{"id":2761,"date":"2018-11-27T15:01:47","date_gmt":"2018-11-27T13:01:47","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=2761"},"modified":"2025-01-16T15:05:05","modified_gmt":"2025-01-16T13:05:05","slug":"axhenda-e-shtetndertimit-e-dominuar-nga-dialogu-i-brukselit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/axhenda-e-shtetndertimit-e-dominuar-nga-dialogu-i-brukselit\/","title":{"rendered":"Axhenda e shtetnd\u00ebrtimit e dominuar nga dialogu i Brukselit"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Kosova 2025: Balancim mes axhend\u00ebs s\u00eb shtetnd\u00ebrtimit dhe dialogut<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Nj\u00eb mobilizim i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm politik dhe institucional do t\u00eb nxiste nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebrfundimtare e cila mund\u00ebson mbylljen e konfliktit me Serbin\u00eb dhe rikthimin e energjive kah reformat e brendshme, p\u00ebr t\u00eb avancuar n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn drejt integrimit n\u00eb Bashkimin Evropian.<\/em><\/p>\n

N\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb po flitet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse dhe t\u00eb detyrueshme mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb – formati, parimet dhe afatet kohore nuk jan\u00eb caktuar ende. Pozicionet e ngurta t\u00eb partive n\u00eb pushtet dhe opozit\u00ebs kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mos ket\u00eb nj\u00eb Platform\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt n\u00eb dialog. Kjo po ndodh, ani pse draftdokumentet e propozuara p\u00ebrputhen n\u00eb shum\u00eb pika. T\u00eb gjitha, me pak dallime, th\u00ebrrasin p\u00ebr respektim t\u00eb sovranitetit dhe integritetit territorial t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, domosdoshm\u00ebrin\u00eb q\u00eb Serbia ta njoh\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn si dhe Kuvendi t\u00eb jet\u00eb autoriteti final q\u00eb i jep vul\u00ebn marr\u00ebveshjes p\u00ebrfundimtare.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb mobilizim i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm politik dhe institucional do t\u00eb nxiste nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebrfundimtare e cila mund\u00ebson mbylljen e konfliktit me Serbin\u00eb dhe rikthimin e energjive kah reformat e brendshme, p\u00ebr t\u00eb avancuar n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn drejt integrimit n\u00eb Bashkim Evropian. Viti 2025 \u00ebsht\u00eb kufiri i vendosur p\u00ebr vendet Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE.<\/p>\n

Rrug\u00ebtimi shpresues i Kosov\u00ebs drejt an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb BE dhe dialogu me Serbin\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb objekt diskutimi n\u00eb Shkoll\u00ebn p\u00ebr Integrime Evropiane – Moduli p\u00ebr Siguri dhe Politik\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme, organizuar nga Qendra Kosovare p\u00ebr Studime t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb (QKSS) dhe Fondacioni p\u00ebr Shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb Hapur (KFOS), m\u00eb 16-19 n\u00ebntor n\u00eb Durr\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Ngatht\u00ebsi n\u00eb zbatimin e Axhend\u00ebs p\u00ebr Reforma Evropiane \u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kosova mbetet i vetmi vend n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor q\u00eb nuk ka liberalizim t\u00eb vizave dhe nuk ka aplikuar p\u00ebr statusin e vendit kandidat. Nj\u00eb aspekt i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i diskutuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb modul, lidhet me faktin se axhenda e shtetnd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb dominuar plot\u00ebsisht nga dialogu i Brukselit. Raportet flasin p\u00ebr ngatht\u00ebsi n\u00eb zbatimin e Axhend\u00ebs p\u00ebr Reforma Evropiane (ERA). Kosova ka zbatuar vet\u00ebm 9 nga 22 prioritetet e dakorduara me BE-n\u00eb. Kjo e dh\u00ebn\u00eb evidentohet edhe n\u00eb Raportin P\u00ebrfundimtar t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb mbi zbatimin e ERA-s, referuar periudh\u00ebs 2016-2018, e cili \u00ebsht\u00eb finalizuar k\u00ebt\u00eb muaj. K\u00ebsisoj, institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs nuk kan\u00eb mundur t\u2019i zbatojn\u00eb as gjysm\u00ebn e 22 detyrave t\u00eb sht\u00ebpis\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat ishte zotuar para Bashkimit Evropian se do t\u2019i kryente deri n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit 2017. Pun\u00eb e pakryer ka mbetur miratimi i legjislacionit q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon pezullimin dhe\/ose largimin e detyruesh\u00ebm t\u00eb zyrtar\u00ebve publik\u00eb t\u00eb akuzuar dhe d\u00ebnuar p\u00ebr korrupsion. Disa prej detyrave q\u00eb ende nuk jan\u00eb kryer, qeveria synon t\u2019i adresoj\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb procedure urgjente n\u00eb Kuvend, me q\u00ebllimin q\u00eb Kosova t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshinte n\u00eb axhend\u00ebn e K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb BE-s edhe liberalizimin e vizave.<\/p>\n

