ebr komunikim t\u00eb\u00a0 elit\u00ebs me mas\u00ebn. Brenda nat\u00ebs politika u b\u00eb mjet i vet\u00ebm, transponder q\u00eb qytetarin, dikur t\u00eb margjinalizuar e katapultoi n\u00eb orbit\u00ebn e re. N\u00eb situat\u00ebn e re\u00a0 me politik\u00eb merreshin ata q\u00eb mendonin se politika \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj prostitucioni, ku \u00e7dokush \u00e7dok\u00eb e tradhton. Pushtimi brutal i hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs s\u00eb politik\u00ebs, si kudo tjet\u00ebr, rezultoi me rr\u00ebnimin e standardeve morale, intelektuale, komb\u00ebtare dhe t\u00eb tjera qytet\u00ebruese. P\u00ebrnj\u00ebher\u00eb demokracia shp\u00ebrtheu dy lloj barrierash, ndalesash: at\u00eb t\u00eb jashtmem q\u00eb kishte krijuar sistemi jugosllav dhe t\u00eb brendshmen q\u00eb kishte nd\u00ebrtuar nacionalizmi shqiptar\u00ebt: as jugosllav\u00ebt nuk mund ta ndalonin t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn demokratike t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve p\u00ebr shprehje t\u00eb lir\u00eb t\u00eb mendimit, por as shqiptar\u00ebt diversitetin e bindjeve brenda shoq\u00ebrive shqiptare.<\/p>\n

Heqja e k\u00ebtyre barrierave, zbuloi realitetet e ndrydhura, k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb u hap dhe u legalizua shtegu p\u00ebr t\u00eb pacip\u00ebt, p\u00ebr relativizim t\u00eb idealeve, personazheve, kontributeve etj.<\/p>\n

Demokracia n\u00eb hap\u00ebsirat tona dep\u00ebrtoi, jo si ide q\u00eb buron nga pjekuria politike e nj\u00eb elite intelektuale q\u00eb konstaton se demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb forma m\u00eb produktive e legjitimimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb popullit, por si nj\u00eb trend antikomunist. Por, problemi i k\u00ebsaj politike ishte jo vet\u00ebm vonesa historike, por edhe shp\u00ebrputhja n\u00eb mes p\u00ebrvojave politike t\u00eb dy entiteve kryesore, t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb komuniste dhe Kosov\u00ebs nacionaliste dhe antikomuniste. Mir\u00ebpo, k\u00ebtu nuk p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb paradokset.\u00a0Nacionalizmi i shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb viset jasht atdheut i shtynte ata q\u00eb ta urrejn\u00eb regjimin e moderuar komunist jugosllav dhe ta adhurojn\u00eb regjimin komunist radikal t\u00eb Enver Hoxh\u00ebs. K\u00ebto procese komplikohen\u00a0 me humbjen, diskreditimin e komunizmit si ideologji. K\u00ebta faktor\u00eb psikologjik\u00eb krijuan huti, por, megjithat\u00eb u kap\u00ebrcyen leht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb politik\u00eb mohimi shpesh her\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shum\u00eb e leht\u00eb e pushtimit t\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs politike sesa pohimi ose nd\u00ebrtimi i nj\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb ri vlerash. N\u00eb hap\u00ebsirat shqiptare shum\u00eb shpejt\u00eb u qart\u00ebsua vler\u00ebsimi se \u00e7ka nuk d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb, por, p\u00ebrkufizimi i \u00a0prioriteteve, i interesave, i vlerave u b\u00eb problem i madh.<\/p>\n

Dritan DRAGUSHA: A jemi shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb po e kalojm\u00eb tranzicionin, apo nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri n\u00eb tranzicion t\u00eb p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Arb\u00ebn XHAFERI:<\/strong>\u00a0Ky nocion \u00a0nuk i p\u00ebrket vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb periudhe historike, por e t\u00ebr\u00eb historia e njerzimit \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb thelb nj\u00eb tranzicion, nj\u00eb p\u00ebrsosje e qenieve t\u00eb ndryshme, q\u00eb vazhdimisht u adaptohen kushteve t\u00eb reja, q\u00eb me nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb quhet mbijetes\u00eb. Si\u00e7 dihet edhe evolucioni \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj i tranzicionit, por q\u00eb zgjat shum\u00eb, prandaj edhe nuk v\u00ebrehet. T\u00eb gjitha krijesat jan\u00eb n\u00eb tranzicion t\u00eb p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm. Te krijesat e vet\u00ebdijshme procesit t\u00eb tranzicionit i n\u00ebnshtrohen edhe idet\u00eb, konceptet, ose th\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb figurative mapa orientuese.<\/p>\n

