{"id":2728,"date":"2020-09-24T14:12:54","date_gmt":"2020-09-24T12:12:54","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=2728"},"modified":"2024-09-16T14:18:02","modified_gmt":"2024-09-16T12:18:02","slug":"shteti-rregullator-ne-ballkanin-perendimor","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/shteti-rregullator-ne-ballkanin-perendimor\/","title":{"rendered":"Shteti rregullator n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor"},"content":{"rendered":"

Shteti rregullator<\/em>\u00a0n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb konceptim t\u00eb shtetit funksionet e t\u00eb cilit kufizohen n\u00eb rregullimin e tregut. Ai ka lindur n\u00eb vitet 1980 n\u00eb vendet e zhvilluara, si shtet jo-nd\u00ebrhyr\u00ebs roli i t\u00eb cilit \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i nj\u00eb arbitri neutral q\u00eb merret me vendosjen e rregullave dhe monitorimin e zbatimin e tyre me detyrim. N\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb tregjeve gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb hapura, t\u00eb shtyr\u00eb nga globalizimi, n\u00eb k\u00ebto vende, zgjerimi, n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e fushave t\u00eb lidhura me tregun, i rregullimit si m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ushtruar funksionet e shtetit, ky koncept synon t\u00eb kap\u00ebrthej\u00eb kuptimin e rolit t\u00eb rip\u00ebrkufizuar t\u00eb shtetit. Ai gjithashtu i jep nj\u00eb identitet t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb shtetit si form\u00eb e organizimit q\u00eb p\u00ebrballet, duke trajtuar, transicionin nga nj\u00eb rend politiko-ekonomik liberal n\u00eb nj\u00eb rend neoliberal. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb transicion, shtetet e zhvilluara demokratike jan\u00eb mb\u00ebrthyer n\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebn nd\u00ebrmjet k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb tregjeve p\u00ebr derregullim dhe t\u00eb zgjedh\u00ebsve p\u00ebr mir\u00ebqenie. Si model qeverisjeje, shteti rregullator ndan zhvillimin e politikave dhe ligjv\u00ebnien p\u00ebr to nga zbatimi i tyre, me \u00e7\u2019rast tregu rregullohet nga rregullator\u00ebt q\u00eb funksionojn\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb parimet e ekspertiz\u00ebs profesionale dhe mosnd\u00ebrhyrjes politike. Nj\u00eb implikim ky\u00e7 politik i k\u00ebsaj \u00ebsht\u00eb se institucionet e tilla kontribuojn\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrhapjen e qeverisjes globale duke shfryt\u00ebzuar autonomin\u00eb e vet p\u00ebr t\u2019u rrjet\u00ebzuar me institucione homologe, nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarisht, dhe gjithashtu mund t\u00eb bien pre e tundimeve t\u00eb burokratizimit Weberian, brenda vendit.<\/p>\n

Shteti rregullator ka marr\u00eb form\u00ebn m\u00eb komplekse n\u00eb BE, e cila gjithashtu ka dhe vazhdon ta promovoj\u00eb at\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebrmes politik\u00ebs s\u00eb saj t\u00eb zgjerimit. Ashtu sikur normat dhe vlerat e tjera t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, shteti rregullator \u00ebsht\u00eb larg nga form\u00ebsim i tij ndokund n\u00eb rajon. Arsyet p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndahen n\u00eb arsye politike dhe ato t\u00eb lidhura me tregun.<\/p>\n