Por shum\u00eb prej vendeve t\u00eb BE-s, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb shtetet n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat Kosova ka llogaritur mb\u00ebshtetje, kan\u00eb q\u00ebndrim hezitues. Si arsyetim \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrmendur mungesa e rezultateve n\u00eb luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr krimit t\u00eb organizuar dhe korrupsionit dhe rreziku nga rritja e numrit t\u00eb azilk\u00ebrkuesve. Prandaj, \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore q\u00eb Kosova t\u00eb gjej\u00eb m\u00ebnyra p\u00ebr dinamizim t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushjes s\u00eb reformave dhe fuqizimi t\u00eb shtetit. Nga brenda, fokusi duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb zhvillim ekonomik, reforma n\u00eb arsim e sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsi, por paralelisht me k\u00ebt\u00eb angazhim n\u00eb fuqizimin e subjektivitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

Bllokada<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kosova dhe Serbia vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb mbesin t\u00eb bllokuara n\u00eb kontestin politik \u00a0dhe \u201csatus quoja\u201d po shoq\u00ebrohet me tensione t\u00eb koh\u00eb pas kohshme n\u00eb terren.<\/p>\n

Gj\u00ebrat p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzuan pas d\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsohet n\u00eb INTERPOL, si pasoj\u00eb e fushat\u00ebs agresive t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb. Fqinji verior, jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb arriti ta kufizoj\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahjen nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin e Kosov\u00ebs, por gjithashtu zhvilloi nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb n\u00ebn\u00e7muese kund\u00ebr shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs duke e paraqitur n\u00eb nj\u00eb frym\u00eb tejet negative. Nj\u00ebjt\u00eb kishte ndodhur edhe p\u00ebr procesin e Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u2019u an\u00ebtar\u00ebsuar n\u00eb UNESCO, q\u00eb n\u00eb fund rezultoi me d\u00ebshtim.<\/p>\n

Si kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigje, qeveria ngriti taks\u00ebn n\u00eb 100 p\u00ebr qind p\u00ebr produktet me origjin\u00eb nga Serbia dhe Bosnja e Hercegovina. Ky vendim nxiti reagimin e Brukselit, duke k\u00ebrkuar ulje t\u00eb tensioneve dhe p\u00ebrkushtim n\u00eb arritjen e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje p\u00ebrfundimtare, si parakusht p\u00ebr integrim n\u00eb BE.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb korrik t\u00eb vitit 2017, P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesja e Lart\u00eb p\u00ebr Politik\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme dhe Politik\u00eb t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb, Federica Mogherini pas nj\u00eb takimi jozyrtar me President\u00ebt, Tha\u00e7i-Vu\u00e7iq, njoftoi fillimin e \u2018faz\u00ebs finale\u2019 n\u00eb dialog.<\/p>\n

