{"id":2782,"date":"2017-05-29T15:21:16","date_gmt":"2017-05-29T13:21:16","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=2782"},"modified":"2025-01-15T15:23:09","modified_gmt":"2025-01-15T13:23:09","slug":"cka-tutje-me-fsk-ne","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/cka-tutje-me-fsk-ne\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00c7ka tutje me FSK-n\u00eb?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Vendimi i ngutsh\u00ebm i Presidentit p\u00ebr ndryshimin e misionit dhe mandatit aktual t\u00eb FSK-s\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet ligjit, duke mos u koordinuar me Qeverin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs, opozit\u00ebn dhe partner\u00ebt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb e d\u00ebmtoi procesin e transformimit t\u00eb FSK-s\u00eb. Ky veprim ngjalli nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim t\u00eb papar\u00eb ndonj\u00eb her\u00eb, nga partner\u00ebt strategjik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb (NATO dhe SHBA) rreth k\u00ebtij procesi. Iniciativa e marr\u00eb nga presidenti duhet t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb si m\u00ebsim n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen se si t\u00eb veprohet me kujdes drejt arritjes s\u00eb q\u00ebllimit p\u00ebr themelimin e Forcave t\u00eb Armatosura t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs (FAK).<\/p>\n<p>Transformimi i Forc\u00ebs s\u00eb Siguris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs (FSK) n\u00eb FAK, gjegj\u00ebsisht ndryshimi i misionit aktual t\u00eb FSK-s\u00eb duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb nd\u00ebr prioritetet kryesore p\u00ebr Qeverin\u00eb e re t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs si dhe legjislativin. Mir\u00ebpo, ky proces nuk duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb i ngutsh\u00ebm dhe nuk duhet t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfitime personale apo p\u00ebr agjenda t\u00eb caktuara politike. Ky proces duhet t\u00eb tentohet q\u00eb fillimisht t\u00eb b\u00ebhet n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet ndryshimeve kushtetuese (edhe pse kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtimit nga deputet\u00ebt serb n\u00eb Parlamentin e Kosov\u00ebs)\u00a0 dhe n\u00eb momentin e shterjes s\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha mund\u00ebsive q\u00eb procesi i transformimit t\u00eb b\u00ebhet n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet ndryshimeve kushtetuese, at\u00ebher\u00eb t\u00eb shkohet me versionin e ndryshimit t\u00eb ligjit aktual t\u00eb FSK-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Procesi i ndryshimit t\u00eb mandatit aktual t\u00eb FSK-s\u00eb apo transformimi i saj n\u00eb FAK duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb proces gjithp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs, transparent dhe n\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunim me t\u00eb gjitha partit\u00eb politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, partner\u00ebt strategjik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs si dhe n\u00eb komunikim t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb me t\u00eb gjitha komunitetet\u00a0 pakic\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht me komunitetin serb.<\/p>\n<p>Qeveria e Kosov\u00ebs, paralelisht me fillimin e transformimit t\u00eb FSK-s\u00eb, duhet t\u2019i paraprij\u00eb zhvillimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb dialogu me partner\u00ebt strategjik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht me NATO-n, SHBA-n\u00eb dhe aleat\u00ebt tjer\u00eb. Krahas k\u00ebsaj, duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtim t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb me qytetar\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb serb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb t\u2019u tregohen mund\u00ebsit\u00eb q\u00eb iu ofron p\u00ebr ta FSK, apo n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen t\u00eb FAK-u. Me synim t\u00eb zhvillimit t\u00eb debatit t\u00eb hapur me komunitetet pakic\u00eb, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht at\u00eb serb, duhet t\u00eb vizitohet \u00e7do fshat dhe komun\u00eb me p\u00ebrb\u00ebrje t\u00eb p\u00ebrzier etnike n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt serb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht t\u00eb rinjt\u00eb t\u00eb njoftohen rreth mund\u00ebsive q\u00eb ofron FSK dhe transformimi i saj, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb: mund\u00ebsit\u00eb p\u00ebr pun\u00ebsim, ngritja n\u00eb karrier\u00eb, paga t\u00eb mira, trajnim dhe edukim t\u00eb mir\u00eb, si dhe mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb e kan\u00eb t\u2019u ofrojn\u00eb siguri Kosov\u00ebs dhe komunitetit serb.<\/p>\n<p>Dialogu me qytetar\u00ebt serb duhet m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb fokusohet n\u00eb mund\u00ebsit\u00eb q\u00eb i ofron FSK-ja ose ushtria e ardhshme e Kosov\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb mundohen q\u00eb maksimalisht ta eliminojn\u00eb dialogun politik q\u00eb mund t\u00eb mbret\u00ebroj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb procesit t\u00eb ndryshimit t\u00eb misionit dhe mandatit t\u00eb FSK-s\u00eb qoft\u00eb nga Beogradi apo nga Lista Serbe.<\/p>\n<p>Institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs duhet t\u00eb mendojn\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb strategji p\u00ebr t\u00eb bindur faktorin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar pse tani \u00ebsht\u00eb momentumi i duhur p\u00ebr fillimin e \u00a0themelimi t\u00eb Ushtris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Pra, partner\u00ebve strategjik duhet t\u2019u shpjegohen sakt\u00eb argumentet pse duhet t\u00eb themelohet ushtria. Argumenti i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur deri m\u00eb tani nga Kosova, se themelimi i ushtris\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e drejt\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs nuk vlen, sepse n\u00eb asnj\u00eb rrethan\u00eb partner\u00ebt tan\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb nuk e kan\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dyshim t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb ushtrin\u00eb e saj.\u00a0 Argumenti kryesor n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin duhet t\u00eb insistoj\u00eb Qeveria e Kosov\u00ebs rreth themelimit t\u00eb ushtris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb se institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs tani m\u00eb jan\u00eb \u201cpjekur\u201d dhe jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatshme t\u00eb marrin p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi shtes\u00eb ne fush\u00ebn e siguris\u00eb dhe mbrojtjes n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, kompetencat q\u00eb\u00a0 i ka aktualisht KFOR-i duhet q\u00eb p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb procesi gradual t\u2019ju transferohen institucioneve vendore t\u00eb siguris\u00eb. