Arma kryesore e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb tre dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00ebt e fundit, p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cil\u00ebs ne kemi arritur q\u00eb ta thyejm\u00eb asimetrin\u00eb e fuqis\u00eb ndaj Serbis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb arrijm\u00eb statusin e sot\u00ebm n\u00eb rendin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, ka qen\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetja prej fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha per\u00ebndimore.<\/p>\n
Kjo arm\u00eb ka qen\u00eb vendimtare jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak se gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj kohe per\u00ebndimi ka qen\u00eb i plotfuqish\u00ebm dhe i pakontestuesh\u00ebm, por edhe p\u00ebr shkak se, kur vjen puna t\u00eb politika mbi Ballkanin, per\u00ebndimi p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht ka folur me nj\u00eb z\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Ka pasur shtete q\u00eb kan\u00eb luajtur rol prij\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb kan\u00eb ndjekur. Por p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht politika per\u00ebndimore ka qen\u00eb multilaterale dhe e bashk\u00ebrenduar.<\/p>\n
\u00c7arja e sotme transatlantike, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ajo n\u00eb mes SHBA-ve dhe Gjermanis\u00eb, e ka dob\u00ebsuar jo vet\u00ebm per\u00ebndimin n\u00eb raport me fuqit\u00eb konkuruese, por e ka dob\u00ebsuar edhe Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment vendimtar p\u00ebr p\u00ebrmbylljen e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Kjo \u00e7arje n\u00eb rastin ton\u00eb po reflektohet te dallimet mes shteteve t\u00eb ndryshme rreth dialogut dhe \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb kufijve, por ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e thell\u00eb, m\u00eb strukturore dhe me gjasa p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb edhe afatgjate.<\/p>\n
Administrata Trump po e ndjek nj\u00eb politike t\u00eb jashtme unilaterale, realiste dhe m\u00eb pak intervenuese, me fokus te gara me fuqit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha si Kina, dhe n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe ka hequr dor\u00eb nga promovimi i vlerave demokratike n\u00eb bot\u00eb.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, kjo administrat\u00eb po bie ndesh me shtetet kryesore europiane, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht me Gjermanin\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb varg \u00e7\u00ebshtjesh \u2013 nga politikat e mbrojtjes (shpenzimet), te politika ndaj Rusis\u00eb, Kin\u00ebs dhe Iranit, e deri te \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e ndryshimeve klimatike.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto \u00e7\u00ebshtje SHBA-t\u00eb dhe Gjermania e kan\u00eb nj\u00eb lexim t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm t\u00eb shkaqeve t\u00eb problemeve bot\u00ebrore dhe ofrojn\u00eb zgjidhje t\u00eb ndryshme. \u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e keqja, t\u00eb dyja vendet nuk po tregojn\u00eb interes p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar konsensus, meq\u00eb besimi reciprok \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb nivelin m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt q\u00eb nga fundi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb SHBA dominon nj\u00ebfar\u00eb bindje se me Europ\u00ebn nuk ka \u00e7ka t\u00eb diskutohet, se ajo thjesht duhet t\u00eb ul\u00eb kok\u00ebn p\u00ebrball\u00eb k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb SHBA. Dominon bindja se Europa \u00ebsht\u00eb jofalenderuese dhe se prej vitesh po p\u00ebrfiton n\u00eb kurriz t\u00eb mburoj\u00ebs s\u00eb siguris\u00eb amerikane.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb Europ\u00eb n\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb ekziston nj\u00eb bindje se ndaj SHBA-ve nuk duhen b\u00ebr\u00eb shum\u00eb l\u00ebshime sepse duhet pritur edhe dy vite (pas zgjedhjeve) q\u00eb ato t\u00eb kthehen n\u00eb binar\u00eb t\u00eb politik\u00ebs konvencionale.<\/p>\n
Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb hera e par\u00eb q\u00eb multilateralizmi per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebrballet me \u00e7arje t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. Ato kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb shpeshta edhe n\u00eb t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn. Luft\u00ebrat e SHBA-ve n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme, si nd\u00ebrhyrja n\u00eb Irak, kan\u00eb qen\u00eb nj\u00eb rast i \u00e7arjes s\u00eb thell\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Por asnj\u00ebher\u00eb gama e mospajtimeve nuk ka qen\u00eb kaq e gj\u00ebr\u00eb dhe nuk ka p\u00ebrfshr\u00eb aq shum\u00eb dallime strategjike (jo vet\u00ebm taktike). Shum\u00eb analist\u00eb vler\u00ebsojn\u00eb se ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm fenomen i kaluesh\u00ebm dhe i nd\u00ebrlidhur vet\u00ebm me Administrat\u00ebn Trump, por nj\u00eb ndryshim m\u00eb strukturor i cili mund t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb drejt ndryshimeve afatgjate n\u00eb arkitektur\u00ebn politike dhe t\u00eb siguris\u00eb s\u00eb per\u00ebndimit.<\/p>\n
Si rrjedhoj\u00eb, n\u00eb zonat m\u00eb periferike t\u00eb bot\u00ebs demokratike ka shum\u00eb dyshime mbi t\u00eb ardhmen e rendit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe pik\u00ebpyetje mbi at\u00eb se cilat do t\u00eb jen\u00eb implikimet e siguris\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Askund k\u00ebto dilema nuk jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha se n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn Lindore. P\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb shtetet e Europ\u00ebs Lindore kan\u00eb llogaritur n\u00eb mburoj\u00ebn e siguris\u00eb s\u00eb ofruar nga SHBA dhe NATO, si dhe n\u00eb projektin komplementar politik t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Tani ato p\u00ebrve\u00e7se nuk mund ta marrin p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebqen\u00eb NATO-n dhe BE-n\u00eb, po p\u00ebrballen s\u00eb brendshmi edhe me akumulimin e frustrimeve me tranzicionin politik dhe me rryma politike reaksionare dhe revizioniste, t\u00eb nxitura nga vende si Rusia.<\/p>\n