Shoq\u00ebria shqiptare ka nj\u00eb veti t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb t\u00eb mbijetes\u00ebs, q\u00eb buron nga pozita \u00a0gjeografike, kapacitet njer\u00ebzore, \u00a0kodi etik,\u00a0 sensi p\u00ebr realiz\u00ebm, bindjet e tyre fetare etj. Nga nj\u00eb varg vetish\u00eb komb\u00ebtare, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst socio-politik te shqiptar\u00ebt dominon sensi p\u00ebr realiz\u00ebm, p\u00ebr pragmatiz\u00ebm, madje edhe p\u00ebr tranzicion t\u00eb projektuar. Bie fjala, shum\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb, n\u00eb mesin e tyre edhe t\u00eb atill\u00eb q\u00eb vazhdimisht kan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb prova p\u00ebr veprimtari atdhetare, nuk kan\u00eb hezituar q\u00eb t\u00eb marrin pasaporta t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb q\u00eb l\u00ebshohen nga nj\u00eb zyr\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore paralele serbe n\u00eb Gra\u00e7anic\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Krahas sensit p\u00ebr kompromise pragmatike dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohshme, shqiptar\u00ebt kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb shtr\u00ebnguar t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb vazhdimisht\u00a0 kompromise, gjithnj\u00eb n\u00eb favor t\u00eb mbijetes\u00ebs. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb shkolla e mbijetes\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb populli t\u00eb vog\u00ebl, t\u00eb destinuar p\u00ebr zhdukje. Fal\u00eb sensit p\u00ebr realiz\u00ebm, shqiptar\u00ebt kan\u00eb arritur t\u00eb mbijetojn\u00eb. Ata, edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb faz\u00eb t\u00eb tranzicionit dramatik zbuluan rrug\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb sigurt t\u00eb mbijetes\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb ngadh\u00ebnjimit.<\/p>\n

Konfiguracioni gjeografik, nd\u00ebrthuarrja e strukturave malore me ato fushore ka ndikuar q\u00eb evakuimi nga zonat kriz\u00ebs, ku dep\u00ebrtonin vandal\u00ebt aziatik\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet shpejt edhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb efikase. Brenda disa or\u00ebve ata, nga zonat e rrezikshme kalonin n\u00eb vende t\u00eb sigurta malore. Nga kjo periudh\u00eb kohore buron misteri i prejardhjes s\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve. Ata her\u00eb dukeshin her\u00eb zhdukeshin nga skena historike. Ky mister shpjegohet me strategjin\u00eb efikase t\u00eb mbijetes\u00ebs: n\u00eb koh\u00eb paqe zbritnin nga malet, nd\u00ebrkaq n\u00eb situata t\u00eb rrezikut t\u00ebrhiqeshin n\u00eb vendbanimet malore.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto rrethana ndikuan q\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt t\u00eb mbijetojn\u00eb, por edhe t\u00eb shk\u00ebputen nga rrjedhat e ndryshme historike, t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb kodin e tyre t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb etik,\u00a0 ta mbrojn\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn, traditat e tyre si dhe lidhjet e forta emotive me habitusin jet\u00ebsor. K\u00ebshtu ndodhi edhe n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e fundit. Fal\u00eb k\u00ebtyre vetive, shqiptar\u00ebt rradhiten n\u00eb list\u00ebn e popujve t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr q\u00eb arrit\u00ebn ta ruajn\u00eb origjin\u00ebn dhe vlerat e tyre.<\/p>\n

Luft\u00ebrat e vazhdueshme me ardhacak\u00ebt ndikuan q\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt t\u00eb vetizolohen dhe deridiku t\u00eb shk\u00ebputen nga rrjedhat historike. Ata q\u00eb mbeteshin n\u00eb zona urbane jepnin kontrubute t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb sistemeve t\u00eb huaja sunduese, duke filluar nga periudha e romak\u00ebve, bizantin\u00ebve, otoman\u00ebve dhe s\u00eb fundi, sllav\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebta faktor\u00eb ndikuan q\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt t\u00eb konservojn\u00eb mend\u00ebsin\u00eb antike q\u00eb manifestohej si percepcion shqisor i fenomeneve shoq\u00ebrore. Bie fjala p\u00ebr nj\u00eb banor t\u00eb polisit koncepti i atdheut ishte vendlindja, territori ku jetonin njer\u00ebzit e af\u00ebrt, horizonti q\u00eb kapnin syt\u00eb dhe vesh\u00ebt. Mend\u00ebsia e at\u00ebhershme krijoi modelin e shtetit qytet, polisin. Nj\u00eb mend\u00ebsi e k\u00ebtill\u00eb fragmentarizon nocionet, vlerat dhe standardet. Kjo v\u00ebrehet n\u00eb \u00e7do sfer\u00eb t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, n\u00eb trg\u00ebti, ushtri, arsim, kultur\u00eb, ose bie fjala n\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimin e standardit gjuh\u00ebsor. N\u00eb sistemet e k\u00ebtilla t\u00eb rudhura edhe standardet jan\u00eb t\u00eb atilla. N\u00eb fush\u00ebn e p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb gjuh\u00ebs, n\u00eb polisin antik, ashtu si edhe feudin mesjetar p\u00ebrdorej dialekti lokal, ngaq\u00eb at\u00eb e kuptonin t\u00eb gjith\u00eb pjestar\u00ebt e nj\u00eb formacionit t\u00eb k\u00ebtill\u00eb shoq\u00ebror. Vet\u00ebm kur bashkohen poliset dhe feudet n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet, shfaqet nevoja e krijimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb gjuhe standarde q\u00eb leht\u00ebson komunikimin nd\u00ebrmjet qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti. Keqkuptimet q\u00eb aktualisht krijohen nga ana e disa kritikuesve lidhur\u00a0 me p\u00ebrdorimin e gjuh\u00ebs standarde shqipe burojn\u00eb \u00a0nga kjo mend\u00ebsi, kushtimisht ta quaj antike. Ne ende kemi mend\u00ebsin\u00eb e polisit, ndon\u00ebse urt\u00ebsia popullore e lufton k\u00ebt\u00eb dob\u00ebsi. \u201c Prish sht\u00ebpi b\u00ebn hajat\u201d, thot\u00eb populli . N\u00eb koh\u00ebt e sotme kjo porosi do t\u00eb vlente p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb mundohen ta prishin shtetin dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebto g\u00ebrmadha t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb parti.<\/p>\n