Arsyet politike lidhen me identitetin politik t\u00eb vendeve dhe integrimin rajonal. Identiteti politik ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me munges\u00ebn e nj\u00eb orientimi t\u00eb qart\u00eb ideologjik, gj\u00eb q\u00eb ka \u00e7uar n\u00eb shtete q\u00eb jan\u00eb entitete politike\u00a0ad hoc\u00a0<\/em>n\u00eb ndryshim t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm dhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u2019iu p\u00ebrshtatur rrethanave e nevojave t\u00eb brendshme dhe atyre rajonale. Var\u00ebsisht se \u00e7ka shikoni brenda tyre, ato u ngjajn\u00eb, nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, shteteve zhvillimore, atyre socialiste q\u00eb zbatojn\u00eb programe t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies dhe atyre neoliberale q\u00eb derregullojn\u00eb gjith\u00e7ka. K\u00ebto shtete hibride me identitet politik t\u00eb munguar nuk \u00e7ojn\u00eb drejt shtetit rregullator si koncept dhe model qeverisjeje, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb vazhdueshme p\u00ebr ta form\u00ebsuar at\u00eb brenda tyre, kryesisht si p\u00ebrgjigje ndaj procesit t\u00eb aderimit n\u00eb BE, por me nj\u00eb qasje\u00a0ad hoc\u00a0<\/em>dhe t\u00eb \u00e7organizuar. Kjo na \u00e7on te ajo se paparashikueshm\u00ebria e aderimit n\u00eb BE i kthen p\u00ebrpjekjet drejt shtetit rregullator n\u00eb reforma ciklike \u2013 reforma q\u00eb jan\u00eb jo t\u00eb plota, t\u00eb paqarta, t\u00eb cop\u00ebzuara dhe tep\u00ebr t\u00eb ngadalta p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur te nj\u00eb shtet rregullator dinamik q\u00eb funksionon brenda BE-s\u00eb. Kjo kontribuon n\u00eb perceptimin n\u00eb mesin e qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb rajon se procesi i aderimit n\u00eb BE \u00ebsht\u00eb i pafund.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse i hedhim nj\u00eb sy dimensionit t\u00eb qeverisjes ekonomike, mungesa e nj\u00eb identiteti t\u00eb qart\u00eb politik pasqyrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb rend ekonomik rajonal hibrid e shum\u00eb-nivel\u00ebsh. As kjo nuk \u00e7on te shteti rregullator, por m\u00eb tep\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb i shtyr\u00eb nga reformat q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon BE n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb transicionit nga kaosi postkomunist pas shembjes s\u00eb ekonomive t\u00eb planifikuara drejt \u2018ekonomis\u00eb sociale t\u00eb tregut\u2019. Ky transicion synon t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcej\u00eb nj\u00eb rend liberal, i cili faktikisht nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb tentuar t\u00eb vendoset ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb rajon, me dimensionet e tij politike dhe ekonomike q\u00eb \u00e7ojn\u00eb drejt zhvillimit politik dhe begatis\u00eb ekonomike, t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb, nga ana e tyre, parakushte kritike p\u00ebr ekonomi sociale t\u00eb tregut. Dimensioni politik i k\u00ebtij rendi liberal \u00ebsht\u00eb shtet\u00ebsia e konsoliduar, q\u00eb \u00e7on drejt zhvillimit politik p\u00ebrmes stabilitetit politik, qeverisjes efektive dhe shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs. Dimensioni ekonomik i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrja minimale e shtetit n\u00eb ekonomi ose mosnd\u00ebrhyrja e tij, q\u00eb \u00e7on n\u00eb prosperitet ekonomik p\u00ebrmes tregtis\u00eb s\u00eb lir\u00eb dhe konkurrenc\u00ebs s\u00eb lir\u00eb, rregullimit minimal ose mosrregullimit, dhe tatimeve minimale.<\/p>\n

Mungesa e identitetit politik ka form\u00ebsuar n\u00eb shtetet e rajonit rende politike dhe sisteme qeverisjeje hibride q\u00eb nuk \u00e7ojn\u00eb te shteti rregullator. Ato nuk jan\u00eb liberale, por m\u00eb tep\u00ebr hibride, t\u00eb karakterizuara nga\u00a0autoritarizmi konkurrues<\/a>, politikisht, dhe politika neoliberale, ekonomikisht. Autoritarizmi konkurrues i mban rregullator\u00ebt e tregut, n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me parimet e BE-s\u00eb, t\u00eb paaft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar mbrojtje dhe mbik\u00ebqyrje t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar q\u00eb t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzohen nga autoritar\u00ebt p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur pushtetin. P\u00ebrve\u00e7\u00a0dob\u00ebsive<\/a>\u00a0n\u00eb kapacitete, pavar\u00ebsi dhe mbik\u00ebqyrje nga parlamentet, rregullator\u00ebt kudo n\u00eb rajon l\u00ebngojn\u00eb nga kapja nga politika: nd\u00ebrhyrje politike n\u00eb em\u00ebrimet e nivelit t\u00eb lart\u00eb dhe pun\u00ebsimet brenda tyre. Trend\u00ebt neoliberal\u00eb si privatizimi dhe konkurrenca p\u00ebr investime t\u00eb huaja t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejta n\u00eb nj\u00eb treg t\u00eb vog\u00ebl 20-milion\u00ebsh e \u00e7ak\u00ebrdisin edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb perspektiv\u00ebn p\u00ebr shtet rregullator. Rezultati \u00ebsht\u00eb se konkurrenca mbyt aktivitetet ekonomike n\u00eb shkall\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl dhe resurse kritike u dhurohen korporatave t\u00eb derregulluara. Krejt n\u00eb fund, t\u00eb metat strukturore (joformaliteti ekonomik, q\u00eb arrin nj\u00eb t\u00eb tret\u00ebn e PBB-s\u00eb, monopolet, pagat e pabarabarta e t\u00eb ul\u00ebta, standardet joadekuate t\u00eb pun\u00ebs dhe sindikata t\u00eb dob\u00ebsuara) lihen pas dore.<\/p>\n

