{"id":2466,"date":"2020-09-10T13:05:41","date_gmt":"2020-09-10T11:05:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=2466"},"modified":"2024-10-15T13:06:59","modified_gmt":"2024-10-15T11:06:59","slug":"kthim-ne-te-ardhmen-e-demokracise","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/kthim-ne-te-ardhmen-e-demokracise\/","title":{"rendered":"Kthim n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen (e demokracis\u00eb)"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em>K\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi autoritar nga Kina mund t\u00eb ndihmoj\u00eb n\u00eb ringjalljen e besimit tone n\u00eb demokraci, por kjo nuk do t\u00eb mjaftoj\u00eb n\u00ebse liberal\u00ebt nuk e fitojn\u00eb betej\u00ebn e imagjinat\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb prej tipareve themelore t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs s\u00eb njeriut \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mos i \u00e7moj\u00eb gj\u00ebrat q\u00eb tashm\u00eb i ka n\u00eb duar dhe q\u00eb i merr p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebqena &#8211; si dhe t\u2019i romantizoj\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat kur t\u00eb mos i ket\u00eb m\u00eb. Vet\u00ebm pasi t\u00eb jemi d\u00ebrmuar n\u00eb krevat nga temperatura fillojm\u00eb ta \u00e7mojm\u00eb sistemin ton\u00eb imunitar dhe t\u2019i kujtojm\u00eb me mall ato dit\u00ebt normale kur nuk na shkon m\u00ebndja te sh\u00ebndeti.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb dinamik\u00eb e ngjashme \u00ebsht\u00eb duke ndodhur n\u00eb Europ\u00eb me qasjen ton\u00eb kolektive ndaj demokracis\u00eb dhe institucioneve mund\u00ebsuese t\u00eb saj si NATO dhe BE. Kjo pako e vlerave dhe institucioneve ka qen\u00eb ekuivalenti i sistemit imunitar t\u00eb bot\u00ebs demokratike, duke e mund\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb paprecedent\u00eb t\u00eb paqes dhe p\u00ebrparimit transatlantik, por pa u v\u00ebn\u00eb re fort nga njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb jet\u00ebt e tyre t\u00eb p\u00ebrditshme.<\/p>\n<p>Periudha e regresit demokratik e dekad\u00ebs s\u00eb shkuar na d\u00ebshmoi se k\u00ebto shtylla po tunden nga forca joliberale, reaksionare dhe revizioniste \u2013 nj\u00eb miks i regjimeve t\u00eb huaja autoritare, ose ekstremeve t\u00eb majta dhe t\u00eb djathta.<\/p>\n<p>Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb reaksioni ndaj konsensusit liberal t\u00eb periudh\u00ebs post-1989 ishte i pashmangsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb d\u00ebshtimeve, si dhe lavjer\u00ebsit normal historik, ajo q\u00eb ishte paksa befasuese n\u00eb shum\u00eb shtete, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn Q\u00ebndrore dhe Lindore (EQL), ishte mungesa e zellit t\u00eb treguar n\u00eb mbrojtjen e vlerave liberale dhe demokratike, p\u00ebrtej grupeve t\u00eb caktuara elitare.<\/p>\n<p>Shum\u00eb teori jan\u00eb zhvilluar mbi pyetjen se p\u00ebrse demokracia (ose s\u00eb paku versioni liberal i saj) po p\u00ebrballet me rebelimin e masave. Disa v\u00ebn\u00eb theksin te reaksioni i atyre q\u00eb dol\u00ebn ekonomikisht humb\u00ebs nga globalizimi dhe tranzicioni politik. T\u00eb tjer\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb theksin te rikthimi i shqet\u00ebsimeve identitare ose te rritja e shteteve autoritare q\u00eb i eksportuan vlerat e tyre. Disa t\u00eb tjer\u00eb tani thon\u00eb se e kishim gabim q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim kur u mendua se shp\u00ebrndarja e demokracis\u00eb liberale ishte e pashmangshme, dhe se n\u00eb fakt ekzistenca e saj n\u00eb per\u00ebndim mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/drodrik.scholar.harvard.edu\/files\/dani-rodrik\/files\/the_political_economy_of_liberal_democracy_ej.pdf\">nj\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtim i rrall\u00eb dhe jo rregull historiki<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Megjithat\u00eb, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb ky\u00e7e e problemit duket t\u00eb ket\u00eb qen\u00eb vet\u00eb bindja e fituar se me demokracin\u00eb liberale e kemi arritur nj\u00ebfar\u00eb pik\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimtare linare n\u00eb histori \u2013 nj\u00eb moment rehatie q\u00eb e kufizoi imagjinat\u00ebn politike liberale dhe aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb frym\u00ebzuar. N\u00eb\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.the-american-interest.com\/2020\/05\/07\/in-search-of-lost-time-2\/\">nj\u00eb prej eseve m\u00eb t\u00eb mira<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb \u201cperiudh\u00ebs s\u00eb karantin\u00ebs\u201d, Peter Pomerantsev shkroi me at\u00eb se si n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e \u201cfundit t\u00eb historis\u00eb\u201d, mungesa e di\u00e7kaje p\u00ebr ta synuar efektivisht n\u00ebnkuptoi fundosjen e ides\u00eb s\u00eb progresit \u2013 se\u00a0<em>\u201ce vetmja politik\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb pa t\u00eb ardhme dhe t\u00eb rrafsh\u00ebt \u00ebsht\u00eb politika nostalgjike, nd\u00ebrsa neve na mbetet t\u00eb zgjedhim nostalgjin\u00eb ton\u00eb.