{"id":2487,"date":"2021-02-01T13:24:31","date_gmt":"2021-02-01T11:24:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=2487"},"modified":"2024-10-16T13:25:18","modified_gmt":"2024-10-16T11:25:18","slug":"si-po-i-gdhend-nacionalizmi-te-rinjte-e-kines","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/si-po-i-gdhend-nacionalizmi-te-rinjte-e-kines\/","title":{"rendered":"Si po i gdhend nacionalizmi t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb e Kin\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em>Ata po ndjehen m\u00eb mbrojt\u00ebs s\u00eb kurr\u00eb p\u00ebr arritjet e vendit<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Yan\u2019an &#8211; qyteti 2 milion\u00ebsh i minator\u00ebve n\u00eb provinc\u00ebn Shaanxi, nuk t\u00ebrheq v\u00ebmendjen e turist\u00ebve. Megjithat\u00eb, gati 50 milion\u00eb kinez\u00eb vijn\u00eb k\u00ebtu \u00e7do vit p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb shtegut \u201ct\u00eb turizmit t\u00eb kuq\u201d t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. Zonat historike t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj ane jan\u00eb mes nj\u00ebqind e cave t\u00eb tilla q\u00eb kan\u00eb mbir\u00eb me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb festimit t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs komuniste. Yan\u2019an ka qen\u00eb bastion i komunist\u00ebve n\u00ebn Mao Zedong-un gjat\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb luft\u00ebs prej 1937 deri pak para se ta merrnin pushtetin m\u00eb 1949. At\u00ebbot\u00eb, shum\u00eb t\u00eb rinj ia m\u00ebsyn\u00eb Yan\u2019an-it p\u00ebr t\u2019iu bashkuar kauz\u00ebs s\u00eb Mao-s. Sot, ata ende v\u00ebrshojn\u00eb qytetin.<\/p>\n<p>Gati gjysma e udh\u00ebtim\u00ebve t\u00eb turizmit t\u00eb kuq b\u00ebhet nga kinez\u00ebt n\u00ebn 30 vje\u00e7, thot\u00eb Ctrip, firma m\u00eb e madhe e udh\u00ebtimeve n\u00eb Kin\u00eb. An\u00ebtar\u00ebt e rinj t\u00eb partis\u00eb shkojn\u00eb n\u00eb Yan\u2019an p\u00ebr t\u00eb vizituar shpellat ku Mao b\u00ebnte planet. Ata mbarojn\u00eb me zotime t\u00eb ringjallura komuniste ose interpretime t\u00eb zhurmshme t\u00eb \u201cLindja \u00ebsht\u00eb e kuqe.\u201d Student\u00ebt p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb l\u00ebnd\u00eb obligative mbi historin\u00eb e partis\u00eb dhe ideologjin\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshi edhe kalimin e nj\u00eb nate n\u00eb shpell\u00eb. Veshin me g\u00ebzim uniforma t\u00eb kopjuara ushtarake ngjyr\u00eb blu dhe kapela me yll t\u00eb kuq, e \u00e7anta me fytyr\u00eb t\u00eb Mao-s t\u00eb printuara n\u00eb to.<\/p>\n<p>Qing Wenhui, udh\u00ebrr\u00ebfyese 23 vje\u00e7are, thot\u00eb se shum\u00eb kinez\u00eb \u201cpreken thell\u00eb\u201d nga vizita e tyre. Ata e pyesin lidhur me mundimet q\u00eb kishte pasur Mao (ajo di se si t\u00eb mos i v\u00ebj\u00eb veshin pyetjeve rreth t\u00eb dashurave t\u00eb tij). Nj\u00eb vizit\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr shpella dhe nj\u00eb v\u00ebshtrim i shpejt\u00eb i vask\u00ebs s\u00eb drunjt\u00eb t\u00eb Mao-s frym\u00ebzojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se librat shkollor\u00eb, thot\u00eb ajo. Nj\u00eb m\u00ebsues i ri matematike thot\u00eb se ka ardhur p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar se \u201csi u ngrit Partia Komuniste\u201d nga k\u00ebto kodra. \u201cKurr\u00eb mos harro prej nga ke nisur, apo jo?\u201d thot\u00eb me n\u00ebnqeshje, duke cituar matr\u00ebn e Xi Jinping-ut.