N\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr hegjemoni n\u00eb rajon, Republika Islamike e Iranit po garon ashp\u00ebrsisht me Arabin\u00eb Saudite. T\u00eb dy regjimet teokratike kan\u00eb p\u00ebrjet\u00ebsuar si paradigm\u00eb t\u00eb shtetnd\u00ebrtimit konfliktin e p\u00ebrjetsh\u00ebm fundamentalist sektar sunit\u00eb-shiit\u00eb rreth m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs s\u00eb institucionalizimit t\u00eb islamit politik n\u00eb shtet (me trash\u00ebgimi nga Profeti vs. me konsensus mes dishepujve t\u00eb tij). Kjo p\u00ebrplasje karakterizohet nga konflikte me p\u00ebrfshirjen e tyre, her\u00eb si pion\u00eb fuqish t\u00eb tjera e her\u00eb si padron\u00eb akter\u00ebsh joshtet\u00ebror\u00eb pion\u00eb t\u00eb tyre. P\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr rirreshtim politik e ekonomik, gara armatimi e p\u00ebrkrahja e hapur grupeve terroriste minojn\u00eb sistemin politik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb krijuar p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e konflikteve, madje k\u00ebrc\u00ebnojn\u00eb sigurin\u00eb globale dhe ekzistenc\u00ebn e shteteve t\u00eb caktuara. Qeverisja e brendshme e tyre, sipas doktrinave teokratike, vazhdimisht shtyp politikisht grupet etnike q\u00eb i p\u00ebrkasin sektit fetar rival, po aq dhunsh\u00ebm sa \u00e7far\u00ebdo opinionesh jasht\u00eb sheriatit dhe interpretimit ultraortodoks t\u00eb tij nga klerik\u00ebt radikal\u00eb sundues.<\/p>\n
Pretendimet e tyre p\u00ebr hegjemoni kan\u00eb pik\u00ebnisje t\u00eb ndryshme, ideologjike e pragmatike, rreth fuqis\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb saj n\u00eb \u00e7uarjen p\u00ebrpara t\u00eb interesave politike. N\u00eb to ndikon trajektorja e shtetnd\u00ebrtimit modern, me p\u00ebrmasat e brendshme e t\u00eb jashtme, natyra e masa e bashk\u00ebpunimit\/rivalitetit me fuqit\u00eb gjat\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre politike, balanca mes forcave t\u00eb brendshme politike dhe shkalla e kohezionit t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm politik, dhe nevoja p\u00ebr vetafirmim t\u00eb vlerave e normave politike. Duke marr\u00eb parasysh natyr\u00ebn jodemokratike t\u00eb regjimeve t\u00eb tyre, natyr\u00ebn anarkike t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve mes shteteve n\u00eb rajon (pa nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb rregulluese ose tjet\u00ebr, t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme, q\u00eb do t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbente si autoritet) dhe m\u00eb gjer\u00eb, dhe nivelin e ul\u00ebt t\u00eb integrimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar politik brenda rajonit, duhen analizuar burimet e fuqis\u00eb dhe dob\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n
Kjo mund\u00ebson t\u00eb parashikosh drejtimin dhe pasojat e mundshme t\u00eb k\u00ebtij rivaliteti: sa m\u00eb t\u00eb parashikueshme t\u00eb jen\u00eb burimet e fuqis\u00eb dhe dob\u00ebsis\u00eb, aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr mund t\u00eb parandalohen konfliktet n\u00eb rajon. Kjo duhet par\u00eb n\u00eb kontekstin e dinamik\u00ebs aktuale t\u00eb tranzicionit politik t\u00eb rajonit drejt nj\u00eb sistemi potencialisht m\u00eb pak anarkik dhe rirregullimeve territoriale q\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimisht mund t\u00eb sjellin nj\u00ebfar\u00eb stabilizimi minimal t\u00eb rendit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe n\u00eb sisteme politike e qeveris\u00ebse m\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese t\u00eb identiteteve t\u00eb ndryshme etnike aty ku po form\u00ebsohen, ndon\u00ebse n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb kaotike, konturet e shtetnd\u00ebrtimit komb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n
Sipas Saul Bernard Cohen, fuqia bazohet n\u00eb: ideologji q\u00eb sh\u00ebrben si model p\u00ebr vende t\u00eb tjera, kohezionin e qeverisjes, kapacitetin ekonomik p\u00ebr ndikim jasht\u00eb vendit, dhe fuqin\u00eb ushtarake dhe gatishm\u00ebrin\u00eb p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrdorur at\u00eb. Ky artikull analizon ideologjin\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa artikujt vijues do t\u00eb analizojn\u00eb aspektet e tjera.<\/p>\n