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Atrofia dhe pasiguria bot\u00ebrore e imagjinat\u00ebs liberale i l\u00ebshoi terren forcave reaksionare q\u00eb pan\u00eb drejt s\u00eb shkuar\u00ebs. Shumica e projekteve politike q\u00eb po e minojn\u00eb demokracin\u00eb jan\u00eb \u2013 nga Putini te Erdogani te Orbani \u2013 jan\u00eb projekte p\u00ebr ta restauruar nj\u00eb krenari t\u00eb l\u00ebnduar komb\u00ebte, nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigje kjo ndaj asaj q\u00eb Krastev dhe Holmes\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.journalofdemocracy.org\/articles\/explaining-eastern-europe-imitation-and-its-discontents-2\/\">e konsiderojn\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0si ndjesi t\u00eb turp\u00ebrimit nga d\u00ebshtimet p\u00ebr ta imituar per\u00ebndimin.<\/p>\n<p>T\u00eb zhveshura nga imazhi i tyre i dikursh\u00ebm romantik, idealet liberale u b\u00ebn\u00eb psikikisht jop\u00ebrmbush\u00ebse, madje edhe t\u00eb m\u00ebrzitshme, n\u00eb momentin q\u00eb pap\u00ebrkryeshm\u00ebrit\u00eb e tyr\u00eb u b\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb dukshme. Por problem edhe m\u00eb i madh p\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb se ato d\u00ebshtuan t\u00eb ofrojn\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje praktike ndaj shqet\u00ebsimeve kryesore t\u00eb forcave p\u00ebrparimtare, si pabarazia apo ndryshimet klimatike. Disa t\u00eb majt\u00eb tani jan\u00eb t\u00eb bindur se k\u00ebto synime mund t\u00eb arrihen m\u00eb efektivisht duke luftuar kund\u00ebr strukturave t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb \u2013 perj kapitalizmit e deri te patriarkati \u2013 p\u00ebrmes mjeteve joliberale.<\/p>\n<p>Humbja e betej\u00ebs s\u00eb imagjinat\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen nga ana e liberal\u00ebve u reflektua bot\u00ebrisht, p\u00ebrfshi edhe n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn Lindore, ku tashm\u00eb shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz po shikojn\u00eb prapa dhe\/ose po bien pre e cinizmit t\u00eb regjimeve hegjemonike dhe autoritare t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs dhe Rusis\u00eb. K\u00ebto t\u00eb fundit ia dol\u00ebn t\u00eb mbesin n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm gjat\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb prezantohen si modele alternative, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb po b\u00ebhen gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb agresive n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb manipuluar me pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsit\u00eb tona me demokracin\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb anket\u00eb e koh\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit nga Instituti Republikan Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar tregon se n\u00eb rajone t\u00eb brishta si Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor, shumica t\u00eb brishta t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve vazhdojn\u00eb ta shohin demokracin\u00eb si system t\u00eb parap\u00eblqyer t\u00eb qeverisjes (ndon\u00ebse mbetet e paqart se sa prej tyre mendojnj\u00eb nj\u00eblloj p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb liberale). Megjithat\u00eb, popullariteti vazhdimisht i lart\u00eb i shteteve autoritare si Kina, Rusia dhe Turqia, si dhe ndikimi i tyre n\u00eb rritje, jep arsye p\u00ebr t\u2019u shqet\u00ebsuar.<\/p>\n<p>Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb beteja p\u00ebr parimet dhe institucionet liberale tashm\u00eb nuk po mund t\u00eb frym\u00ebzohet nga nj\u00eb vision i fuqish\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen, i nj\u00ebjti rezultat ironikisht do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb arrrihet nga frika dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi prej altenrativave edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb err\u00ebta autoritare.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb disa shtete tashm\u00eb ka filluar edhe kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigja ndaj rrymave jolberale, teksa erozioni i t\u00eb drejtave nga lider\u00ebt autoritar\u00eb s\u00ebrish prodhon pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi, dhe hipokrizia e qeverisjes s\u00eb tyre b\u00ebhet e dukshme me kalimin e koh\u00ebs. Por duke<\/p>\n<p>Rritja e Kin\u00ebs autoritare n\u00eb status t\u00eb superfuqis\u00eb po shoq\u00ebrohet me ankth t\u00eb madh, n\u00ebse jo edhe aq shum\u00eb n\u00eb demokoracit\u00eb n\u00eb zhvillim ku Kina ka sjell\u00eb investime, at\u00ebher\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn n\u00eb disa qendra t\u00eb per\u00ebndimit, ku Kina po shihet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb si \u201crival sistematik\u201d. Shum\u00eb politikan\u00eb dhe mendimtar\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb SHBA, madje po propozojn\u00eb nj\u00eb shk\u00ebputje prej ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs dhe po p\u00ebrgatiten p\u00ebr nj\u00eb betej\u00eb superfuqish.