Marr\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi ne ende jemi t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb me disa procese tranzicionale, n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha segmentet shoq\u00ebrore, por ato duhet kuptuar si p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Dritan DRAGUSHA:\u00a0Qytetaria e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shqiptare a \u00ebsht\u00eb si rezultat i nd\u00ebrhyrjeve t\u00eb elitave politike apo elitat politike jan\u00eb si rezultat i nd\u00ebrhyrjeve qytetare t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Arb\u00ebn XHAFERI:<\/strong>\u00a0Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb proces nd\u00ebrveprues dhe i nd\u00ebrvarur. N\u00eb var\u00ebsi nga rrethanat ndodh\u00eb q\u00eb elita e nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebson popullin, por edhe t\u00eb atilla kur populli e nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebson elit\u00ebn. As elita nuk mundet pa popullin, as populli pa elit\u00ebn. Por, shpeshher\u00eb ndodh\u00eb q\u00eb elita e huaj t\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00eb me nj\u00eb popull q\u00eb ka mbetur pa udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs, qoft\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb inferioritetit intelektual, moral apo t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb natyrave t\u00eb ndryshme. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dimension \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb arrihet barazpesha.<\/p>\n

Para krijimit t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb, para nxjerrjes s\u00eb konventave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, sundimi, udh\u00ebheqja me popujt tjer\u00eb b\u00ebhej p\u00ebrmes detyrimit, p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb forc\u00ebs. N\u00eb koh\u00ebt e sotme, suspendimi i elitave t\u00eb nj\u00eb populli tjet\u00ebr arrihet p\u00ebrmes projekteve globale ideologjike, t\u00eb majta apo t\u00eb djathta, financiare apo fetare. K\u00ebto projekte globale kan\u00eb nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, integrimin, ose integralizmin, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht suspendimin e projekteve vendore q\u00eb hartohen prej faktor\u00ebve q\u00eb konsiderohen si nacionalist\u00eb.<\/p>\n

\u00c7do projekt integralist, ideologjik apo fetar synon suspendimin e kapaciteteve nacionaliste t\u00eb nj\u00eb populli. Prandaj globalist\u00ebt, kozmopolit\u00ebt, mondialist\u00ebt, integralist\u00ebt, universalist\u00ebt vazhdimisht i kritikojn\u00eb lokalist\u00ebt, forcat nacionaliste q\u00eb synojn\u00eb t\u2019i ruajn\u00eb interesat e nj\u00eb populli dhe me k\u00ebt\u00eb b\u00ebhen penges\u00eb p\u00ebr korporatat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Kritika mund t\u00eb kontestoj\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt konkret, por ajo b\u00ebhet rr\u00ebnuese, eliminuese kur sistematikisht kritikon nj\u00eb opsion dhe afirmon tjetrin, bie fjala nacionalizmi shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb paradigm\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikimeve n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri,\u00a0 nd\u00ebrkaq multi-etnizmi si formul\u00eb mjekuese.<\/p>\n