BE-ja e b\u00ebri k\u00ebt\u00eb kap\u00ebrcim, edhe pse shum\u00eb prej marr\u00ebveshjeve ekzistuese t\u00eb arritura n\u00eb dialogun teknik e m\u00eb von\u00eb politik, nuk kan\u00eb gjetur zbatim. N\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb mekanizmi n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet t\u00eb cilit do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej monitorimi i marr\u00ebveshjes, pal\u00ebve u \u00ebsht\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb t\u2019i interpretojn\u00eb ato sipas interesave t\u00eb tyre. N\u00eb raport me Kosov\u00ebn, BE-ja u mjaftua me krijimin e nj\u00eb forme t\u00eb konsensusit rreth perspektiv\u00ebs Evropiane n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet n\u00ebnshkrimit t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Stabilizim Asociimit (MSA).Prej at\u00ebher\u00eb deri tash, gjith\u00eb procesi i dialogut \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrcjell\u00eb me paqart\u00ebsi dhe munges\u00eb uniteti n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Rrjedhimisht, zgjidhja nuk duket n\u00eb horizont.<\/p>\n

Skenar\u00ebt\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr k\u00ebrkesave p\u00ebr fleksibilitet, pal\u00ebt n\u00eb dialog e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb se nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb fitues n\u00ebse dikush del humb\u00ebs nga marr\u00ebveshja finale. Skenar\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb diskutuar n\u00eb modulin p\u00ebr Politik\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme kan\u00eb qen\u00eb: 1) D\u00ebshtimi i marr\u00ebveshjes; 2) Modeli i dy Gjermanive; 3) Brukseli 2; dhe 4) Opsioni i shk\u00ebmbimit.<\/p>\n

D\u00ebshtimi i arritjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje q\u00eb do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte vazhdim t\u00eb \u201cstatus quos\u201d, ka shum\u00eb gjas\u00eb t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb. Referuar deklaratave zyrtare, nj\u00eb opsion t\u00eb till\u00eb nuk e preferon asnj\u00ebra pal\u00eb e as faktori nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Kjo pasi, do t\u00eb vazhdohej t\u00eb shpenzoheshin energji t\u00eb shumta edhe p\u00ebr shum\u00eb vite, me procese e p\u00ebrpjekje q\u00eb kan\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar se nuk sjellin normalizim t\u00eb plot\u00eb, e as nuk g\u00ebzojn\u00eb besimin e publikut. Por, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb paralajm\u00ebruar n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe Serbi, kompromisi q\u00eb k\u00ebrkohet p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb fund konfliktit \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201ci dhimbsh\u00ebm\u201d.<\/p>\n

Me pak p\u00ebrparim e shum\u00eb ngecje, formati aktual i dialogut t\u00eb Brukselit ka arritur limitet e tij. \u201cQasja neutrale\u201d e BE-s karshi statusit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, e b\u00ebn t\u00eb pamundur arritjen e marr\u00ebveshjeve tjera pa u marr\u00eb me thelbin e problemit, e q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb statusi i Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Neutraliteti i BE-s \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb penges\u00eb edhe n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs drejt integrimit n\u00eb BE dhe Strategjia e fundit e zgjerimit \u00ebsht\u00eb prov\u00eb shtes\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb Komisioni Evropian e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb se pa \u2018nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse, ligj\u00ebrisht t\u00eb detyrueshme\u201d, as Kosova e as Serbia, nuk do t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u2019i bashkohen BE-s. Megjithat\u00eb Strategjia, i ofron Serbis\u00eb nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb kohore dhe indikator\u00ebt e nevojsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin deri n\u00eb vitin 2025.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb pritet nj\u00eb proces ndryshe n\u00ebse shkohet n\u00eb skenarin e dyt\u00eb. Kalimi n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cBruksel 2\u201d, pa zbatimin e marr\u00ebveshjeve ekzistuese dhe pa vendosjen e nj\u00eb mekanizmi t\u00eb duhur t\u00eb monitorimit, v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se do t\u00eb sillte nj\u00eb rezultat tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

