{"id":2498,"date":"2021-04-15T11:42:39","date_gmt":"2021-04-15T09:42:39","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=2498"},"modified":"2024-10-16T11:43:45","modified_gmt":"2024-10-16T09:43:45","slug":"brishtesia-e-strategjise-se-evropes-ndaj-kines","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/brishtesia-e-strategjise-se-evropes-ndaj-kines\/","title":{"rendered":"Brisht\u00ebsia e strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs ndaj Kin\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"

N\u00eb marr\u00ebdhniat e saj me Pekinin, me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb ruajtjes s\u00eb par\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj, Shtetet e Bashkuara u jan\u00eb kthyer strategjis\u00eb klasike. P\u00ebr dallim, BE-ja ka ndjekur nj\u00eb qasje shum\u00ebpist\u00ebshe m\u00eb pak t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme, por shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatshme. Veprimet e fundit t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs mund t\u00eb shtyejn\u00eb evropian\u00ebt drejt rreshtimit t\u00eb plot\u00eb krah ShBA-ve, q\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte sa e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, edhe e rrezikshme.<\/em><\/p>\n

N\u00eb pranver\u00ebn e vitit 2021, trek\u00ebnd\u00ebshi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve BE-ShBA-Kin\u00eb ka marr\u00eb nj\u00eb dinamik\u00eb kaleidoskopike.<\/p>\n

Mendoni p\u00ebrs\u00ebri p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si dukej bota hi\u00e7 m\u00eb larg se n\u00eb dhjetor t\u00eb vitit 2020. Kina po dilte e p\u00ebrforcuar nga shoku i virusit. Shtetet e Bashkuara ishin ngat\u00ebrruar n\u00eb nj\u00eb kaos paszgjedhor t\u00eb pashoq. Administrata e Trump-it kishte l\u00ebn\u00eb epidemin\u00eb t\u00eb dilte nga kontrolli. P\u00ebr dallim, Bashkimi Europian po koordinohej rreth paket\u00ebs s\u00eb rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbjes\u00a0NextGenerationEU<\/em>\u00a0(NGEU). Si p\u00ebrshendetje t\u00eb fundit e de facto lideres s\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs, e p\u00ebrkrahur nga aleat\u00ebt e saj n\u00eb Komisionin Europian, kancelarja gjermane Angela Merkel shtyu p\u00ebrpara Marr\u00ebveshjen Gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse p\u00ebr Invesitme [CAI] BE-Kin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Konfigurimi dukej i qart\u00eb. Amerika ishte n\u00eb m\u00ebshir\u00eb t\u00eb fatit. BE-ja dhe Kina po krijonin nj\u00eb bosht t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit pragmatik n\u00eb tregti, investime, dhe politik\u00eb klimatike. Tash, vet\u00ebm pas disa muajsh, kaleidoskopi papritmas ka nd\u00ebrruar kahje.<\/p>\n

Ndryshim i papritur<\/strong><\/p>\n

Administrata e Biden-it ka l\u00ebvizur me shpejt\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb sht\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00ebn kontroll epidemin\u00eb n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe ka lan\u00e7uar nj\u00eb faz\u00eb t\u00eb tret\u00eb t\u00eb paket\u00ebs stimuluese. I ka v\u00ebn\u00eb frenat n\u00ebn makthin e tranzicionit, por nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zbrapsur nga q\u00ebndrimi ballafaques karshi Kin\u00ebs, t\u00eb miratuar nga administrata e Trump-it.<\/p>\n