Dritan DRAGUSHA: Ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr bashkimin e shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet dhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb edhe Ju keni dh\u00ebn\u00eb mendimin tuaj. Mir\u00ebpo, m\u00eb intereson t\u00eb dij\u00eb sipas Jush, si mund t\u00eb realizohet\u00a0ky bashkim?\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Arb\u00ebn XHAFERI:<\/strong>\u00a0Para se t\u00eb shtrohet pyetja, kat\u00ebr\u00e7ip\u00ebrisht legjitime, lidhur me realizimin e nj\u00eb ideali t\u00eb nj\u00eb populli t\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00eb me veten, duhet t\u00eb shtrohet nj\u00eb pyetje tjet\u00ebr: mbi \u00e7\u2019baza nj\u00eb popull fiton t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e sundimit mbi nj\u00eb popull tjet\u00ebr, mbi \u00e7\u2019parime ai fiton t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb vendos\u00eb raporte t\u00eb pabarabarta etnike n\u00eb sistem, me \u00e7ka mund t\u00eb arsyetohet politika brenda nj\u00eb sistemi q\u00eb e stimulon nj\u00eb kulture dhe ngulfat kultur\u00ebn e nj\u00eb populli tjet\u00ebr…? Pyetje t\u00eb k\u00ebtilla ka me qindra, mir\u00ebpo e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta e tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyetimi i\u00a0 agresivitetit, hegjemonis\u00eb, eksploatimit. \u00cbsht\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb klim\u00eb e \u00e7uditshme politike, morale dhe intelektuale ku m\u00eb leht\u00eb argumentohet e drejta e nj\u00eb populli p\u00ebr sundim, p\u00ebr hegjemoni sesa e drejta e njeriut p\u00ebr mbrojtje dhe trajtim t\u00eb barabart\u00eb.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjith\u00eb faktor\u00ebt sot flasin me nj\u00eb paragjykim pozitiv p\u00ebr begatin\u00eb e sistemit multietnik shoq\u00ebror duke mos v\u00ebrejtur se n\u00eb k\u00ebto sisteme legalisht vendosen raporte koloniale, eksploatuese ku perspektiva e nj\u00eb populli mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb eksploatimin e popullit tjet\u00ebr. Kjo v\u00ebrtetohet fare leht\u00eb n\u00ebse analizohet shfryt\u00ebzimi i buxhetit, investimet rajonale sidomos financimi i zhvillimit kulturor. Multietnizmi, multikultura, diversiteti jan\u00eb fjal\u00eb t\u00eb popullarizuara, eufemizma q\u00eb fshehin nj\u00eb realitet t\u00eb hidhur: shfryt\u00ebzimin e nj\u00eb grupi etnik prej nj\u00eb grupi tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb vepron si hegjemon.<\/p>\n

Sociolog\u00ebt shum\u00eb her\u00ebt kan\u00eb konstatuar se pabarazia n\u00eb shtetet shum\u00eb-etnike shkakton joluajalitetin e nj\u00eb grupi etnik ndaj sistemit. Pra, kur shteti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj lojal ndaj nj\u00eb segmenti t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve, me automatiz\u00ebm prodhon joluajalitetin e atij segmenti ndaj shtetit.<\/p>\n

Sociolog\u00ebt modern\u00eb konstatojn\u00eb se shtetet mund t\u00eb funksionojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm po qe se i plot\u00ebsojn\u00eb tre kushte elementare:<\/p>\n

a) kohezionin e brendsh\u00ebm;
\nb) mir\u00ebqenien ekonomike dhe
\nc) demokracin\u00eb liberale.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse nuk ekziston barazia n\u00eb sistem rr\u00ebnohet kushti i par\u00eb i kohezionit. Pa t\u00eb shteti nuk mund t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjitha shtetet moderne per\u00ebndimore kan\u00eb marr\u00eb parasysh ndikimin e k\u00ebtyre faktor\u00ebve, prandaj kan\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb varg modelesh p\u00ebr ta parandaluar kriz\u00ebn. K\u00ebto modele ofrojn\u00eb barazi n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb konceptit p\u00ebr autonomi politiko-territoriale, federat\u00eb(jo territoriale ose territoriale), konfederat\u00eb dhe n\u00ebse as kjo nuk ndihmon zbatohet modeli i fundit-secesioni, ndarja. Ky proces gjithkund ndodh\u00eb k\u00ebshtu, n\u00ebse\u00a0 popujt kan\u00eb vet\u00ebdije komb\u00ebtare. N\u00ebse nuk kan\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb aktivizohet mekanizmi i dor\u00ebzimit, asimilimi.<\/p>\n

Iden\u00eb e shteteve etnike natyrisht q\u00eb nuk kam sajuar un\u00eb, por kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrvoja historike q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb marr\u00eb nga popujt m\u00eb t\u00eb qytet\u00ebruar per\u00ebndimor\u00eb. N\u00eb Evrop\u00eb konfliktet nd\u00ebretnike jan\u00eb qet\u00ebsuar vet\u00ebm pas zgjidhjes s\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve nd\u00ebretnike mbi baza q\u00eb p\u00ebrmend\u00ebm. Aty ku nuk jan\u00eb zgjidhur k\u00ebto \u00e7\u00ebshtje ka f\u00ebrkime, pa marr\u00eb parasysh sa jan\u00eb t\u00eb qytet\u00ebruara ato shtete. E kam fjal\u00ebn te bask\u00ebt dhe te irlandez\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