Rezultati \u00ebsht\u00eb kapja e trefisht\u00eb: politike, rregullatore dhe e tregut. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja p\u00ebrse agjenda e \u2018rregullimit m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb\u2019, e shtyr\u00eb nga BE-ja, q\u00eb \u00e7on kah shteti rregullator p\u00ebrmes racionalizimit t\u00eb rregullator\u00ebve dhe reduktimit t\u00eb burokracis\u00eb, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me munges\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtimit politik pasi q\u00eb do t\u2019u kushtonte vota autoritar\u00ebve. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, marr\u00eb parasysh nevoj\u00ebn e BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi si antiautoritarizmit ashtu edhe stabilitetit politik n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, shteti rregullator deri m\u00eb tani \u00ebsht\u00eb pasqyruar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pamjaftueshme n\u00eb kusht\u00ebzueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb zgjerimit. Mund t\u00eb argumentohet se kjo politik\u00eb, duke qen\u00eb e p\u00ebrqendruar p\u00ebr s\u00eb tep\u00ebrmi n\u00eb\u00a0transformime normative<\/a>, ka tep\u00ebr normativitet dhe shum\u00eb pak \u2018efekt zinxhiror\u2019.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb akoma her\u00ebt t\u00eb nxjerrim p\u00ebrfundime mbi at\u00eb se si integrimi rajonal i Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor ndikon n\u00eb perspektiv\u00ebn e shtetit rregullator. Nj\u00eb gj\u00eb dihet, dhe ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb se ka rritur kompleksitetin duke shtuar nj\u00eb shtres\u00eb tjet\u00ebr mbi ato ekzistueset: lokale, rajonale (n\u00eb disa vende), komb\u00ebtare, t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb dhe globale. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, rregullat dallojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb drastike sa i p\u00ebrket asaj se sa jan\u00eb t\u00eb detyrueshme: ato p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb rregulla lokale dhe komb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, rregulla t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta p\u00ebr territore specifike brenda shteteve, rregulla federale e kuazi-federale, dhe aranzhime rajonale q\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyren nga organe gjysm\u00eb t\u00eb institucionalizuara t\u00eb drejtuara nga iniciativat rajonale, BE-ja dhe akter\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Shto k\u00ebsaj rregulla t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb vendosura nga iniciativa si \u2018Procesi i Berlinit\u2019, ndonj\u00eb lloj ‘mini-Shengeni\u2019 dhe qindra marr\u00ebveshje dypal\u00ebshe, dhe mjedisi b\u00ebhet tejet aq kompleks sa tregu nuk mund t\u2019i b\u00ebj\u00eb ball\u00eb. Ky kompleksitet n\u00eb rritje \u00ebsht\u00eb simptom\u00eb e nj\u00eb obsesioni n\u00eb rajon me izomorfizmin e institucioneve q\u00eb imiton BE-n\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsore. N\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb vler\u00ebsimit real t\u00eb nevojave t\u00eb tregut dhe kapaciteteve p\u00ebr reforma, ky obsesion p\u00ebrforcon perceptimin n\u00eb mesin e qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb rajon se \u2018t\u00eb b\u00ebsh m\u00eb shum\u00eb\u2019, n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb \u2018ta b\u00ebsh m\u00eb mir\u00eb\u2019, ushqen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrsosur profecin\u00eb vet\u00ebp\u00ebrmbush\u00ebse sipas s\u00eb cil\u00ebs t\u2019i bashkohesh BE-s\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb rrug\u00eb e pafund. Kjo ka implikime serioze politike.<\/p>\n

