{"id":2825,"date":"2019-01-29T13:34:39","date_gmt":"2019-01-29T11:34:39","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=2825"},"modified":"2024-10-08T13:35:30","modified_gmt":"2024-10-08T11:35:30","slug":"fardidizmi-tradita-intelektuale-e-oksidentofobise-pjesa-ii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/fardidizmi-tradita-intelektuale-e-oksidentofobise-pjesa-ii\/","title":{"rendered":"Fardidizmi, tradita intelektuale e Oksidentofobis\u00eb &#8211; Pjesa II"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Ahmad Fardid pati influenc\u00eb t\u00eb madhe te shum\u00eb mendimtar\u00eb dhe ideolog\u00eb t\u00eb sistemit islamik t\u00eb Iranit, por n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebjn koh\u00eb, konsiderohet si nj\u00ebri nd\u00ebr figurat intelektuale m\u00eb t\u00eb kritikuara, qoft\u00eb p\u00ebr afrin\u00eb q\u00eb pati me sistemin islamik, e qoft\u00eb p\u00ebr idet\u00eb filozofike e politike.<\/p>\n<p>Pas instalimit t\u00eb sistemit islamik n\u00eb Iran n\u00eb vitin 1979, u hesht\u00ebn intelektual\u00ebt m\u00eb me ndikim t\u00eb koh\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vend, si\u00e7 ishin Ehsan Neraghi, Dariush Shayegan, Hamid Enayet dhe Sejid Husejn Nasr, me akuzat se kishin qen\u00eb bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor\u00eb t\u00eb regjimit pahlavi. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb dhe kritik\u00ebt mendojn\u00eb se Ahmad Fardid me kritikat e tij t\u00eb pakompromista kund\u00ebr Per\u00ebndimit, m\u00ebtonte ta shtrinte ndikimin n\u00eb sken\u00ebn politike dhe intelektuale t\u00eb vendit, dhe k\u00ebshtu t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohej n\u00eb ideolog dhe mendimtar zyrtar t\u00eb pushtetit t\u00eb ri. Pra, sipas tyre, kritikat e Fardidit p\u00ebr modernitetin e Per\u00ebndimin nuk qen\u00eb esenciale, por m\u00eb tep\u00ebr kishin karakter identitar e politik, si dhe me pasoja t\u00eb thella p\u00ebr mendimin modern iranian.<\/p>\n<p>Fardidi gjithashtu gjykohet se nuk i kishte njohur mir\u00eb ose i kishte keqkuptuar e keqinterpretuar Heideggerin dhe Ibn Arabiun, dhe k\u00ebshtu, filozofin gjerman e kishte kuptuar e interpretuar me ide mistike. Fardidi duke imituar Heideggerin, &#8211; ku ky i fundit kishte shpallur fundin e filozofis\u00eb, &#8211; synonte t\u2019i jepte fund racionalitetit, dhe at\u00eb ta z\u00ebvend\u00ebsonte me njohje mistike. Ky ngat\u00ebrrim i filozofis\u00eb me misticizmin n\u00eb qasjen e Fardid ka rezultuar q\u00eb n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb iraniane t\u00eb shtrij\u00eb ndikimin nd\u00ebr njer\u00ebz (shum\u00eb prej tyre poet\u00eb e mistik\u00eb) t\u00eb cil\u00ebt shprehin mendime absurde dhe ndjekin projekte politike e identitare jasht\u00eb kontekstit t\u00eb koh\u00ebs. Po kjo armiq\u00ebsi kundrejt racionalitetit, shum\u00eb q\u00ebndrime t\u00eb tyre i ka b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb pakuptueshme dhe kan\u00eb rezultuar n\u00eb projekte sociale imagjinare. Mendimi racional n\u00eb vetevete \u00ebsht\u00eb kritik dhe ndihmon zhvillimin individual dhe shoq\u00ebror n\u00eb \u00e7do aspekt. N\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet racionalitetit, gjithashtu mund t\u00eb parandalohen mendimet dhe veprimet ekstreme e t\u00eb dhunshme, nga t\u00eb cil\u00ebt sot po vuajn\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb myslimane. Pa nj\u00eb mendim kritik e shkencor, mund t\u00eb dalin n\u00eb sken\u00eb invid\u00eb e grupe, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt me pretendime t\u00eb llojllojshme hyjnore e mistike, krijojn\u00eb kriza socio-politike. Shoq\u00ebria iraniane e ka t\u00eb fresk\u00ebt nj\u00eb president bashk\u00eb me nj\u00eb kabinet qeveritar, q\u00eb pretendonin se po i sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb \u201cImam Mehdiut\u201d, madje disa prej tyre pretendonin se p\u00ebr mision kishin krijimin e kushteve p\u00ebr shpjetimin e ardhjes s\u00eb tij, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb, t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb kaos.