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb edhe do t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyllej arkitektura e siguris\u00eb dhe e mbrojtjes, nd\u00ebrsa do t\u00eb ndikonte n\u00eb zhvillimin e pron\u00ebsis\u00eb vendore t\u00eb sektorit t\u00eb siguris\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Misioni aktual i NATO-s n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb (KFOR) nuk ka ndonj\u00eb strategji dal\u00ebse p\u00ebr t\u2019u t\u00ebrhequr nga Kosova, pavar\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimit t\u00eb ambientit t\u00eb siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb, si dhe ngritjes s\u00eb kapaciteteve profesionale t\u00eb institucioneve lokale t\u00eb siguris\u00eb respektivisht FSK-s\u00eb n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr. Edhe pse fjala \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr raste t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb situat\u00ebs s\u00eb siguris\u00eb, do t\u00eb mundohemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb nj\u00eb krahasim t\u00eb misioneve t\u00eb NATO-s n\u00eb Afganistan e Irak dhe misionit t\u00eb KFOR-it n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Misionet e NATO-s n\u00eb k\u00ebto dy t\u00eb parat kishin nj\u00eb strategji dal\u00ebse, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr gjendjes jo edhe aq t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb siguris\u00eb Afganistan dhe Irak. Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs, edhe pse gjendja e siguris\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e mir\u00eb se n\u00eb Irak e Afganistan, KFOR-i ende nuk ka menduar nj\u00eb strategji konkrete t\u00eb t\u00ebrheqjes nga Kosova dhe transferimin e kompetencave n\u00eb institucionet vendore. Misioni i KFOR nuk ka hartuar strategji dal\u00ebse nga Kosova p\u00ebr arsyetimin se NATO qasjes neutrale q\u00eb NATO e ka ndaj statusit politik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, si dhe mosnjohjes s\u00eb saj nga 4 vende an\u00ebtare t\u00eb NATO-s. Misioni i KFOR-it vepron n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb rezolut\u00ebs 1244, dhe e cila nuk e njeh realitetin politik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Edhe Ministria e Jashtme e Kosov\u00ebs (MPJ) duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb aktive q\u00eb t\u00eb bind shtetet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb NATO-s dhe partner\u00ebt tjer\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetin p\u00ebrpjekjet e Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr themelimin e ushtris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, qoft\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet ndryshimeve kushtetuese apo edhe ndryshimit t\u00eb Ligjit aktual p\u00ebr FSK-n\u00eb. Pra, vendeve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb NATO-s dhe partner\u00ebve p\u00ebrkat\u00ebs duhet t\u2019u shpjegohet se gjendja e siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb stabile dhe se institucionet e shtetit (p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb FSK-n\u00eb) kan\u00eb kapacitetet e mjaftueshme p\u00ebr marrjen e kompetencave t\u00eb mbrojtjes nga ana e KFOR-it, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb procesi gradual. MPJ-ja, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet ambasador\u00ebve dhe atasheve ushtarak\u00eb n\u00eb misionet diplomatike jasht\u00eb vendit, duhet t\u00eb aktivizohet n\u00eb lobim drejt marrjes s\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjes nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb arritjen e k\u00ebtij q\u00ebllimi.<\/p>\n<p>Sfidat e siguris\u00eb n\u00eb nivel global, sidomos konfliktet n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme, k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet nga terrorizmi, ISIS-i si, rritja e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb, ndikimi k\u00ebsaj t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor dhe konflikti n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb jan\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha me t\u00eb cilat duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet NATO-ja. Argumente t\u00eb tilla mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoren nga Kosova si arsye p\u00ebr themelimin e ushtris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs si dhe \u201clirimin e NATO-s\u201d q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohet n\u00eb vendet dhe rajonet q\u00eb ballafaqohen me k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime serioze t\u00eb siguris\u00eb.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Vendimi i ngutsh\u00ebm i Presidentit p\u00ebr ndryshimin e misionit dhe mandatit aktual t\u00eb FSK-s\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet ligjit, duke mos u koordinuar me Qeverin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs, opozit\u00ebn dhe partner\u00ebt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb e d\u00ebmtoi procesin e transformimit t\u00eb FSK-s\u00eb. Ky veprim ngjalli nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim t\u00eb papar\u00eb ndonj\u00eb her\u00eb, nga partner\u00ebt strategjik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb (NATO dhe SHBA) rreth k\u00ebtij procesi. Iniciativa [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":614,"featured_media":12076,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1463,637,870],"ppma_author":[2332],"class_list":["post-2782","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-fsk","tag-nato","tag-siguria"],"authors":[{"term_id":2332,"user_id":614,"is_guest":0,"slug":"skender-perteshi","display_name":"Sk\u00ebnder Perteshi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/images-4.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/images-4.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Perteshi","first_name":"Sk\u00ebnder","description":"Researcher at Kosovar Center for Security Studies"}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2782","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/614"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2782"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2782\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2783,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2782\/revisions\/2783"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12076"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2782"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2782"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2782"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2782"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}