<\/p>\n<p>Z. Xi d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb p\u00ebrforcoj\u00eb besimin n\u00eb qeverisjen e partis\u00eb mes t\u00eb rinjve. Ata nuk ndjejn\u00eb lidhjen emocionale me t\u00eb, sikund\u00ebr prind\u00ebrit e tyre. Ata nuk kan\u00eb njohur as kuptojn\u00eb varf\u00ebrin\u00eb ekstreme. Shteti nuk ka kontroll mbi jet\u00ebt e tyre, sikund\u00ebr kishte p\u00ebr prind\u00ebrit e tyre, kur vendet e pun\u00ebs, shkollimi, strehimi dhe kujdesi sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsor zbatoheshin nga\u00a0<em>danwei\u00a0<\/em>(nj\u00ebsit\u00eb e pun\u00ebs) q\u00eb i mbik\u00ebqyrnin p\u00ebr \u00e7fa\u00ebrdo shenje t\u00eb mosbindjes. Kat\u00ebr nga pes\u00eb student\u00eb jan\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb Lidhjes s\u00eb t\u00eb Rinjve Komunist\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebs mund t\u2019i bashkohesh n\u00eb mosh\u00ebn 14 vje\u00e7are dhe e cila sh\u00ebrben si trampolin\u00eb p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsin\u00eb n\u00eb parti n\u00eb mosh\u00ebn 18 vje\u00e7are. Sidoqoft\u00eb, shumica e sheh k\u00ebt\u00eb thjesht si m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb forcuar CV-n\u00eb. K\u00ebrkohet shpesh n\u00eb vendet e pun\u00ebs n\u00eb firmat e shtetit e n\u00eb qeveri. Themeluesit e startup-\u00ebve i bashkohen partis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar korrekt\u00ebsi politike (Jack Ma i Alibaba-s, nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00ebs q\u00eb frym\u00ebzon shum\u00eb t\u00eb rinj, \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtar).<\/p>\n<p>M\u00eb 2019, Z. Xi tha se partia duhej t\u00eb \u201cb\u00ebnte p\u00ebr vete nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb madh t\u00eb rinjsh\u201d p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb mundur q\u00eb kauza e saj kalon \u201cnga brezi n\u00eb brez\u201d. Partia \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur ta b\u00ebj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb duke rr\u00ebnjosur patriotizmin n\u00eb shkolla, duke kultivuar joshje tek t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb online dhe duke shtuar cenzur\u00ebn. Si pasoj\u00eb, kemi nj\u00eb brez t\u00eb rinjsh q\u00eb konsumon n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe pop kultur\u00ebn dhe mod\u00ebn e huaj, e megjithat\u00eb ndjehet m\u00eb mbrojt\u00ebs se kurr\u00eb ndaj arritjeve t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. Plot prej tyre derdhin lek\u00eb p\u00ebr mallra t\u00eb importuara. Por shum\u00eb prej tyre shfaqin patriotizmin duke mbathur brende lokale, cil\u00ebsia e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve po p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsohet shpejt, q\u00eb prej mbathjeve sportive Li-Nang, brend i ish gjimnastit oplimpik, deri te buz\u00ebkuqet nga firma e kozmetik\u00ebs Perfect Diary.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo ia b\u00ebn qejfin Z. Xi, i cila ka inkurajuar t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb tregojn\u00eb se krenaria komb\u00ebtare \u201cnuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht parrull\u00eb\u201d. Pyesni t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb mendojn\u00eb p\u00ebr ballinat e propagand\u00ebs q\u00eb shihen \u00e7doku, dhe shum\u00eb prej tyre kapsallitin syt\u00eb. Gjithsesi, nj\u00ebra fjali kumbon: se komunist\u00ebt shp\u00ebtuan Kin\u00ebn nga nj\u00eb \u201cshkekull posht\u00ebrimi\u201d n\u00eb duart e fuqive t\u00eb huaja q\u00eb filloi me luft\u00ebn e Opiumit m\u00eb 1839. Vet\u00ebm duke i b\u00ebr\u00eb ball\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit, thot\u00eb porosia, Kina mund t\u00eb ngritet s\u00ebrish.