<\/p>\n<p>Mansur Hashemi mendon se Fardidi mund t\u00eb kritikohet n\u00eb shum\u00eb dimensione, por aty ku mendojm\u00eb se ai \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb origjinal, n\u00eb fakt b\u00ebn\u00eb gabimin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh. Ai e kishte kuptuar mir\u00eb se n\u00eb \u00e7do epok\u00eb historike shp\u00ebrfaqet nj\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, e cila e shtrin ndikimin e saj anemban\u00eb, dhe q\u00eb modernizmi i projektuar n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim, \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta e epok\u00ebs son\u00eb. Por, mendimi i tij q\u00eb e klasifikon koh\u00ebn historike n\u00eb disa epoka \u00ebsht\u00eb e paarsyetueshme. Pastaj duke b\u00ebr\u00eb parashikime p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen, ai nga nj\u00eb filozof shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb klerik imagjinues. (Hashemi, 134) Klasifikimi i historis\u00eb n\u00eb \u201cpardje\u201d, \u201cdje\u201d, \u201csot\u201d, \u201cnes\u00ebr\u201d dhe \u201cpasnes\u00ebr\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb klasifim i pakuptimt\u00eb dhe tep\u00ebr absurd. E absuderditeti \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe m\u00eb i madh kur thot\u00eb se e pardjeshmja, kur njeriu ka jetuar bashk\u00eb me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn e Qenies ishte nj\u00eb epok\u00eb ideale. Kjo n\u00ebnkupton se n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e pardjeshme, pra n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e profet\u00ebve, njer\u00ebzit ishin t\u00eb mir\u00eb e t\u00eb lumtur, por ajo p\u00ebrfundoi me daljen n\u00eb sken\u00eb t\u00eb filozofis\u00eb greke. Nd\u00ebrsa nga t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat historike, madje edhe nga ato fetare dihet q\u00eb edhe Profet\u00ebt kishin armiq e kund\u00ebrshtar\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00eb, madje disa prej tyre ishin vrar\u00eb e persekutuar, e disa t\u00eb tjer\u00eb as q\u00eb kishin guxuar t\u2019i th\u00ebrrisnin njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb fen\u00eb e tyre. Duhet theksuar se gjithashtu edhe pas filozofis\u00eb pas-sokratike greke, tradita profetike vazhdoi, dhe k\u00ebtu kryq\u00ebzohen epokat historike t\u00eb Fardidit. Ai thot\u00eb se t\u00eb pasnes\u00ebrmen do ta jetojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm lindor\u00ebt, pra vet\u00ebm ata do ta p\u00ebrjetojn\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e Imam Mehdiut, \u00e7\u2019ka bie ndesh me m\u00ebsimet eskatologjike t\u00eb fes\u00eb islame, sipas t\u00eb cilave, Mehdiu n\u00eb secilin vend t\u00eb bot\u00ebs do ta vendos\u00eb paqen dhe sigurin\u00eb dhe n\u00ebn sundimin tij t\u00eb gjith\u00eb do t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb lumtur.