Nga ana e saj, Kina u p\u00ebrgjigj duke rikonfirmuar modelin e ri t\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb t\u00eb qarkullimit t\u00eb zhvillimit ekonomik komb\u00ebtar gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb autonom.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, vet\u00ebkonfigurimi rreth NGEU-s\u00eb ishte ende n\u00eb hovin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh teksa kontinenti rr\u00ebshqiti n\u00eb kund\u00ebrakuza rreth shp\u00ebrndarjes shkel e shko t\u00eb vaksinave. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr fillimit t\u00eb operimit t\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb NGEU-s\u00eb, perspektiva ekonomike \u00ebsht\u00eb e zymt\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, sanksionet dh\u00ebmb p\u00ebr dh\u00ebmb me Kin\u00ebn rreth Xinjiangut n\u00ebnkuptojne se marr\u00ebveshja e investimeve mes Kin\u00ebs dhe BE-s\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb pezulluar. M\u00eb s\u00eb miri q\u00eb t\u00eb mos ia p\u00ebrmendim k\u00ebt\u00eb Parlamentit Evropian. P\u00ebr t\u00eb mos mjaftuar kjo, firmat evropiane t\u00eb veshjeve po sh\u00ebnjestrohen sistematikisht nga bojkotet e konsumator\u00ebve t\u00eb organizuara nga Partia Komuniste e Kin\u00ebs (CPP) dhe t\u00eb orkestruara nga maqinat kryesore t\u00eb k\u00ebrkimit t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb planin afatshkurt\u00ebr, kjo nuk i l\u00eb shum\u00eb mund\u00ebsi BE-s\u00eb, pos rreshtimit krah ShBA-ve karshi Kin\u00ebs. \u00c7\u00ebshtja \u00ebsht\u00eb se a flet kjo p\u00ebr nj\u00eb ndryshim rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsor n\u00eb strategjin\u00eb evropiane karshi fuqis\u00eb aziatike. A \u00ebsht\u00eb rr\u00ebshtimi me ShBA-t\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se sa taktik?<\/p>\n

Shpallja e luft\u00ebs ekonomike<\/strong><\/p>\n

B\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr dy koncepte t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb strategjis\u00eb ndaj Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb prej presidentit Barack Obama, por me theks m\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7uar n\u00ebn pasardh\u00ebsin e tij Donald Trump, trendi i politik\u00ebs amerikane ka qen\u00eb drejt \u00e7iftimit t\u00eb fushave t\u00eb ndryshme politike \u2013 tregtis\u00eb, investimeve, teknologjis\u00eb, politik\u00ebs s\u00eb siguris\u00eb, dhe \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut. \u2013 n\u00ebn shenj\u00ebn e gar\u00ebs gjeopolitike. Ajo q\u00eb e ka dominuar diskutimin amerikan \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb prospekti i gar\u00ebs s\u00eb fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb amerikan\u00ebt q\u00eb nga viti 2017 e kan\u00eb quajtur arena e Indo-Paq\u00ebsorit. Q\u00eb prej pranver\u00ebs 2020, kjo mori tone dramatike t\u00eb Luft\u00eb s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb mes ideologjive. Sanksionet e Amerik\u00ebs mbi teknologjin\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptojn\u00eb hi\u00e7 m\u00eb pak se shpallje t\u00eb luft\u00ebs ekonomike.<\/p>\n

Administrata e Biden-it po shfaq gatishm\u00ebri p\u00ebr t\u2019u takuar dhe bashk\u00ebpunuar me Kin\u00ebn n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet si klima. Por n\u00ebse qendrojn\u00eb kufizimet n\u00eb eksportin e pajisjeve p\u00ebr prodhimin e \u00e7ip\u00ebve dhe sanksionet ndaj firmave si Huawei, SMIC, dhe DJI, ShBA-t\u00eb po shpallin efektivisht q\u00ebllimin q\u00eb t\u2019i v\u00ebn\u00eb kapak zhvillimit industrial t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ShBA po e b\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb n\u00eb baza t\u00eb siguris\u00eb komb\u00ebtare. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb penges\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrparimin e Kin\u00ebs, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsisht e papajtueshme me ambiciet e Kin\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb pretenduar nj\u00eb pozicion n\u00eb bot\u00eb konform historis\u00eb s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs dhe pozicionit t\u00eb tash\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm ekonomik.<\/p>\n