Shikuar ideologjikisht, Irani dhe Arabia Saudite kan\u00eb pik\u00ebnisje t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta normative rreth marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Ndon\u00ebse n\u00eb sken\u00eb deklarativisht mbron barazin\u00eb sovrane mes shteteve, q\u00eb nga Revolucioni Islamik i 1979\u00ebs Irani promovon nj\u00eb lloj \u2018nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarizmi islamik\u2019, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim normativ me themelet e rendit ekzistues nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 gjuh\u00ebs agresive dhe dhun\u00ebs s\u00eb armatosur, me synim minimin e themeleve t\u00eb rendit ekzistues nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, regjimi islamik madje ka nj\u00eb Zyr\u00eb p\u00ebr Revolucion Global. Ky rend, pra, \u00ebsht\u00eb ai me n\u00eb qend\u00ebr shtetet, ndaj t\u00eb cilit Arabia Saudite ruan nj\u00eb qasje akomoduese, p\u00ebrmes aleanc\u00ebs Realpolitike, t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb interesa ekonomike dhe t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, me fuqit\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb krijuar dhe udh\u00ebheqin at\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, ndon\u00ebse asnj\u00ebra teokraci nuk ofron ndonj\u00eb model ideologjik q\u00eb ia vlen t\u00eb ndiqet, qasja e Iranit ndaj fuqis\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb saj faktikisht p\u00ebrb\u00ebn dob\u00ebsi, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ndikimit fragmentues e destruktiv ndaj shtetnd\u00ebrtimit, balancit t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb dhe paqes n\u00eb rajon e m\u00eb gjer\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa Arabia Saudite \u00ebsht\u00eb treguar t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn m\u00eb pak destruktive n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim.<\/p>\n
Irani e v\u00eb n\u00eb zbatim ideologjin\u00eb e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb tij kund\u00ebr bot\u00ebs arabe p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb p\u00ebrzierje taktikash q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb instrumentalizimin dhe p\u00ebrkrahjen e komuniteteve shiite, akter\u00ebve joshtet\u00ebror\u00eb (grupeve ekstremiste t\u00eb armatosura) e regjimeve t\u00eb tjera autoritare t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb n\u00eb tensione me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtave fuqi me t\u00eb cilat \u00ebsht\u00eb vet.<\/p>\n
Ndikimi p\u00ebrmes komuniteteve shiite shtrihet n\u00eb disa vende. N\u00eb Arabin\u00eb Saudite k\u00ebt\u00eb e b\u00ebn p\u00ebrmes minoritetit shiit arab, q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebn rreth 10% t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb vendase, t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar n\u00eb Provinc\u00ebn Lindore. Rezistenca saudite ndaj k\u00ebtij ndikimi dhe tendencave hegjemonie t\u00eb Iranit n\u00eb rajon ka sjell\u00eb nd\u00ebrprerjen e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve diplomatike mes tyre n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti, pas djegies s\u00eb ambasad\u00ebs saudite n\u00eb Teheran nga turma q\u00eb protestonin kund\u00ebr ekzekutimit t\u00eb klerikut shiit, Nimr al-Nimr. Si kritik i ashp\u00ebr i qeveris\u00eb saudite, ai ishte akuzuar p\u00ebr terroriz\u00ebm, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb p\u00ebr nxitjen e protestave antiqeveritare t\u00eb 2011\u00ebs n\u00eb Provinc\u00ebn Lindore.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb Jemen, ku shiit\u00ebt p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb rreth 45% t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb, Irani po p\u00ebrkrah l\u00ebvizjen politike rebele Huthi (t\u00eb em\u00ebrtuar sipas themeluesit, Husein Bedredin al-Huthi; emri zyrtar: Ansar Allah, Mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e Zotit), t\u00eb sekti shiit zajdi, n\u00eb luft\u00ebn civile kund\u00ebr qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb Presidentit t\u00eb zgjedhur Hadi, i cili p\u00ebrkrahet nga jemenasit sunit\u00eb. Kjo luft\u00eb n\u00eb vendin m\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebr arab ka ndar\u00eb ushtrin\u00eb n\u00eb dysh: forcat besnike t\u00eb Hadit kund\u00ebr atyre n\u00ebn kontrollin