<\/p>\n<p>Fardid gjithashtu pas vetes la nj\u00eb trash\u00ebgimi p\u00ebrjashtuese e stigmatizuese ndaj gjith\u00e7kaje per\u00ebndimore dhe kjo ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb Iran t\u00eb kultivohet nj\u00eb shkoll\u00eb mendimi, e cila \u00e7do gj\u00eb per\u00ebndimore e konsideron djall\u00ebzore, nd\u00ebrsa modernizmin si epidemi shkat\u00ebrrimtare p\u00ebr njer\u00ebzimin. Pra, \u00e7do gj\u00eb q\u00eb lind dhe prodhohet n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim, qoft\u00eb n\u00eb fush\u00ebn kulturore, shkencore, ekonomike apo ideologjike, sipas k\u00ebsaj shkolle, \u00ebsht\u00eb e d\u00ebmshme p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb joper\u00ebndimore. Sepse t\u00eb gjitha produktet kulturore e teknologjike t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit jan\u00eb t\u00eb programuara p\u00ebr t\u00eb shtrir\u00eb hegjemonin\u00eb dhe kolonializmin kulturor e politik t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit n\u00eb vendet tjera joper\u00ebndimore. Nj\u00eb refuzim i till\u00eb \u00a0ka sjell\u00eb pengesa dhe d\u00ebme t\u00eb pariparueshme q\u00eb individ\u00ebt dhe grupet q\u00eb veprojn\u00eb p\u00ebr zhvillimin kulturor e politik t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb iranaine, t\u2019i \u00e7ojn\u00eb p\u00ebrpara idet\u00eb dhe nd\u00ebrmarrjet e tyre shkencore-kulturore. Faj\u00ebsimi i Per\u00ebndimit p\u00ebr secil\u00ebn t\u00eb keqe politike dhe sociale, si dhe p\u00ebr \u00e7do prapambeturi e moszhvillim kulturor t\u00eb iranian\u00ebve dhe mysliman\u00ebve, ka rezultuar n\u00eb thellimin e k\u00ebtyre problemeve dhe vet\u00ebm sa ka shtyr\u00eb ballafaqimin me ta dhe k\u00ebshtu moszgjidhjen e tyre. Prandaj, oksidentofobia e trash\u00ebguar nga Fardid, mund t\u00eb llogaritet nj\u00eb tragjedi me pasoja t\u00eb thella p\u00ebr nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb tradit\u00ebs intelektuale iraniane. Ali Mirsepassi pohon se Fardidi dhe bashk\u00ebmendimtar\u00ebt e tij, mendim per\u00ebndimor e konisderonin vet\u00ebm tradit\u00ebn filozofike gjermane dhe franceze (pra at\u00eb kontinentale), n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin m\u00eb tep\u00ebr kultivohej nj\u00eb mendim sekularist dhe antifetar, dhe nuk e kishin as iden\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl mbi filozofin\u00eb analitike anglosanksone, nga tradita e t\u00eb cil\u00ebs kishte lindur nj\u00eb model i shk\u00eblqyesh\u00ebm i bashkjetes\u00ebs s\u00eb fes\u00eb dhe shtetit. Por q\u00eb shkolla e Fardidit, sot refuzon mendimin per\u00ebndimor si t\u00ebr\u00ebsi, dhe k\u00ebshtu, shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb iraniane e ka privuar nga shum\u00eb ide e modele t\u00eb shk\u00eblqyeshme socio-politike. (Mirseppasi, f. 136)<\/p>\n<p>Mirsepassi argumenton se Fardid e shihte veten n\u00eb pozit\u00ebn e nj\u00eb filozofi misionar dhe pretendonte se \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb mendimtar i gjith\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm, dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebra nga traditat q\u00eb intelektual\u00ebt iranian\u00eb e trash\u00ebguan nga ai. \u201cGuxoj t\u00eb pohoj se shum\u00eb intelektual\u00eb t\u00eb njohur iranian\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, pavet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm veprojn\u00eb brenda kornizave t\u00eb diskursit fardidian. Tani vet\u00ebm mbetet t\u00eb shihet se kush \u00ebsht\u00eb Fardidi i koh\u00ebs dhe cili intelektual \u00ebsht\u00eb i kapluar nga madh\u00ebshtia e m\u00eb t\u00eb madhit t\u00eb koh\u00ebs son\u00eb\u201d (Mirseppasi, f. 67). Ky vet\u00ebmadh\u00ebrim i Fardidit, krijoi nj\u00eb tradit\u00eb tep\u00ebr arrogante dhe p\u00ebrjashtuese n\u00eb mesin e intelektual\u00ebve iranian\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt rrall\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb dialogojn\u00eb mes vetes, dhe v\u00ebshtir\u00eb lejojn\u00eb t\u00eb kritikohen mendimet e tyre. Nj\u00eb tradit\u00eb jo e panjohur p\u00ebr ne shqiptar\u00ebt.