Strategjia e Amerik\u00ebs ka merit\u00ebn e koherenc\u00ebs. \u00cbsht\u00eb koncept klasik i strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb madhe q\u00eb i shkon p\u00ebr shtati nj\u00eb fuqie t\u00eb madhe. Por si e till\u00eb, e ka gjithashtu nj\u00eb aspekt t\u00eb parehatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb pasqyrimit. Kompleksi ushtarako-industrial i ShBA-ve fillon t\u00eb pasqyroj\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ndonj\u00eb gj\u00eb e re. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo p\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00eb brengosej presidenti Dwight D. Eisenhower n\u00eb vitet 1950, fill pas mccarthyizmit, kur paralajm\u00ebroi shfaqjen e kompleksit ushtarako-industrial dhe shtetit ushtarak.<\/p>\n

Qasja shum\u00ebpist\u00ebshe e BE-s\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb ballafaqimin me Kin\u00ebn n\u00eb shekullin 21, rikthimi i Amerik\u00ebs ndrejt strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb madhe klasike ka qen\u00eb deri m\u00eb tash n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshti me p\u00ebrpjekjet e BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb formuluar politik\u00eb t\u00eb veten karshi Kin\u00ebs. Si\u00e7 thuhet n\u00eb dokumentin themeltar t\u00eb politik\u00ebs t\u00eb vitit 2019, kjo bazohej pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb refuzimin e logjik\u00ebs amerikane t\u00eb sintez\u00ebs dhe lidhjeve. P\u00ebrkundrazi, p\u00ebr \u00e7udi t\u00eb shum\u00eb komentuesve amerikan\u00eb, BE-ja p\u00ebrkufizoi Kin\u00ebn nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht si partner t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm, garues, dhe rival sistemik. \u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja, ajo nuk lejoi nj\u00eb aspekt t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnies q\u00eb t\u00eb dominoj\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Draft marr\u00ebveshja e investimeve e negociuar n\u00eb dhjetor 2020 \u00ebsht\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht konsistente me at\u00eb pozicion. Ajo hap dyer t\u00eb reja pa kusht\u00ebzime t\u00eb r\u00ebnda, p\u00ebrtej dispozit\u00ebs q\u00eb Kina t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbush\u00eb obligimet e saj si an\u00ebtare e ILO [Organizata Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e Pun\u00ebs], dhe me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, asgj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb miratim i heshtur p\u00ebr shqet\u00ebsimet p\u00ebr pun\u00ebn e detyruar.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebn presionin nga kritik\u00ebt e marr\u00ebveshjes, edhe Berlini edhe Parisi k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul\u00ebn se inkurajimi i marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb investimeve n\u00eb asnj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb nuk e p\u00ebrjashton pozicionimin e fuqish\u00ebm n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet me interes p\u00ebr evropian\u00ebt, sikurse regjimi shtyp\u00ebs n\u00eb Xinjiang apo shtypja e lirive n\u00eb Hong Kong. Edhe ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e qasjes shum\u00ebpist\u00ebshe europiane. Bashk\u00ebpunimi n\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrjashton pranimin e hapur t\u00eb dallimeve ose t\u00eb konfliktit n\u00eb nj\u00eb sfer\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. Mb\u00ebshtetja e nj\u00ebr\u00ebs krahas tjetres mundet q\u00eb n\u00eb fakt t\u00eb jet\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebr sigurimin e legjitimitetit t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnies n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n

Ajo q\u00eb ka ngjar\u00eb jav\u00ebt e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht zbatim i k\u00ebsaj logjike. \u00c7\u00ebshtja \u00ebsht\u00eb se a mund t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb Kina k\u00ebt\u00eb kompleksitet.<\/p>\n