e Huthit, t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrkrahin ish Presidentin Saleh, t\u00eb rr\u00ebzuar nga pushteti gjat\u00eb Pranver\u00ebs Arabe. Ky grup, q\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahet me arm\u00eb nga Irani, kontrollon kryeqytetin Sana, nd\u00ebrsa forcat rivale, t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruara n\u00eb Aden, i p\u00ebrkrah Arabia Saudite. Nga marsi 2015, me k\u00ebrkes\u00eb t\u00eb Hadit dhe me vendim t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Gjirit p\u00ebr Bashk\u00ebpunim, ajo po udh\u00ebheq nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb bombardimesh kund\u00ebr Huthit. Koalicioni n\u00eb fjal\u00eb, ku b\u00ebjn\u00eb pjes\u00eb edhe Emiratet e Bashkuara Arabe, Bahrejni, Kuvajti, Jordania, Maroku, Katari, Senegali dhe Sudani, mb\u00ebshtetet nga ShBA, Britania e Madhe, Franca dhe Turqia, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb luft\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe grupet terroriste \u2018Shteti Islamik\u2019 dhe \u2018Al-Qaeda n\u00eb Gadishullin Arab\u2019.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb Liban, ku shiit\u00ebt p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb rreth 27% t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb, Irani ka mb\u00ebshtetur grupin militant fundamentalist Hezbollah q\u00eb nga themelimi i tij m\u00eb 1985. Ky grup ka kryer dhjet\u00ebra sulme terroriste, kidnapime e t\u00eb ngjashme kund\u00ebr caqeve e interesave t\u00eb Izraelit dhe vendeve Per\u00ebndimore, n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme e gjetk\u00eb. Viktima t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre sulmeve p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb vrasjen e Kryeministri Hariri, m\u00eb 2005, t\u00eb qindra ushtar\u00ebve amerikan\u00eb e t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, por edhe t\u00eb irakian\u00ebve, ku ka trajnuar grupime ekstremiste shiite. P\u00ebrkrahja e Iranit p\u00ebr Hamasin gjithashtu i sh\u00ebrben ideologjis\u00eb s\u00eb tij antiizraelite.<\/p>\n
Nd\u00ebrsa Hezbollahu \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahur m\u00eb s\u00eb gjati, rivaliteti me Irakun ka qen\u00eb m\u00eb i p\u00ebrgjakshmi: lufta e viteve 1980-1988 ka vrar\u00eb rreth nj\u00eb milion\u00eb iranian\u00eb. E nxitur nga mosmarr\u00ebveshje kufitare p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb Lumit Shatt al-Arab para 1979\u00ebs, ajo kishte marr\u00eb shkas m\u00eb tep\u00ebr nga rivaliteti kund\u00ebr regjimit sunit t\u00eb Sadam Huseinit, pas ardhjes s\u00eb tij n\u00eb pushtet m\u00eb 1979, dhe nga dyshimet e tij se Irani do t\u00eb nxiste revoltimin e shiit\u00ebve atje kund\u00ebr regjimit. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 rreth popullsis\u00eb shiite, rreth 65%, tempujt shiit\u00eb n\u00eb Qerbela, Naxhaf dhe Kom mbartin simbolik\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb ideologjike. Ngjash\u00ebm, n\u00eb Siri, ku shiit\u00ebt p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb 13% t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb dhe sunit\u00ebt 74%, Irani mb\u00ebshtet diplomatikisht dhe ushtarakisht regjimin e Asadit, i cili i p\u00ebrket sektit shiit alevi. Gjetk\u00eb n\u00eb rajon Irani ka zhvilluar luft\u00eb pion\u00ebsh kund\u00ebr Arabis\u00eb Saudite n\u00eb Oman, madje edhe ka d\u00ebrguar trupa atje n\u00eb vitet 1970, ndon\u00ebse shiit\u00ebt atje p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb vet\u00ebm rreth 3% t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb prej rreth tre milion\u00ebsh. T\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn strategji rivaliteti kund\u00ebr Iranit ka ndjekur Arabia Saudite me nd\u00ebrhyrjen e saj n\u00eb Bahrejn, m\u00eb 2011, kund\u00ebr opozit\u00ebs dhe n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb regjimit t\u00eb Al Kalifas, si pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb koalicioni t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Gjirit p\u00ebr Bashk\u00ebpunim, bashk\u00eb me Emiratet e Bashkuara Arabe, Kuvajtin dhe Pakistanin.