Kjo do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte shkuarje p\u00ebrtej marr\u00ebveshjes aktuale t\u00eb Brukselit. K\u00ebshtu ka ndodhur n\u00eb procesin e formimit t\u00eb dy Gjermanive. Gjasht\u00eb traktate jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhur deri tek ai finali. Por, dilema \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse ka energji dhe vullnet t\u00eb shkohet p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb procesi kaq t\u00eb gjat\u00eb?! Po ashtu ekziston rreziku q\u00eb, nj\u00eb \u201cBruksel 2\u201d, \u00a0disa vende t\u00eb BE-s bashk\u00eb me Serbin\u00eb ta trajtojn\u00eb si marr\u00ebveshje finale.<\/p>\n

Aplikimi i Modelit t\u00eb dy Gjermanive \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb opsion tjet\u00ebr i diskutuar n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb Shkoll\u00ebs. Ky model p\u00ebrmendet q\u00eb prej negociatave p\u00ebr statusin final t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, n\u00eb vitin 2007, i propozuar nga ish-nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsi evropian, Wolfgang Ischinger.<\/p>\n

Modeli i dy Gjermanive ishte krijuar n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e ndarjes s\u00eb bot\u00ebs n\u00eb blloqe. Ato s\u2019e njoh\u00ebn nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn, ishin an\u00ebtare t\u00eb OKB\u2013s dhe nuk e bllokonin nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn. Marr\u00ebveshja u referohej dy Gjermanive si shtete. Sipas tij k\u00ebtij modeli, edhe pse Serbia nuk do ta njihte zyrtarisht Kosov\u00ebn, kjo do t\u2019i hapte rrug\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb Kombet e Bashkuara dhe do t\u00eb respektonte sovranitetin e saj.<\/p>\n

Kjo ide u rikthye para disa jav\u00ebsh n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb nga deputeti i CDU-s, Peter Beyer, nj\u00ebher\u00ebsh i ngarkuar me pun\u00eb p\u00ebr Kosov\u00eb, Serbi dhe Mal t\u00eb Zi, n\u00eb Komisionin p\u00ebr Pun\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme n\u00eb Bundestag. Por ai ka mohuar t\u00eb jet\u00eb ky opsioni zyrtar t\u00eb cilin e shtyn Gjermania. N\u00eb takim me presidentin Tha\u00e7i, politikani gjerman ka th\u00ebn\u00eb ta ket\u00eb ngritur vet\u00ebm n\u00eb form\u00eb sugjerimi, n\u00ebse pal\u00ebt vler\u00ebsojn\u00eb se ky \u00ebsht\u00eb modeli q\u00eb i kontribuon paqes.<\/p>\n

Por ekziston rreziku q\u00eb ky model t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb autonomi p\u00ebr veriun me rrezikun e ndarjes. Po ashtu e diskutueshme \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse mjafton an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi n\u00eb OKB- pa njohje eksplicite, pa heqje t\u00eb rezolut\u00ebs 1244, n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur konteksti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar po ndryshon.<\/p>\n