Regjimi kinez nuk duhet t\u00eb pres\u00eb q\u00eb shkaktar\u00ebt e krimeve kund\u00ebr njer\u00ebzimit t\u00eb mir\u00ebpriten ndoku n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim. Nuk duhet t\u00eb pres\u00eb q\u00eb organizatat e saj t\u00eb siguris\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb biznes n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim. Mund t\u00eb mos i p\u00eblqej\u00eb, por do t\u00eb ishte e men\u00e7ur t\u00eb pranonte sanksionet e propozuara deri m\u00eb tash si gjeste t\u00eb kufizuara q\u00eb jan\u00eb. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, ato nuk kan\u00eb p\u00ebr cak lider\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt n\u00eb fakt jan\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb po ngjan n\u00eb Xinjiang.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse Pekini p\u00ebrgjigjet duke sh\u00ebnjestruar deputet\u00ebt evropian\u00eb dhe aktivist\u00ebt e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile, at\u00ebher\u00eb duhet t\u00eb marr\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimin e konfliktit. Nuk duhet t\u00eb befasohet n\u00ebse si pasoj\u00eb pezullohet marr\u00ebveshja e investimeve dhe n\u00ebse konflikti gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb i ndezur kthen BE-n\u00eb n\u00eb krah\u00ebt e ShBA-ve. Pekini \u00ebsht\u00eb ai q\u00eb po e detyron lidhjen t\u00eb cil\u00ebn avokuesit evropian\u00eb t\u00eb detant\u00ebs shum\u00ebshtresore po p\u00ebrpiqeshin ta shmangnin.<\/p>\n

Drejt Ballafaqimit<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00c7far\u00eb na pret?<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr momentin, n\u00eb t\u00eb dy an\u00ebt e Atlantikut, iniciativa \u00ebsht\u00eb qartazi n\u00eb an\u00ebn e atyre q\u00eb parap\u00eblqejn\u00eb ballafaqimin. Marr\u00eb parasysh taktikat bulliste t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, qasja e Evrop\u00ebs duhet t\u00eb bashk\u00ebrendohet me ShBA-t\u00eb dhe partner\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb m\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi q\u00eb Pekinit t\u2019i d\u00ebrgohet nj\u00eb porosi e qart\u00eb. N\u00ebse do t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb biznes me Evrop\u00ebn, duhet t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb dhe respektoj\u00eb sistemin politik t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs dhe kufijt e saj, si dhe at\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb mund\u00ebson ai p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket p\u00ebrkushtimit t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm ndaj sundimit t\u00eb ligjit, sigurimit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs s\u00eb pron\u00ebs, e k\u00ebshtu e me radh\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Fjal\u00ebt boshe p\u00ebr \u201cshekullin e turp\u00ebrimit\u201d mund t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb pun\u00eb p\u00ebr publikun kinez, por nuk do t\u00eb pin\u00eb uj\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. Edhe ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fakt i parehatsh\u00ebm me t\u00eb cilin duhet t\u00eb merret Kina. Na p\u00eblqen apo jo, ndryshe prej raportit me Afrik\u00ebn, Evropa ka pak apo fare nd\u00ebrgjegje fajtore n\u00eb raport me Kin\u00ebn. Mund t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb e drejt\u00eb, por kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb Realpolitika.<\/p>\n

Sigurisht, edhe Evropa duhet t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb kufijt e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb saj negociuese. Mbrojtja e vlerave t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb par\u00ebsore dhe e panegociueshme. Por \u00ebsht\u00eb absurd \u00e7do pretendim nga ana e Evrop\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u201cndryshuar\u201d kahjen e zhvillimit kinez n\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdo m\u00ebnyre fundamentale. Pekini mund t\u00eb zgjedh\u00eb t\u00eb \u201cspastroj\u00eb\u201d procesin e prodhimit t\u00eb pambukut n\u00eb Xinjiang. Mund t\u00eb leht\u00ebsoj\u00eb regjimin e shtypjes n\u00eb Hong Kong. Por, kjo nuk do t\u00eb modifikoj\u00eb baz\u00ebn e qendrimit t\u00eb saj strategjik rreth k\u00ebtyre \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve.<\/p>\n