\u00c7\u00ebshtja shqiptare kudo q\u00eb ajo funksionon si \u00e7\u00ebshtje mund t\u00eb zgjidhet me arsye. Asnj\u00eb popull nuk do t\u00eb heq\u00eb dor\u00eb nga nj\u00eb pozit\u00eb eksploatuese n\u00ebse ajo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e kushtueshme. N\u00ebse p\u00ebrmes rezistenc\u00ebs eksploatimi do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet i shtrenjt\u00eb i kushtuesh\u00ebm at\u00ebher\u00eb vet\u00eb populli hegjemon k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb gjej\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00ebdalje t\u00eb arsyeshme.<\/p>\n

Tani p\u00ebr tani jemi n\u00eb konfuzion retorik. Flitet p\u00ebr multietnizmin, p\u00ebr ta fshehur eksploatimin kolonial. Kur fjal\u00ebt do ta fitojn\u00eb dometh\u00ebnien e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, kur eksploatimi do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet i kushtuesh\u00ebm, problemet e k\u00ebsaj natyre vetvetiu zgjidhen, pa drama t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. K\u00ebto \u00e7\u00ebshtje b\u00ebhen dramatike p\u00ebr shkak se nj\u00eb interes transparent pengon zhvillimin e\u00a0 nj\u00eb interes t\u00eb fshehur…<\/p>\n

Dritan DRAGUSHA: A jemi ne shqiptar\u00ebt determinues n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb bashkim apo, ky bashkim duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhet n\u00eb koordinim\/pajtueshm\u00ebri me\u00a0fuqit aktuale dominante n\u00eb bot\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Arb\u00ebn XHAFERI: Filozof\u00ebt e m\u00ebdhenj, prej Platonit e deri te Hegeli e kan\u00eb trajtuar historin\u00eb si nj\u00eb proces eskatologjik (me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb caktuar), si nj\u00eb proces tendencioz q\u00eb l\u00ebviz drejt nj\u00eb q\u00ebllimi t\u00eb pashmangsh\u00ebm…Pas konstatimit se n\u00eb veprat fetare, ka shum\u00eb \u00e7ka t\u00eb pasakt\u00eb u krijua nj\u00eb atmosfer\u00eb depresive, q\u00eb e shkaktoi humbjen e besimit te librat e shenjt\u00eb. Ky d\u00ebshp\u00ebrim u theksua sidomos n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e humanizmit dhe renesanc\u00ebs. Humbja e besimit n\u00eb zot\u00ebra u z\u00ebvend\u00ebsua me k\u00ebrkimin e besimit te idet\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrta dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb prekshme. Nga k\u00ebto dilema dhe k\u00ebrkime, njeriu e asaj kohe shp\u00ebtimin e gjeti te nacionalizmi, te vlera q\u00eb i jepte kohezionin e duhur nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie. Por jo vet\u00ebm kohezionin por edhe motivin p\u00ebr veprim, p\u00ebr zhvillim kulturor, p\u00ebr arsimim, p\u00ebr rezultate n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha fushat e jet\u00ebs. K\u00ebshtu \u00e7do nacionaliz\u00ebm kishte eskatonin, q\u00ebllimin e vet t\u00eb vet\u00ebdij\u00ebsuar. Popujt q\u00eb e kuptuan k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00eb her\u00ebt, arrit\u00ebn pa probleme t\u2019i krijojn\u00eb shtetet e tyre nacionale. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb periudh\u00eb historike nacionalizmi kishte mision fisnik q\u00eb e p\u00ebrshpejtonte procesin e zhvillimit dhe t\u00eb emancipimit. Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj euforie \u00ebsht\u00eb ruajtur sot n\u00eb garat sportive. Fituesit, brenda nat\u00ebs b\u00ebhen heronj p\u00ebr gjith\u00eb popullin. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb energji nd\u00ebrtohet identiteti i nj\u00eb populli, por, nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht edhe imazhi i tij pozitiv. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e ditur, prandaj aty ku nj\u00eb popull dominon n\u00eb p\u00ebrqindje dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht \u00ebsht\u00eb i eksploatuar nga nj\u00eb popull tjet\u00ebr, zgjidhjen duhet gjetur te vet\u00ebvendosja. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb receta qytet\u00ebruese q\u00eb pengon st\u00ebrkeqjen, konfliktin nd\u00ebretnik brenda nj\u00eb shteti. Ky epilog \u00ebsht\u00eb i paevituesh\u00ebm kudo, por ekziston megjithat\u00eb nj\u00eb dallim esencial. Popujt e qytet\u00ebruar i zgjidhin k\u00ebto telashe me marr\u00ebveshje, nd\u00ebrkaq t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt me dhun\u00eb. H\u00ebp\u00ebrh\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb zhvillohen procese mbi baza racionale (ndarja e shteteve skandinaveze, \u00e7eko-sllovake), apo iracionale, pambarimisht t\u00eb dhunshme( lufta palestineze- izraelite, rasti rus i zgjidhjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb konflikti nd\u00ebr etnik, rasti \u00e7e\u00e7en).<\/p>\n