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e \u201canthit ndaj Kin\u00ebs\u201d mbase edhe po vjen prej rrymave t\u00eb rrezikshme nacionaliste. Krijimi i armiqve ekzistencial \u201cshmittian\u201d n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur shpesher\u00eb nga shtetet e per\u00ebndimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb ushqyar frym\u00eb miltariste dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb kufizuar liri.<\/p>\n<p>Por portretizimi i \u201canthit ndaj Kin\u00ebs\u201d vet\u00ebm si frik\u00ebsim i tepruar duket t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb argument edhe m\u00eb naiv dhe m\u00eb i rreziksh\u00ebm. Ai e neglizhon faktin se Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb superfuqi bot\u00ebrore me aspirate p\u00ebr t\u2019i shp\u00ebrndar\u00eb normat dhe vlerat e veta bot\u00ebrisht \u2013 n\u00ebse jo p\u00ebr ndonj\u00eb arsye tjet\u00ebr, at\u00ebher\u00eb s\u00eb paku p\u00ebr ta mbrojtur kontrollin e Partis\u00eb Komuniste Kineze n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi \u2013 duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebshtu Kin\u00ebn k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh bot\u00ebror ndaj demokracis\u00eb qysh prej koh\u00ebs s\u00eb Bashkimit Sovjetik.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, sot \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht legjitime q\u00eb liberal\u00ebt t\u00eb ngren\u00eb alarmin p\u00ebr nivelin e lart\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrcinimit t\u00eb cilin e p\u00ebrb\u00ebn Kina, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb kontekste si Europa Q\u00ebndrore dhe Lindore si dhe Ballkani, ku, si\u00e7 thot\u00eb edhe anketa e IRI, investimet dhe veprimet e saj\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.iri.org\/sites\/default\/files\/final_wb_poll_for_publishing_6.9.2020.pdf\">vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb shihen si jo k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuese dhe t\u00eb parezishme.<\/a><\/p>\n<p>K\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi nga Kina do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet pik\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme reflektimi mbi t\u00eb k\u00ebqijat e autoritarizmit n\u00eb mesin e demokracive n\u00eb zhvillimi. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb shum\u00eb njer\u00ebzo sot mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb mbresa nga aft\u00ebsiae Kin\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gj\u00ebra si nd\u00ebrtimi i spitaleve t\u00eb reja n\u00eb afat record apo shp\u00ebrndarja e kredive t\u00eb shpejta, t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn mbi Partin\u00eb Komuniste t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs dhe vizionin e saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e bot\u00ebs do t\u00eb flasin fakte t\u00eb tjera \u2013 mbyllja e miliona Ujgur\u00ebve mysliman\u00eb n\u00eb kampe koncentrimi; nd\u00ebrtimi i shtetit q\u00eb e kontrollon n\u00eb \u00e7do pore shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb, militarizimi i shpejt.<\/p>\n<p>Fokusi m\u00eb i madh dhe vet\u00ebdija mbi k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin prej Kin\u00ebs nuk do t\u00eb ishte hera e par\u00eb q\u00eb demokracit\u00eb e brishta do t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtonin q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebri t\u00eb nxitur nga k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi. N\u00eb librin e tij t\u00eb shk\u00eblqyesh\u00ebm \u201cArmiqt\u00eb e dobish\u00ebm\u201d, Noel Malcolm dokumenton se si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi ekzistencial nga Perandoria Osmane luajti rol kritik n\u00eb zhvillimin e ideve t\u00eb para demokratike n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn per\u00ebndimore, duke u dh\u00ebn\u00eb elitave intelektuale nj\u00eb pik\u00eb krahasimi dhe duke e mund\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb shqyrtim vet\u00ebkritik t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb per\u00ebndimore \u2013 efektivisht duke sh\u00ebrbyer si partner \u201csparingu\u201d n\u00eb boks.