Do t\u00eb ishte mir\u00eb p\u00ebr diskursin publik n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, po qe se kombet evropiane respektive t\u00eb b\u00ebnin p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrballur me trash\u00ebgimit\u00eb historike t\u00eb imperalizmit evropian n\u00eb Kin\u00eb. Kjo do t\u2019i kontribuonte iluminimit publik dhe do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndihmonte n\u00eb zbutjen e skajeve t\u00eb ngurta t\u00eb opinionit publik n\u00eb t\u00eb dy an\u00ebt. Sidoqoft\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb fantastike q\u00eb t\u00eb paramendohet se publiku evropian ka gjas\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb zbus\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb qendrimin ndaj regjimit thell\u00ebsisht t\u00eb huaj kinez. Dyshimi, mosbesimi, dhe inati, fshihen menj\u00ebher\u00eb p\u00ebrfundi sip\u00ebrfaqes. Firmat q\u00eb zgjodh\u00ebn profitin n\u00eb t\u00eb dy tregjet, do t\u00eb navigojn\u00eb si t\u00eb munden me nivele t\u00eb ndryshueshme t\u00eb cinizmit dhe etik\u00ebs. Do t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrgjegjshme si ndaj konsumator\u00ebve kinez\u00eb dhe d\u00ebmit n\u00eb reputacion q\u00eb mund t\u2019i shkaktohet nga OJQ-t\u00eb per\u00ebndimore. N\u00ebse kjo n\u00ebnkupton shitjen e m\u00eb pak rrobave t\u00eb lira n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim t\u00eb b\u00ebra nga pambuku i Xinjiang-ut, at\u00ebher\u00eb ky \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7mim i vog\u00ebl p\u00ebr t\u2019u paguar.<\/p>\n

\u00c7\u00ebshtja m\u00eb e gj\u00ebr\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse k\u00ebto konflikte do t\u00eb mbizot\u00ebrojn\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb agjend\u00ebn. Propozimi evropian n\u00eb shtyerjen p\u00ebrpara t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb dhjetorit p\u00ebr investime, \u00ebsht\u00eb se kjo nuk do t\u00eb ngjaj\u00eb. Ajo \u00e7far\u00eb rrezikon reagimi i tepruar i Kin\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb shkrirja e \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve q\u00eb do ta b\u00ebnte t\u00eb pamundur progresin n\u00eb fronte t\u00eb tjera. Madje, kjo mund t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb n\u00eb reshtimin e plot\u00eb me pozicionin e ShBA-ve. Kjo do t\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme.<\/p>\n

\u00c7\u00ebshtja e par\u00ebsis\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

Deri m\u00eb tash, denoncimi i Evrop\u00ebs i regjimit abuziv n\u00eb Xinjiang krijon vet\u00ebm rreshtim t\u00eb pjessh\u00ebm me ShBA-t\u00eb. Prej pal\u00ebs amerikane, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia\u00a0 ShBA-Kin\u00eb p\u00ebr momentin p\u00ebrkufizohet si p\u00ebrplasje mes fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. \u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, si\u00e7 e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb presidenti Biden, k\u00ebtu b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e spikatjes. Si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehur m\u00eb vet\u00ebbesim t\u00eb madh presidenti amerikan: \u201cKina ka nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm \u2026 t\u00eb b\u00ebhet lidere n\u00eb bot\u00eb, vendi m\u00eb i pasur n\u00eb bot\u00eb, dhe vendi m\u00eb i fuqish\u00ebm n\u00eb bot\u00eb \u2026 kjo s\u2019do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb sa t\u00eb jem un\u00eb k\u00ebtu.\u201d<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shum\u00eb e pavend nga ana e ShBA-ve p\u00ebr t\u00eb formuluar q\u00ebllimet e veta. Me sa duket, Amerik\u00ebs do t\u2019i duhet koh\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb pajtohet me logjik\u00ebn e nj\u00eb bote shum\u00ebpolare, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se \u00e7\u2019do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb jesh i pari. Shum\u00eb\u00e7ka varet nga kjo. Por nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb betej\u00eb e Evrop\u00ebs. \u00c7\u00ebshtjet e vlerave dhe mbrojtjes s\u00eb autonomis\u00eb s\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs jan\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore. Kjo nuk mund t\u00eb thuhet p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e par\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Avokimi i Evrop\u00ebs p\u00ebr nj\u00eb strategji shum\u00ebshtresore t\u00eb angazhimit me Kin\u00ebn ka qen\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb i duhur. Kjo n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb kompromisit. Ashtu si n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e uljes s\u00eb tensioneve n\u00eb vitet 1970, kjo n\u00ebnkupton me raste standarde t\u00eb dyfishta, madje edhe hipokrizi. Si at\u00ebher\u00eb dhe tash, marr\u00eb parasysh r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7mim q\u00eb vlen t\u00eb paguhet. Ishte diagnoza e duhur strategjike p\u00ebr Evrop\u00ebn, por si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb e qart\u00eb tash, zbatueshm\u00ebria e saj varet nga gatishm\u00ebria e Kin\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb pranuar logjik\u00ebn e diferencimit.<\/p>\n