Popujt q\u00eb din\u00eb fsheht\u00ebsit\u00eb e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb shtetit shum\u00eb shpejt shpikin variantin efikas p\u00ebr parandalim t\u00eb eksploatimit kolonial, ose t\u00eb asimilimit kulturor. Projektin q\u00eb i ka k\u00ebto q\u00ebllime e b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb kushtuesh\u00ebm, e ngrisin n\u00eb nivel t\u00eb kolapsit ekonomik. Sociologu francez Franc Fanoni, n\u00eb librin e tij \u201cT\u00eb p\u00ebrbuzurit e bot\u00ebs\u201d e shpjegon k\u00ebt\u00eb proces deri n\u00eb detaje duke marr\u00eb parasysh luft\u00ebn e popullit algjerian p\u00ebr \u00e7lirim.<\/p>\n

Dritan DRAGUSHA: N\u00ebse bashkimi komb\u00ebtar nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb problem nga nd\u00ebrhyrjet\u00a0e jashtme at\u00ebher\u00eb, ky (mos)bashkim a \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb vullnetin e elitave politike shqiptare?\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Arb\u00ebn XHAFERI:<\/strong>\u00a0Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0 \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb mund t\u00eb zgjidhet vet\u00ebm fal\u00eb vullnetit t\u00eb elitave ose t\u00eb popullit, por \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt kompleks q\u00eb n\u00eb vete p\u00ebrmban elemente t\u00eb etik\u00ebs, idealizmit, motivimit, kapacitetit etnik, ekonomik, njohurive ushtarake, imazhit n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare etj.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu ka nj\u00eb shpjegim q\u00eb s\u00ebrish e afirmon nacionalizmin. Popujt q\u00eb me koh\u00eb e kan\u00eb ngritur nacionalizmin n\u00eb nivel ideologjik, por edhe dogmatik kan\u00eb formuar argumentimin p\u00ebr hegjemoni dhe zgjerim, pushtim territoresh. K\u00ebt\u00eb e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb mbi kurriz t\u00eb popujve q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb pasur k\u00ebt\u00eb vet\u00ebdije ose k\u00ebt\u00eb apologji t\u00eb kauz\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre komb\u00ebtare. Kjo apologji e hegjemonizmit zakonisht b\u00ebhet me argumente t\u00eb sofistikuara q\u00eb i shenjt\u00ebrojn\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebmat, namin dhe rolin gjith\u00eb historik t\u00eb nj\u00eb populli. Kufijt\u00eb e nj\u00eb populli b\u00ebhen kufij t\u00eb papreksh\u00ebm sikur t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb vendosura nga vet\u00eb Zoti. K\u00ebto shenjt\u00ebrime b\u00ebhen si me argumente religjioze ashtu edhe kulturore, ekonomike etj. Sa m\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb jan\u00eb shtetet aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb rritet gryk\u00ebsia e tyre. Bie fjala pretendimet e Rusis\u00eb q\u00eb Polin e Veriut ta trajtoj\u00eb si pjes\u00eb t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb u mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb pad\u00ebgjuar deri m\u00eb sot: relievi n\u00ebnujor i Polit t\u00eb Veriut qenka vazhdim\u00ebsi e relievit tok\u00ebsor rus.<\/p>\n

Nacionalizmi d\u00ebnohet vet\u00ebm te popujt e vegj\u00ebl kur edhe ata, t\u00eb pafuqish\u00ebm \u00a0synojn\u00eb ta p\u00ebrdorin at\u00eb si argument p\u00ebr \u00e7lirim dhe p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje. At\u00ebher\u00eb marrin hov eufemizmat, multi-kultura, e drejta p\u00ebr diversitet etj. K\u00ebto maska eufemike mund t\u00eb \u00e7irren vet\u00ebm me nj\u00eb eksperiment t\u00eb vog\u00ebl hipotetik garues: cili popull brenda nj\u00eb shteti multietnik do t\u00eb jepte t\u00eb drejta m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha popullit tjet\u00ebr konkurrues. N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt dh\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb drejta t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta t\u00eb gjitha komuniteteve, nd\u00ebrkaq serb\u00ebve pak m\u00eb shum\u00eb. Jam i bindur se edhe shqiptar\u00ebt e Maqedonis\u00eb do t\u00eb jepnin shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb drejta maqedonasve sesa ata u ofrojn\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Vet\u00ebm kur haptas bisedohet p\u00ebr k\u00ebto gj\u00ebra kuptohen relacionet e pabarabarta n\u00eb sistem.<\/p>\n