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb themel t\u00eb motivit t\u00eb politikave t\u00eb Iranit p\u00ebr ndikim n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet komuniteteve shiite q\u00ebndron vet\u00ebperceptimi si sekt historikisht i shtypur nga shumica sunite brenda islamit, gj\u00eb q\u00eb i b\u00ebn ato etnokulturore dhe revanshiste. Ato bazohen n\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e supozuar, t\u00eb patjet\u00ebrsueshme, t\u00eb trash\u00ebguar nga Profeti, p\u00ebr udh\u00ebheqje hegjemone me kalifatin si form\u00eb organizimi shtet\u00ebror. Pjes\u00eb e pandashme e k\u00ebsaj narrative \u00ebsht\u00eb nacionalizmi persian: frym\u00ebzuar nga trash\u00ebgimia mbi dymij\u00ebvje\u00e7are e organizimit shtet\u00ebror, n\u00eb thelb ka supozimin se kombi persian, pakic\u00eb n\u00eb islam, ka nj\u00eb funksion p\u00ebrtej kontureve t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrshtet\u00ebrore. Duke e ngritur fen\u00eb n\u00eb \u2018institucion mbishtet\u00ebror\u2019, n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me organizmin teokratik t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb atje, ky diskurs ideologjik u jep persian\u00ebve si mision iluminist vendosjen e \u2018demokracis\u00eb islame\u2019 dhe t\u00eb sistemeve t\u00eb qeverisjes bazuar n\u00eb vlera e norma q\u00eb pretendohet t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb emancipueset.<\/p>\n
T\u00eb ndeshura me rezistenc\u00ebn e shumic\u00ebs sunite, shteteve po aq autoritare aleate t\u00eb fuqive q\u00eb udh\u00ebheqin rendin ekzistues nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, k\u00ebto politika t\u00eb Iranit kan\u00eb \u00e7uar n\u00eb rivalitet, shpesh n\u00eb form\u00eb konfliktesh t\u00eb armatosur. Duke qen\u00eb se mjetet nuk p\u00ebrkojn\u00eb me kontekstin, pretendimi i Iranit p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur hegjemoni n\u00eb rajon p\u00ebrmes k\u00ebtyre politikave t\u00eb \u2018etnoteokracis\u00eb joliberale\u2019 \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar t\u00eb jet\u00eb qasje ndaj fuqis\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebn burim dob\u00ebsie drejt arritjes s\u00eb hegjemonis\u00eb. Kjo pasi q\u00eb kombinojn\u00eb islamin politik, nacionalizmin dhe subversivitetin n\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb fragmentuar e konceptualisht kund\u00ebrth\u00ebn\u00ebse, n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar Realist, anarkik, t\u00eb menaxhuar nga akter\u00eb t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm, dhe ku shtetnd\u00ebrtimi \u00ebsht\u00eb larg s\u00eb p\u00ebrmbylluri suksessh\u00ebm.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
N\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr hegjemoni n\u00eb rajon, Republika Islamike e Iranit po garon ashp\u00ebrsisht me Arabin\u00eb Saudite. T\u00eb dy regjimet teokratike kan\u00eb p\u00ebrjet\u00ebsuar si paradigm\u00eb t\u00eb shtetnd\u00ebrtimit konfliktin e p\u00ebrjetsh\u00ebm fundamentalist sektar sunit\u00eb-shiit\u00eb rreth m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs s\u00eb institucionalizimit t\u00eb islamit politik n\u00eb shtet (me trash\u00ebgimi nga Profeti vs. me konsensus mes dishepujve t\u00eb tij). Kjo p\u00ebrplasje karakterizohet […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":469,"featured_media":8100,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1247],"ppma_author":[1190],"class_list":["post-2872","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-multipolaritike"],"authors":[{"term_id":1190,"user_id":469,"is_guest":0,"slug":"artan-qollaku","display_name":"Artan \u00c7ollaku","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/8a4d7e153604cf729156e6520a24eaee4813927d60bdc6e30ab63747b36f274e?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"\u00c7ollaku","first_name":"Artan","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2872","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/469"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2872"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2872\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2873,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2872\/revisions\/2873"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8100"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2872"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2872"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2872"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=2872"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}