<\/p>\n<p>Kinez\u00ebt e rinj shpesh p\u00ebrkrahin bojkotet ndaj firmave dhe ekipeve t\u00eb huaja sportive q\u00eb e ofendojn\u00eb Kin\u00ebn. Shkeljet e tilla, si psh hartat e Kin\u00ebs q\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtojn\u00eb Tajvanin ose q\u00eb e paraqesin Hong Kongun si rajon t\u00eb ndar\u00eb. M\u00eb 2019, shum\u00eb sht\u00ebpi mode u kritikuan aq ashp\u00ebr saq\u00eb hashtagu \u201c#LuxuryBrandsApologyDay u b\u00eb viral n\u00eb platform\u00ebn kineze Weibo. Zem\u00ebrimi shp\u00ebrtheu kur Daryl Morey, manaxheri i ekipit t\u00eb NBA Houston Rockets, shkroi nj\u00eb tweet n\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahje t\u00eb protestuesve prodemokratik\u00eb n\u00eb Hong Kong. Kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigjja i kushtoi NBA-s\u00eb humbje prej $400 milion\u00eb. Televizioni shtet\u00ebror nuk transmetoi loj\u00ebrat e saj p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vit t\u00eb plot\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Pothuajse t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kinez\u00ebt kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Tajvanit dhe Hong Kongut. Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, rreth 500 milion\u00eb tifoz\u00ebt kinez\u00eb t\u00eb NBA-s\u00eb u gjet\u00ebn n\u00eb m\u00ebdyshje: duke dashur t\u00eb mbrojn\u00eb sovranitetin e vendit, por t\u00eb m\u00ebrzitur p\u00ebr munges\u00ebn e ndeshjeve. Shpesh \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb thuhet n\u00ebse presioni p\u00ebr bojkot vjen nga qytetar\u00ebt apo z\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebsit e partis\u00eb. N\u00eb tetor, nj\u00eb sulm i nj\u00eb medie shtet\u00ebrore kund\u00ebr BTS, grup i famsh\u00ebm i K-pop muzik\u00ebs, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb nj\u00eb ofendimi p\u00ebr rolin e Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb luft\u00ebn koreane d\u00ebshtoi, meq\u00eb mediat larguan pa zhurm\u00eb artikujt q\u00eb godisnin BTS-n\u00eb. Kjo n\u00ebnkupton se mediat e drejtuara nga partia duan t\u00eb tregojn\u00eb se jan\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrta me t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr taktik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb partia t\u00eb paraqitet si hip. \u201cSocializmi \u00ebsht\u00eb goxha kull\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb emision p\u00ebr jet\u00ebn e Z. Xi. K\u00ebng\u00ebt rap i thurin lavde partis\u00eb. Gjithashtu, partia mundohet ta p\u00ebrdor\u00eb zhargonin e adoleshent\u00ebve. P\u00ebr t\u00eb moshuarit, Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cm\u00ebm\u00ebdheu\u201d; p\u00ebr f\u00ebmijet e tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<em>Zhong gege<\/em>, ose \u201cbaca Kin\u00eb\u201d \u2013 q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton se ajo duhet t\u00eb dashurohet pa b\u00ebr\u00eb z\u00eb. Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia mes partis\u00eb dhe netizen\u00ebve (qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb internetit) paramendohet si ajo mes idhullit dhe fansit, duke nxitur nj\u00eb lidhje t\u00eb re emocionale me t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb, thot\u00eb Liu Shih-Diing i Universitetit t\u00eb Makaut.