Dritan DRAGUSHA: Sipas Jush, ku q\u00ebndron dallimi n\u00eb mes shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shqiptare dhe asaj per\u00ebndimore?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Arb\u00ebn XHAFERI:<\/strong>\u00a0P\u00ebrgjigja m\u00eb e drejt\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte: kudo dhe askund. N\u00ebse shikojm\u00eb n\u00eb detaj dallimet jan\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, por n\u00ebse e analizojm\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb del q\u00eb jemi nj\u00ebsoj, por n\u00eb nj\u00eb stad shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt t\u00eb zhvillimit shoq\u00ebror.<\/p>\n

Lidhur me k\u00ebt\u00eb pyetje duhet marr\u00eb parasysh se shoq\u00ebria shqiptare \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb konglomerat faktor\u00ebsh q\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb sistemit t\u00eb tyre t\u00eb vlerave funksionojn\u00eb n\u00eb harmoni. E kam parasysh faktorin fetar. \u00c7do shtet funksional nd\u00ebrton rr\u00ebfimin p\u00ebr baballar\u00ebt e kombit, q\u00eb si Odiseu, pas shum\u00eb peripecish arrin n\u00eb cak, n\u00eb Itak\u00eb. Edhe populli shqiptar\u00eb i ka baballar\u00ebt e vet: rilind\u00ebsit komb\u00ebtar\u00eb q\u00eb, pa marr\u00eb parasysh ndasit\u00eb fetare arrit\u00ebn bashk\u00ebrisht t\u2019i tejkalojn\u00eb paragjykimet dhe ta krijojn\u00eb shtetitin e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt. Kjo d\u00ebshmon se t\u00eb gjith\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt kan\u00eb pasur dhe e kan\u00eb eskatonin oksidental. Politikani shqiptar, Spartak Ngjela me shum\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb konstatoi se n\u00eb plejad\u00ebn e atdhetar\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb, p\u00ebr kah orientimi properendimor shquhen dy emra: Faik Konica dhe Ismail Kadareja. Q\u00eb t\u00eb dy t\u00eb lindur n\u00eb familje myslimane.<\/p>\n

Vetia kryesore perendimore e shqiptar\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb senzibiliteti p\u00ebr identitet komb\u00ebtar q\u00eb ka ngadh\u00ebnjyer mbi identitetet tjera. Sa p\u00ebr ilustrim do t\u00eb p\u00ebrmendja faktin se arab\u00ebt nuk kan\u00eb senzibiletet p\u00ebr identitetin etnik. N\u00eb fjalorin e tyre nuk ekziston fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb ve\u00e7ori. Ashtu si te arb\u00ebt, edhe n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e sundimit osman popujt ndaheshin n\u00eb krishter\u00eb dhe mysliman\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Dritan DRAGUSHA:\u00a0Sa e vet\u00ebdijshme \u00ebsht\u00eb shoq\u00ebria shqiptare n\u00eb raport me rrjedhat globale?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Arb\u00ebn XHAFERI:<\/strong>\u00a0Tash p\u00ebr tash njohurit\u00eb jan\u00eb provinciale n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha segmentet. Por, megjithat\u00eb kemi nj\u00eb fat q\u00eb, besoj se do t\u2019i korrigjoj\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha dob\u00ebsit\u00eb: kureshtjen dhe vitaliteti rinor. Mosha e re e popullat\u00ebs vetvetiu do t\u2019i korrigjoj\u00eb mang\u00ebsit\u00eb e tjera. Ky faktor \u00ebsht\u00eb biologjik\u00a0 dhe jo ideologjik. Nuk kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me njer\u00ebz q\u00eb kan\u00eb koncepte t\u00eb vjetruara, t\u00eb konservuara, por me t\u00eb rinj q\u00eb mund t\u00eb kompensojn\u00eb humbjet n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e kaluar, me t\u00eb rinj q\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb l\u00ebvizje t\u00eb gjitha mekanizmat e ndryshkura.<\/p>\n

Por, duhet pasur parasysh faktin q\u00eb rinia e nj\u00eb populli mund t\u00eb vihet kund\u00ebr vetvetes. Ata mund t\u00eb instrumentalizohen p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime t\u00eb tjera, kriminale, fetare, politike etj.<\/p>\n