<\/p>\n<p>Fardidizmi dhe fardidist\u00ebt sot jan\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuar se vet\u00eb Ahmad Fardid, i cili, p\u00ebr shum\u00eb vite ishte shkolluar p\u00ebr filozofi n\u00eb qendra t\u00eb m\u00ebdha per\u00ebndimore. Ngase, pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebt e k\u00ebsaj tradite intelektuale, Per\u00ebndimin e kritikojn\u00eb pa e vizituar dhe q\u00ebndruar n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb vend t\u00eb bot\u00ebs per\u00ebndimore, si dhe pa njohur krijimtarin\u00eb kulturore per\u00ebndimore n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebt origjinale. Duke u nisur nga silogjizmi i Fardidit \u201cdyfish i per\u00ebndimizuar\u201d, me t\u00eb cilin i quante intelektual\u00ebt iranian\u00eb q\u00eb nuk e kuptonin se ishin per\u00ebndimizuar, at\u00ebher\u00eb fardidist\u00ebt mund t\u00eb em\u00ebrtohen \u201cdyfish oksidentofob\u201d, ngase nuk e kuptojn\u00eb se pse dhe si jan\u00eb \u201coksidentofobizuar\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Me gjith\u00eb kritikat kundrejt projektit t\u00eb tij intelektual, i cili u prezantua fare pak, Fardid llogaritet nj\u00ebri nga intelektual\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb shquar t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar n\u00eb Iran, nd\u00ebrsa pa kuptuar mendimet dhe idet\u00eb e tij, nuk mund t\u00eb kuptojm\u00eb shum\u00eb realitete kulturore, politike dhe shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb Iranit bashk\u00ebkohor.<\/p>\n<p>&#8212;-<\/p>\n<p><strong>Literatura:<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Ali Mirsepassi (1386\/2008). Iranian Intellectuals:\u00a0<em>Social hope and philosophical despair. (versioni persisht), Teheran.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Muhamed Mansur Hashemi (1393\/2014).\u00a0<em>Hoviyat andishan ve Miras-e fikri\u2019i Ahmad Fardid [Nativist\u00ebt dhe trash\u00ebgimia intelektuale e Ahmad Fardidit], Tehran.<\/em><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Ahmad Fardid pati influenc\u00eb t\u00eb madhe te shum\u00eb mendimtar\u00eb dhe ideolog\u00eb t\u00eb sistemit islamik t\u00eb Iranit, por n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebjn koh\u00eb, konsiderohet si nj\u00ebri nd\u00ebr figurat intelektuale m\u00eb t\u00eb kritikuara, qoft\u00eb p\u00ebr afrin\u00eb q\u00eb pati me sistemin islamik, e qoft\u00eb p\u00ebr idet\u00eb filozofike e politike. Pas instalimit t\u00eb sistemit islamik n\u00eb Iran n\u00eb vitin 1979, [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":27,"featured_media":8092,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1245],"ppma_author":[37],"class_list":["post-2825","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-orientoxident"],"authors":[{"term_id":37,"user_id":27,"is_guest":0,"slug":"abdulla-rexhepi","display_name":"Abdulla Rexhepi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Abdulla-Rexhepi-2.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Abdulla-Rexhepi-2.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Rexhepi","first_name":"Abdulla","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2825","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/27"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2825"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2825\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2826,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2825\/revisions\/2826"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8092"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2825"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2825"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2825"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2825"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}