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Lindja \u00ebsht\u00eb roz\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Thirrjet e tilla shoq\u00ebrohen gjithashtu me metoda m\u00eb t\u00eb mbrapshta. Me t\u2019u ngritur Z. Xi n\u00eb pushtet, zyrtar\u00ebt u thirr\u00ebn n\u00eb takime sekrete p\u00ebr nj\u00eb let\u00ebr t\u00eb partis\u00eb t\u00eb titulluar \u201cDokumenti Num\u00ebr N\u00ebnt\u00eb\u201d. Urdh\u00ebresa ndalonte shkollat q\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebsonin shtat\u00eb koncepte per\u00ebndimore, sikurse demokracia kushtetuese, vlerat universale, shoq\u00ebria civile dhe shtypi i lir\u00eb. Kjo kishte ndikim t\u00eb madh mbi universitetet si qendra t\u00eb aktivizmit studentor dhe debatit politik.<\/p>\n<p>Merrni p\u00ebr shembull dallimin e madh n\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb mes student\u00ebve t\u00eb lindur n\u00eb vitet \u201990 dhe atyre t\u00eb lindur n\u00eb vitet \u201980. Kur u lan\u00e7ua Weibo m\u00eb 2009, liria e fjal\u00ebs lul\u00ebzoi. Por pas zhurm\u00ebs s\u00eb shkaktuar nga p\u00ebrplasja vdekjeprur\u00ebse e trenit m\u00eb 2011, censuruesit shtyp\u00ebn fjal\u00ebn e lir\u00eb. Fang Kecheng, ish gazetar i cili studioi n\u00eb Universitetin e Pekinit n\u00eb vitet 2004-10, thot\u00eb se \u201ckujtesa e brezit t\u00eb tij\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e shk\u00ebmbimit t\u00eb klipeve t\u00eb ndaluara t\u00eb protestave t\u00eb Tiananmenit m\u00eb 1989. T\u00eb tjer\u00ebt kujtojn\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn e surfimit n\u00eb Google, dokumentar\u00ebt e huaj n\u00eb YouTube dhe bisedat n\u00eb Facebook. Prej vitit 2010, n\u00eb Kin\u00eb nuk lejohet qasja n\u00eb k\u00ebto uebfaqe. Askush q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb lindur pas vitit 1992 nuk mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdor\u00eb Google-in, i cili u largua nga Kina pas refuzimit q\u00eb t\u00eb filtroj\u00eb makin\u00ebn e saj k\u00ebrkuese \u2013 edhe pse shum\u00eb prej t\u00eb intervistuarve than\u00eb se p\u00ebrdorin rrjete virtuale private p\u00ebr t\u00eb qasur Instagramin, Facebookun dhe Twitterin. Q\u00eb prej 2015, shum\u00eb universitete kan\u00eb krijuar departamente p\u00ebr mbik\u00ebqyrjen e mendimit politik t\u00eb profesor\u00ebve. Student\u00ebt e vitit t\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb nja 30 e ca universiteteve, tash marrin l\u00ebnd\u00eb obligative mbi Mendimin e Xi Jinping-ut, p\u00ebrkrah l\u00ebnd\u00ebve t\u00eb kahershme mbi Marx-in dhe Mao-n.<\/p>\n<p>Kur t\u00eb ken\u00eb mb\u00ebrritur n\u00eb universitet, student\u00ebt do t\u00eb jen\u00eb mbrumosur me edukimin patriotik p\u00ebr shum\u00eb vite shkoll\u00eb. Kjo u intensifikua pas Tiananmenit, t\u00eb cilin lider\u00ebt e partis\u00eb e pan\u00eb si d\u00ebshtim t\u00eb indoktrinimit. Theks edhe m\u00eb i madh u vu mbi posht\u00ebrimin e Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn nga t\u00eb huajt. M\u00eb 2004, librat e ri shkollor\u00eb t\u00eb politik\u00ebs p\u00ebr shkollat e mesme synonin formimin e nj\u00eb\u00a0 \u201cbot\u00ebkuptimi t\u00eb koh\u00ebs\u201d. Nj\u00eb studim i botuar n\u00eb\u00a0<em>Journal of Political Economy<\/em>\u00a0m\u00eb 2017, gjeti se student\u00ebt kishin filluar t\u00eb kishin mendime m\u00eb t\u00eb mira p\u00ebr regjimin, dhe m\u00eb pak t\u00eb mira p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb dhe tregjet e lira.