Populli shqiptar n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi ka qen\u00eb i p\u00ebrjashtuar nga rrjedhat e reja, shpeshher\u00eb jan\u00eb vet\u00ebngujuar n\u00eb dimensionin folklorik, n\u00eb adete ataviste,\u00a0 t\u00eb trash\u00ebguara\u00a0 pa distanc\u00eb nga e\u00a0 kaluara, n\u00eb koncepte fetare q\u00eb vijn\u00eb ndesh me standardet qytet\u00ebruese evropiane, vazhdimisht n\u00eb dilem\u00eb ku takojn\u00eb dhe ku do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb. K\u00ebto dilema \u00a0jan\u00eb t\u00eb kota, por, megjithat\u00eb krijojn\u00eb dilema molis\u00ebse,\u00a0 dualizma t\u00eb paarsyeshme dhe shterje t\u00eb kapaciteteve..<\/p>\n

Dritan DRAGUSHA: \u00c7ka mendoni, si e perceptojn\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt nd\u00ebrveprimin global? A e percptojn\u00eb vet\u00ebn si pjes\u00eb inherente t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj gjendje apo si nj\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00eb sfer\u00ebs dhe interesave t\u00eb tyre?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Arb\u00ebn XHAFERI:<\/strong>\u00a0Jo vet\u00ebm shqiptar\u00ebt, por edhe shum\u00eb popuj t\u00eb tjer\u00eb globalizmin e kundrojn\u00eb nga aspekti hedonist, si pjes\u00ebmarrje n\u00eb k\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi. Por, duhet t\u00eb merret parasysh se nuk globalizohet vet\u00ebm e mira, e bukura, informacioni, vlerat dhe ofertat e tjera, por, pa dyshim, me nj\u00eb rit\u00ebm t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtuar edhe t\u00eb k\u00ebqijat, prostitucioni, krimi i organizuar, p\u00ebrdorimi i drog\u00ebs, s\u00ebmundjet… N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb nivel t\u00eb nd\u00ebrveprimit asnj\u00eb popull nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb imun ndaj ndikimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre faktor\u00ebve dhe vlerave q\u00eb rrezatojn\u00eb, dep\u00ebrtojn\u00eb p\u00ebrtej mburojave mikrostrukturore nacionale dhe kulturore. K\u00ebto ndikime jan\u00eb sidomos t\u00eb rrezikshme p\u00ebr atun\u00eb ton\u00eb, rinin\u00eb. Vet\u00ebm produkcioni vendor i vlerave mund t\u00eb pengoj\u00eb zgjerimin dhe ndikimin kulturor t\u00eb popujve global\u00eb. \u00c7do globaliz\u00ebm brenda nj\u00eb afati t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr do t\u00eb ballafaqohet me rezistenc\u00ebn e vlerave vendore dhe ekzistojn\u00eb gjasa t\u00eb m\u00ebdha q\u00eb ta humb\u00eb betej\u00ebn me sfid\u00ebn lokale.<\/p>\n

Globalizmi nuk mund t\u00eb parandalohet n\u00eb planin global, por mund t\u00eb luftohet me sukses n\u00eb planin lokal.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Intervist\u00eb me politikanin dhe filozofin Arb\u00ebn Xhaferi Arb\u00ebn Xhaferi \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr figurat m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb fundshekullit t\u00eb XX, n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn shqiptare. Ai ishte nd\u00ebr mendimtar\u00ebt m\u00eb serioz n\u00eb artikulimin e lirive dhe t\u00eb drejtave qytetare p\u00ebr popullin shqiptar. Bot\u00ebkuptimet e tij mbi t\u00eb drejtat politike dhe komb\u00ebtare vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb mbesin si nj\u00eb traktat […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":266,"featured_media":1577,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[775,774,695],"ppma_author":[733],"class_list":["post-1575","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-arben-xhaferi","tag-interview","tag-philosophy"],"authors":[{"term_id":733,"user_id":266,"is_guest":0,"slug":"dritan-dragusha","display_name":"Dritan Dragusha","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/dritan.webp","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/dritan.webp"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Dragusha","first_name":"Dritan","description":"Dritan Dragusha \u00ebsht\u00eb i diplomuar n\u00eb filozofi, n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Dritani \u00ebsht\u00eb i fokusuar n\u00eb teori t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs dhe gjithashtu n\u00eb let\u00ebrsi, kinema dhe muzik\u00eb. Po ashtu, merret edhe me gazetari. \u00cbsht\u00eb kolumnist i rregullt n\u00eb platform\u00ebn online \"sbunker.net\". Ka qen\u00eb edhe m\u00ebsimdh\u00ebn\u00ebs i filozofis\u00eb dhe etik\u00ebs n\u00eb \"The British School Kosova\". Bashkautor n\u00eb projektin kulturor televiziv \"Filozofema\", n\u00eb Radio Televizionin e Kosov\u00ebs. Aktualisht Dritani \u00ebsht\u00eb autor dhe moderator i emisionit \"Prizma\", n\u00eb televizionin T7."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1575","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/266"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1575"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1575\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1576,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1575\/revisions\/1576"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1577"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1575"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1575"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1575"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=1575"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}