E fundit fare, arsyet e lidhura me tregun kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me madh\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe struktur\u00ebn e ekonomive t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor dhe shkall\u00ebn e rritjes s\u00eb tyre, si dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet ekonomike nd\u00ebrmjet tyre dhe me BE-n\u00eb. Gjetjet e nj\u00eb\u00a0raporti t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb mbi tregtin\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0brenda rajonit mb\u00ebshtesin argumentin \u2018ta b\u00ebsh m\u00eb mir\u00eb\u2019 dhe nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr qasje m\u00eb realiste me izomorfizmin dhe imitimin e BE-s\u00eb. Po flasim p\u00ebr nj\u00eb treg 20-milion\u00ebsh t\u00eb gjasht\u00eb vendeve q\u00eb tregtojn\u00eb mes tyre n\u00eb shkall\u00eb prej vet\u00ebm 6% PBB-s\u00eb, mesatarisht, krahasuar me nj\u00eb treg 500-milion\u00ebsh; PBB totale, n\u00eb terma t\u00eb PFB-s\u00eb (PPP), sa nj\u00eb e treta e asaj t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb; nj\u00eb treg pak i diversifikuar krahasuar me nj\u00eb tep\u00ebr tejet t\u00eb diversifikuar; dhe di\u00e7ka q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebrrmuese \u2013 se rajonit i duhen 60-200 vjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb hapin me BE-n\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Me t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn pes\u00eb nivele rregullatore t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga qindra marr\u00ebveshje e aranzhime, mij\u00ebra korniza politikash dhe ndoshta mbi 500 rregullator\u00eb, Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor \u00ebsht\u00eb i rregulluar p\u00ebr s\u00eb tep\u00ebrmi dhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pamjaftueshme, n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb. Zgjidhja e k\u00ebtij paradoksi mbase mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtira nga t\u00eb gjitha reformat e qeverisjes p\u00ebr aderim n\u00eb BE n\u00eb k\u00ebto koh\u00eb t\u00eb paparashikueshme.<\/p>\n

—-<\/p>\n

Bashk\u00ebpunimi n\u00eb mes t\u00eb platformave online\u00a0Remarker<\/a>\u00a0dhe Sbunker \u00ebsht\u00eb duke sjellur nj\u00eb seri analizash q\u00eb kan\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim nxitjen e debatit t\u00eb hapur e kritik mbi situat\u00ebn aktuale n\u00eb rajonin e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor.<\/em><\/p>\n

Pas q\u00ebndrimeve t\u00eb fundit nga Franca, nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr shtetet an\u00ebtare me m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti ndikim n\u00eb BE, rajoni po p\u00ebrballet me nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr sfidat m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira t\u00eb tri dekadave t\u00eb fundit, prej kur shtetet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor filluan rrug\u00ebn e tyre t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, fillimisht duke kaluar n\u00ebp\u00ebr konflikte dhe pastaj n\u00eb procesin e demokratizimit dhe integrimit evropian.<\/em><\/p>\n

Q\u00ebllimi i\u00a0Remarker<\/a>\u00a0dhe Sbunker \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb njohje m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve aktuale n\u00eb vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, dhe rritjen e vet\u00ebdijes mbi proceset e integrimit evropian, at\u00eb t\u00eb demokratizimit dhe sundimit t\u00eb ligjit, si kushtet kryesore p\u00ebr arritjen e paqes afatgjat\u00eb dhe stabilitetit n\u00eb rajon.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

—–\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

Shkrimin n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn serbe mund ta gjeni\u00a0k\u00ebtu<\/a>,\u00a0nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn\u00a0angleze\u00a0k\u00ebtu.<\/a><\/em><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Shteti rregullator\u00a0n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb konceptim t\u00eb shtetit funksionet e t\u00eb cilit kufizohen n\u00eb rregullimin e tregut. Ai ka lindur n\u00eb vitet 1980 n\u00eb vendet e zhvilluara, si shtet jo-nd\u00ebrhyr\u00ebs roli i t\u00eb cilit \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i nj\u00eb arbitri neutral q\u00eb merret me vendosjen e rregullave dhe monitorimin e zbatimin e tyre me detyrim. N\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":469,"featured_media":7714,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1189,1188],"ppma_author":[1190],"class_list":["post-2728","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-1189","tag-rajoni"],"authors":[{"term_id":1190,"user_id":469,"is_guest":0,"slug":"artan-qollaku","display_name":"Artan \u00c7ollaku","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/8a4d7e153604cf729156e6520a24eaee4813927d60bdc6e30ab63747b36f274e?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"\u00c7ollaku","first_name":"Artan","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2728","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/469"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2728"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2728\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7717,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2728\/revisions\/7717"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7714"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2728"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2728"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2728"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2728"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}