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr taktik\u00eb e partis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb manipulimi i diskutimit online. Jennifer Pan nga Universiteti i Stanfordit tregon se llogarit\u00eb e mediave sociale t\u00eb kontrolluara nga qeveria publikojn\u00eb po aq \u2018clickbaits\u2019 sa edhe llogarit\u00eb e njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb famsh\u00ebm. Censuruesit lejojn\u00eb bisedat rreth temave p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat mendojn\u00eb se shumica e netizen\u00ebve do t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb an\u00ebn e qeveris\u00eb, thot\u00eb Yiqing Xu nga Stanfordi, dhe k\u00ebshtu i japin fund argumenteve t\u00eb zjarrta q\u00eb mund t\u00eb nxehin njerezit. Kjo metod\u00eb e men\u00e7ur \u00ebsht\u00eb duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrshtypjen e rreme shum\u00eb t\u00eb rinjve se hap\u00ebsira kibernetike e Kin\u00ebs po b\u00ebhet m\u00eb pak, e jo m\u00eb shum\u00eb, kufizuese.<\/p>\n<p>Shteti gjithashtu duartroket bloger\u00ebt me ndikim, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt p\u00ebrs\u00ebrisin parullat e partis\u00eb (ata t\u00eb cil\u00ebt \u201cshkruajn\u00eb vepra me energji positive\u201d). Mes atyre q\u00eb lavd\u00ebrohenn \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb grup i quajtur\u00a0<em>xiao fenhong,\u00a0<\/em>ose \u201crozet e vogla\u201d, q\u00eb duket te jen\u00eb kryesisht gra t\u00eb reja. Nj\u00eb marifet p\u00ebr t\u00ebrheqjen e v\u00ebmendjes ishte bombardimi i faqes s\u00eb Facebook-ut t\u00eb skeptikes kineze Tsai Ing-een me komente negative, pas p\u00ebrzgjedhjes s\u00eb saj presidente e Tajvanit m\u00eb 2016. Fushatat e presionit t\u00eb netizen\u00ebve n\u00eb Weibo p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbyllur llogarit\u00eb q\u00eb publikojn\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje disident\u00ebsh po shum\u00ebzohen.<\/p>\n<p>Netizen\u00ebt ende gjejn\u00eb m\u00ebnyra p\u00ebr t\u00eb shfaqur mospajtim. Pas vendosjes s\u00eb ligjit t\u00eb siguris\u00eb komb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Hong Kong nga qeveria qendrore n\u00eb qershor 2020, librat e shkruar rreth k\u00ebsaj ngjarjeje mor\u00ebn bresh\u00ebri vler\u00ebsimesh me nj\u00eb yll n\u00eb uebfaqen Douban. Vitin e kaluar, nj\u00eb garues n\u00eb spektaklin \u201cRap p\u00ebr rinin\u00eb\u201d publikoi nj\u00eb akrostik n\u00eb Weibo dhe akuzoi institucionin mbik\u00ebqyr\u00ebs t\u00eb mediave kineze p\u00ebr censurim t\u00eb tekstit q\u00eb d\u00ebnonte ngacmimin seksual. Por me rritjen e z\u00ebrave shovinist\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb gjenden diskutime t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillta politike online. Netizen\u00ebt vet\u00ebcensurohen, ose nuk flasin fare. Yaqui Wang nga Human Rights Watch, e lindur n\u00eb vitet \u201980, thot\u00eb se t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb m\u00eb qasje te intelektual\u00ebt publik\u00eb kinez\u00eb sikurse avokat\u00ebt dhe aktivist\u00ebt q\u00eb e frym\u00ebzuan. Shumica jan\u00eb persekutuar ose u \u00ebsht\u00eb mbyllur goja.