Si rrjedhoj\u00eb shum\u00eb prej vendeve t\u00eb lindjes po i rivler\u00ebsojn\u00eb, ose t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn po i v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje, pozicionimet e tyre strategjike, dhe po i ridefinojn\u00eb interesat n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me rrethanat e reja.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ky debat mungon thuajse krejt\u00ebsisht. Ekziston nj\u00ebfar\u00eb vet\u00ebdijeje p\u00ebr \u00e7arjen mes vendeve t\u00eb per\u00ebndimit, e kuptuar n\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb sfidave t\u00eb momentit n\u00eb lidhje me \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e kufijve. Por jo edhe nj\u00ebfar\u00eb debati m\u00eb i thell\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb se cili lloj pozicionimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen, p\u00ebrfshi k\u00ebtu edhe rreth tem\u00ebs s\u00eb kufijve, \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me interesat strategjike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb ndryshimeve n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb fakt, m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa mendim t\u00eb pavarur dhe shtjellim t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, ne sot shohim ngarendje dhe gar\u00eb mes grupeve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb interesit p\u00ebr t\u2019u pozicionuar si p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues vendas t\u00eb q\u00ebndrimeve t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta t\u00eb huaja.<\/p>\n
Kjo munges\u00eb e agjencis\u00eb vendore me gjas\u00eb vjen jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb vog\u00eblsis\u00eb dhe provincializmit ton\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb, por p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb shpeshher\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuese dhe imponuese q\u00eb shtetet per\u00ebndimore \u00a0kan\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00ebn ton\u00eb t\u00eb brendshme.<\/p>\n
Debati rreth kufijve tregoi se kur \u00e7arjet e m\u00ebdha ndodhin n\u00eb epiqend\u00ebr, vendeve t\u00eb vogla u imponohen pozicionimet.<\/p>\n
Paaft\u00ebsia e elit\u00ebs son\u00eb politike dhe intelektuale p\u00ebr ta artikuluar nj\u00eb pozicion konsensual dhe autokton n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst – pra p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar agjenci veprimi p\u00ebrball\u00eb fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha – tregon se shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb ta kemi t\u00eb pakonsoliduar nga brenda po aq sa e kemi edhe nga jasht\u00eb.<\/p>\n
—–<\/p>\n
Ky shkrim \u00ebsht\u00eb realizuar n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb projektit: \u201cNd\u00ebrtimi i Urave: Evropianizimi p\u00ebrmes rritjes s\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit n\u00eb mes t\u00eb QKSS dhe Think-Tankeve n\u00eb BE\u201d financuar nga\u00a0 Fondacioni p\u00ebr Shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb Hapur p\u00ebr Europ\u00ebn (OSIFE). Pik\u00ebpamjet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shkrim nuk paraqein q\u00ebndrimet \u00a0e donatorit.<\/em><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Arma kryesore e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb tre dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00ebt e fundit, p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cil\u00ebs ne kemi arritur q\u00eb ta thyejm\u00eb asimetrin\u00eb e fuqis\u00eb ndaj Serbis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb arrijm\u00eb statusin e sot\u00ebm n\u00eb rendin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, ka qen\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetja prej fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha per\u00ebndimore. Kjo arm\u00eb ka qen\u00eb vendimtare jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak se gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj kohe per\u00ebndimi ka […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":438,"featured_media":12008,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[1277,664,637,656],"ppma_author":[985],"class_list":["post-2759","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-balkan","tag-kosovo","tag-nato","tag-usa"],"authors":[{"term_id":985,"user_id":438,"is_guest":0,"slug":"agon-maliqi","display_name":"Agon Maliqi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Headshot-copy-3-1-scaled-e1721289936673.jpeg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Headshot-copy-3-1-scaled-e1721289936673.jpeg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Maliqi","first_name":"Agon","description":"Agon Maliqi \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, analist dhe aktivist i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile nga Prishtina, me banim n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb. Prej disa vitesh ai punon si k\u00ebshill\u00ebtar dhe studies i pavarur i \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, paqes dhe demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mori institutesh, organizatash dhe mediash vendase dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00eb\u00ebtare. Si aktivist i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr thuajse 20 vite, zt. Maliqi mes tjerash ka qen\u00eb bashk\u00ebthemelues dhe drejtues per disa vite i platform\u00ebs sbunker. N\u00eb vitin 2019 ai q\u00ebndroi p\u00ebr gjysm\u00eb viti n\u00eb Uashington D.C si p\u00ebrfitues i Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fello\u00ebship n\u00eb Fondin Komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Demokracis\u00eb (NED) n\u00eb SHBA. Sot ai \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e Grupit Strategjik p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb Fondacionit Heinrich B\u00f6ll (HBS) me baz\u00eb n\u00eb Berlin; pjes\u00eb e Task Forc\u00ebs rajonale t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb Institutit Republikan Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar (IRI) dhe an\u00ebtar i Koalicionit Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr Rip\u00ebrt\u00ebritje Demokratike (ICDR) t\u00eb Forumit 2000 n\u00eb Prag\u00eb. Zt. Maliqi ka mbaruar studimet master p\u00ebr politikat e zhvillimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb Duke University (SHBA) dhe ato bachelor p\u00ebr shkenca politike dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin Amerikan n\u00eb Bullgari."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2759","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/438"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2759"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2759\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2760,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2759\/revisions\/2760"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12008"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2759"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2759"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2759"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2759"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}