M\u00ebsimi i Evrop\u00ebs<\/strong><\/p>\n

Qasja shum\u00ebshtresore \u00ebsht\u00eb e brisht\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb dy an\u00ebt, opinioni publik \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb i fort\u00eb. N\u00ebse Pekini antagonizon segmente t\u00eb gj\u00ebra t\u00eb opinionit evropian, tensionet dhe mosp\u00ebrputhjet e strategjis\u00eb shum\u00ebshtresore t\u00eb uljes s\u00eb tensionit do t\u00eb shemben n\u00eb p\u00ebrzierje antagoniste. Fakti se Kina tashm\u00eb ka arritur q\u00eb t\u00eb shkaktoj\u00eb indinjat\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur Evropa \u00ebsht\u00eb e ndar\u00eb rreth shum\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve, jep t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptoj\u00eb se sa i paq\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb ekuilibri.<\/p>\n

Konflikti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i shkruar n\u00eb gur. Evropa po zhvillohet si aktor global. Nd\u00ebrsa, t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt po m\u00ebsojn\u00eb se si t\u00eb nd\u00ebrveprojn\u00eb me t\u00eb. Duket sheshit q\u00eb strategjia e madhe evropiane \u00ebsht\u00eb e brisht\u00eb. Nuk e ka autonomin\u00eb masive t\u00eb makin\u00ebs s\u00eb politikave n\u00eb ShBA, pale at\u00eb n\u00eb Kin\u00eb. Kjo mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb frustruese p\u00ebr strateg\u00ebt evropian\u00eb, por e pasqyron struktur\u00ebn politike unike t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Qasja shum\u00ebshtresore mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb natyrale veprimi e Evrop\u00ebs, por kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsisht e kusht\u00ebzuar dhe kufizuar nga opinioni publik dhe strukturat demokratike q\u00eb operojn\u00eb n\u00eb shum\u00eb nivele t\u00eb ndryshme. Fuqit\u00eb tjera globale mund t\u00eb m\u00ebsojn\u00eb nga kjo.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb\u00a0Internationale Politik Quarterly<\/a>, edicioni i pranver\u00ebs 2021.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

\"Image\"<\/div>\n

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Ky artikull\u00a0mb\u00ebshtetet nga “Sbunker” p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorit\u00a0dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

N\u00eb marr\u00ebdhniat e saj me Pekinin, me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb ruajtjes s\u00eb par\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj, Shtetet e Bashkuara u jan\u00eb kthyer strategjis\u00eb klasike. P\u00ebr dallim, BE-ja ka ndjekur nj\u00eb qasje shum\u00ebpist\u00ebshe m\u00eb pak t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme, por shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatshme. Veprimet e fundit t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs mund t\u00eb shtyejn\u00eb evropian\u00ebt drejt rreshtimit t\u00eb plot\u00eb krah ShBA-ve, q\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":34,"featured_media":8343,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1297],"ppma_author":[43],"class_list":["post-2498","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-dragoi-i-zgjuar"],"authors":[{"term_id":43,"user_id":34,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adam-tooze","display_name":"Adam Tooze","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1681740862494.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1681740862494.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Tooze","first_name":"Adam","description":"Adam Tooze drejton departamentin e Historis\u00eb n\u00eb Columbia University dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb drejtor i Institutit Evropian."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2498","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/34"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2498"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2498\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2499,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2498\/revisions\/2499"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8343"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2498"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2498"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2498"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2498"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}