Theksi tek kufijt\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

Gjermania \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebr kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb z\u00ebsh\u00ebm brenda BE-s, sa i p\u00ebrket ides\u00eb s\u00eb shk\u00ebmbimit t\u00eb territoreve. Por, si t\u00ebr\u00ebsi BE-ja nuk ka q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb unifikuar rreth opsionit i cili p\u00ebrmendet m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti. Serbia k\u00ebrkon marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb cil\u00ebn nuk ia kund\u00ebrshton Rusia, prandaj n\u00eb diskursin e politikan\u00ebve t\u00eb Beogradit prej vitesh proklamohet ideja p\u00ebr ndarjen e Kosov\u00ebs. Megjith\u00ebse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb prezantuar si q\u00ebndrim zyrtar, Serbia k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb brenda sovranitetit t\u00eb vet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb kat\u00ebr komunat e veriut, t\u00eb banuara me popullat\u00eb shumic\u00eb serb\u00eb – Mitrovic\u00ebn e Veriut, Leposaviqin, Zubin-Potokun dhe Zve\u00e7anin. Por a duhet t\u00eb jap\u00eb Kosova nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb veriut, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht t\u00eb jap\u00eb territor n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim t\u00eb njohjes nga Serbia. \u201cJO\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigja e shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb akter\u00ebve politik\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb partit\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, filloi kriza e lider\u00ebve. Kryeministri Haradinaj dhe presidenti Tha\u00e7i n\u00eb disa raste polemizuan n\u00eb distanc\u00eb. Sipas Haradinajt, prapa ides\u00eb s\u00eb \u201ckorrigjimit\u201d t\u00eb cil\u00ebn e proklamon Tha\u00e7i, po maskohet ndarja e Kosov\u00ebs. Me versione t\u00eb ndryshme p\u00ebr dialogun, lider\u00ebt institucional\u00eb jan\u00eb prezantuar edhe n\u00eb takime jasht\u00eb vendit. N\u00eb disa raste, Tha\u00e7i ka th\u00ebn\u00eb se Kosova nuk duhet t\u00eb mbetet peng i \u201cdhurat\u00ebs\u201d s\u00eb Rankoviqit. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb dhurat\u00eb, kreu i shtetit n\u00ebnkupton lokalitete n\u00eb veri, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb \u201cnj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb Leposaviqit, Leshakun dhe nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb Zubin-Potokut\u201d. Presidenti \u00ebsht\u00eb i vetmi q\u00eb ka institucionalizuar k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb Lugin\u00ebs s\u00eb Preshev\u00ebs, Medvegj\u00ebs dhe Bujanocit p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebngjitje me Kosov\u00ebn. Shqiptar\u00ebt e Lugin\u00ebs, vazhdimisht kan\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar reciprocitet me serb\u00ebt n\u00eb veriun e Kosov\u00ebs. Por n\u00eb shtat\u00eb vjet\u00ebt e dialogut, q\u00eb kryesisht \u00ebsht\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga Tha\u00e7i, k\u00ebrkesat e tyre nuk jan\u00eb shqyrtuar asnj\u00ebher\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb Platforme t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, theksi i dialogut po vihet tek kufijt\u00eb. Institucioni ligjv\u00ebn\u00ebs ka demonstruar kriz\u00eb vendimmarrjeje dhe asnj\u00ebri kamp politik nuk ka mundur t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb votat e mjaftueshme p\u00ebr t\u2019i shtyr\u00eb p\u00ebrpara iniciativat parlamentare rreth dialogut me Serbin\u00eb, ku do t\u00eb viheshin kufizime p\u00ebr k\u00ebdo q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson shtetin n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb proces.<\/p>\n

Synimi i arritjes s\u00eb paqes n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet hapjes s\u00eb kufijve, p\u00ebrderisa Kosova ndodhet ende n\u00eb konflikt me Serbin\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb konsideruar i rreziksh\u00ebm. Kufijt\u00eb mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb pjes\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyll\u00ebse e paqes dhe historia e shum\u00eb vendeve ka d\u00ebshmuar se nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebr kufij mund vet\u00ebm ta p\u00ebrmbyll\u00eb paqen.<\/p>\n