<\/p>\n<p>Shum\u00eb\u00e7ka shfaqin t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb patriotiz\u00ebm performativ, ngaq\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e leht\u00eb dhe m\u00eb e sigurt t\u00eb mbash an\u00ebn e t\u00eb fortit. N\u00eb nj\u00eb studim t\u00eb vitit 2015, Huang Haifeng nga Universiteti i Kalifornis\u00eb, argumentonte se propaganda mund t\u00eb frenoj\u00eb mosbindjen duke demonstruar fuqin\u00eb e shtetit. N\u00eb nj\u00eb test t\u00eb edukimit patriotik, ai gjeti se student\u00ebt q\u00eb kishin rezultatet m\u00eb t\u00eb mira jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb ishin prej m\u00eb kritik\u00ebve ndaj regjimit privatisht, por gjithashtu edhe me m\u00eb s\u00eb paku gjasa p\u00ebr t\u00eb shprehur mosbindjen publikisht. Sensi i komunitetit, nevoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb shfryr\u00eb dhe d\u00ebshira p\u00ebr t\u00eb protestuar, jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb e p\u00ebrzierjes. Sidoq\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, mes kinez\u00ebve t\u00eb rinj v\u00ebrehet nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsim n\u00eb p\u00ebrceptimin e bot\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme.<\/p>\n<p>***<\/p>\n<p>Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.economist.com\/special-report\/2021\/01\/21\/how-nationalism-is-shaping-chinas-young?utm_campaign=editorial-social&amp;utm_medium=social-organic&amp;utm_source=twitter\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Economist<\/a><\/p>\n<p>***<\/p>\n<div class=\"text-iamge\"><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/sbunker.net\/uploads\/sbunker.net\/images\/2021\/January\/25\/auto_auto_1200px-U.S._Department_of_State_official_seal.svg16050083051611574482.png\" alt=\"Image\" \/><\/div>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Ky artikull\u00a0mb\u00ebshtetet nga &#8220;Sbunker&#8221; p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorit\u00a0dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Ata po ndjehen m\u00eb mbrojt\u00ebs s\u00eb kurr\u00eb p\u00ebr arritjet e vendit Yan\u2019an &#8211; qyteti 2 milion\u00ebsh i minator\u00ebve n\u00eb provinc\u00ebn Shaanxi, nuk t\u00ebrheq v\u00ebmendjen e turist\u00ebve. Megjithat\u00eb, gati 50 milion\u00eb kinez\u00eb vijn\u00eb k\u00ebtu \u00e7do vit p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb shtegut \u201ct\u00eb turizmit t\u00eb kuq\u201d t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. Zonat historike t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj ane jan\u00eb mes nj\u00ebqind e cave t\u00eb tilla [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":490,"featured_media":8343,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1297],"ppma_author":[1311],"class_list":["post-2487","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-dragoi-i-zgjuar"],"authors":[{"term_id":1311,"user_id":490,"is_guest":0,"slug":"the-economist","display_name":"The Economist","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/291dfc1ba0656c52b0678303278a9c43f1d5025bd12da6c36aaec7dd5b5deea9?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"Economist","first_name":"The","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2487","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/490"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2487"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2487\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2488,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2487\/revisions\/2488"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8343"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2487"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2487"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2487"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2487"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}