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb filmin kult \u201cKthim n\u00eb t\u00eb Ardhm\u00ebn\u201d, personazhi Marti Mekfllaj (I luajtur nga Michael J. Fox), udh\u00ebton prapa dhe para n\u00eb koh\u00eb dhe arrin t\u00eb kuptoj\u00eb origjin\u00ebn e zhvillmeve t\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb tij dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet ta ndryshoj\u00eb zinxhirin e tyre. Sot ne mund t\u00eb mos e kemi makin\u00ebn p\u00ebr udh\u00ebtim n\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb Dr. Bro\u00ebn-it dhe jemi t\u00eb kufizuar t\u00eb veprojm\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb sotm\u00ebn. Por e kemi njohurin\u00eb e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs son\u00eb autoritare dhe mund ta p\u00ebrdorim imagjinat\u00ebn ton\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar se si nj\u00eb e ardhme e jona n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn PKK-ja luan rol vendimtar mund t\u00eb duket.<\/p>\n<p>Nuk duhet t\u00eb presim p\u00ebr temperatur\u00ebn e lart\u00eb t\u00eb na kthehet p\u00ebr ta vler\u00ebsuar dhe ushqyer sistemin ton\u00eb imunitar. Por kjo nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur n\u00ebse forcat demokratike mbeten t\u00eb paafta p\u00ebr ta kapur s\u00ebrish imagjinat\u00ebn politike t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve me nj\u00eb rr\u00ebfim t\u00ebrheq\u00ebs dhe vision p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>K\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi autoritar nga Kina mund t\u00eb ndihmoj\u00eb n\u00eb ringjalljen e besimit tone n\u00eb demokraci, por kjo nuk do t\u00eb mjaftoj\u00eb n\u00ebse liberal\u00ebt nuk e fitojn\u00eb betej\u00ebn e imagjinat\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen. Nj\u00eb prej tipareve themelore t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs s\u00eb njeriut \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mos i \u00e7moj\u00eb gj\u00ebrat q\u00eb tashm\u00eb i ka n\u00eb duar dhe q\u00eb i [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":438,"featured_media":8343,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1297],"ppma_author":[985],"class_list":["post-2466","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-dragoi-i-zgjuar"],"authors":[{"term_id":985,"user_id":438,"is_guest":0,"slug":"agon-maliqi","display_name":"Agon Maliqi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Headshot-copy-3-1-scaled-e1721289936673.jpeg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Headshot-copy-3-1-scaled-e1721289936673.jpeg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Maliqi","first_name":"Agon","description":"Agon Maliqi \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, analist dhe aktivist i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile nga Prishtina, me banim n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb. Prej disa vitesh ai punon si k\u00ebshill\u00ebtar dhe studies i pavarur i \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, paqes dhe demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mori institutesh, organizatash dhe mediash vendase dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00eb\u00ebtare. Si aktivist i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr thuajse 20 vite, zt. Maliqi mes tjerash ka qen\u00eb bashk\u00ebthemelues dhe drejtues per disa vite i platform\u00ebs sbunker. N\u00eb vitin 2019 ai q\u00ebndroi p\u00ebr gjysm\u00eb viti n\u00eb Uashington D.C si p\u00ebrfitues i Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fello\u00ebship n\u00eb Fondin Komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Demokracis\u00eb (NED) n\u00eb SHBA. Sot ai \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e Grupit Strategjik p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb Fondacionit Heinrich B\u00f6ll (HBS) me baz\u00eb n\u00eb Berlin; pjes\u00eb e Task Forc\u00ebs rajonale t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb Institutit Republikan Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar (IRI) dhe an\u00ebtar i Koalicionit Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr Rip\u00ebrt\u00ebritje Demokratike (ICDR) t\u00eb Forumit 2000 n\u00eb Prag\u00eb. Zt. Maliqi ka mbaruar studimet master p\u00ebr politikat e zhvillimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb Duke University (SHBA) dhe ato bachelor p\u00ebr shkenca politike dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin Amerikan n\u00eb Bullgari."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2466","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/438"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2466"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2466\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2467,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2466\/revisions\/2467"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8343"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2466"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2466"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2466"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2466"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}