Diskutimi p\u00ebr kufijt\u00eb ka prodhuar paqart\u00ebsi edhe sa i p\u00ebrket t\u00eb ardhmes s\u00eb Asociacionit\/Bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Komunave me Shumic\u00eb Serbe. Ekipi Menaxhues, i mandatuar p\u00ebr draftimin e statutit ka p\u00ebrfunduar pun\u00ebn n\u00eb terren, por ende nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb prezantuar asnj\u00eb dokument, megjith\u00ebse ishte th\u00ebn\u00eb q\u00eb kjo t\u00eb b\u00ebhet m\u00eb 4 gusht. N\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me p\u00ebrcaktimin e Prishtin\u00ebs zyrtare, serb\u00ebt k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb q\u00eb kompetencat e Asociacionit\/Bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb t\u00eb mbeten ashtu si\u00e7 jan\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar n\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjen e Parimeve p\u00ebr Asociacionin, duke anashkaluar vendimin e gjykat\u00ebs kushtetuese, e cila ka gjetur shkelje n\u00eb t\u00eb shtat\u00eb kapitujt e asaj marr\u00ebveshjeje. Serb\u00ebt synojn\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrje t\u00eb plot\u00eb n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e zhvillimit ekonomik, arsimor e hap\u00ebsinor. Pretendime p\u00ebr t\u2019i futur n\u00ebn autoritetin e Asociacionit\/Bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb ka edhe ndaj dy resurseve kryesore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs – Liqenin e Gazivod\u00ebs dhe Trep\u00e7\u00ebs. N\u00eb pritje t\u00eb diskutimeve p\u00ebr marr\u00ebveshjen finale, \u00e7\u00ebshtja e Asociacionit\/Bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb ka ngecur me mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihet n\u00eb pako me marr\u00ebveshjen p\u00ebrfundimtare.<\/p>\n

—-<\/p>\n

Ky shkrim \u00ebsht\u00eb publikuar n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb projektit \u201cMund\u00ebsit\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebmarrje n\u00eb misionet paqeruajt\u00ebse t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb\u201d si pjes\u00eb e Shkoll\u00ebs p\u00ebr Integrime Evropiane \u2013 Moduli p\u00ebr Siguri dhe Politik\u00eb t\u00eb Jashtme, me mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb Fondacionit Kosovar p\u00ebr Shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb Hapur (KFOS).<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Kosova 2025: Balancim mes axhend\u00ebs s\u00eb shtetnd\u00ebrtimit dhe dialogut Nj\u00eb mobilizim i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm politik dhe institucional do t\u00eb nxiste nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebrfundimtare e cila mund\u00ebson mbylljen e konfliktit me Serbin\u00eb dhe rikthimin e energjive kah reformat e brendshme, p\u00ebr t\u00eb avancuar n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn drejt integrimit n\u00eb Bashkimin Evropian. N\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":400,"featured_media":12146,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[2363,10,11,870],"ppma_author":[631],"class_list":["post-2761","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-brukseli","tag-dialogu","tag-kosova","tag-siguria"],"authors":[{"term_id":631,"user_id":400,"is_guest":0,"slug":"fitim-gashi","display_name":"Fitim Gashi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/auto_ALB05130-min1677680979-150x150-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/auto_ALB05130-min1677680979-150x150-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Gashi","first_name":"Fitim","description":"Fitim Gashi \u00ebsht\u00eb gazetar me p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb n\u00eb \"KOHA Group\" q\u00eb nga viti 2013, duke mbuluar \u00e7\u00ebshtjet politike, sociale dhe t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Gashi ka 16 vite p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb n\u00eb gazetari, kurse m\u00eb par\u00eb ka punuar edhe n\u00eb \u201cKosova Sot\u201d, \u201cTribuna\u201d, \u201cLajm\u201d. P\u00ebr pun\u00ebn e tij, Gashi \u00ebsht\u00eb vler\u00ebsuar me disa \u00e7mime nga organizata vendore dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Gjithashtu ka marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb shum\u00eb programe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr promovimin dhe avancimin e gazetaris\u00eb profesionale. Gashi ka nj\u00eb diplom\u00eb Master n\u00eb Shkenca Politike dhe Administrat\u00eb Publike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2761","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/400"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2761"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2761\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12149,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2761\/revisions\/12149"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12146"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2761"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2761"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2761"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2761"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}