{"id":3274,"date":"2016-09-05T10:36:50","date_gmt":"2016-09-05T08:36:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3274"},"modified":"2024-11-26T12:05:43","modified_gmt":"2024-11-26T10:05:43","slug":"drejt-shtetdeshtimit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/drejt-shtetdeshtimit\/","title":{"rendered":"Drejt shtetd\u00ebshtimit"},"content":{"rendered":"
<\/div>\n
\n

Gjat\u00eb dekad\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit, zhvillimi ekonomik dhe as lufta kund\u00ebr korrupsioni nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb prioriteteve t\u00eb UNMIK-ut. Meqen\u00ebse statusi politik i Kosov\u00ebs kishte mbetur pezull, konsideratat primare t\u00eb UNMIK-ut, n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e administrimit mbi Kosov\u00ebn, do t\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqeshin nga premisat e stabilitetit. Duke u udh\u00ebhequr nga k\u00ebto premisa, UNMIK-u nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb fort i interesuar as p\u00ebr transparenc\u00eb dhe as p\u00ebr llogaridh\u00ebnie kundrejt qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Kjo prodhoi nj\u00eb \u2018paqe t\u00eb korruptuar\u2019, p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cil\u00ebs mir\u00ebmbahej status quo-ja n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb me \u00e7mimin e legjitimimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb klase politike kosovare, q\u00eb po p\u00ebrfshihej gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb afera korruptive dhe krim t\u00eb organizuar. Mjafton k\u00ebtu t\u00eb themi se n\u00eb procesin e privatizimit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrjeve shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u2013 proces ky fillimisht i udh\u00ebhequr nga UNMIK-u dhe m\u00eb pas nga institucionet vendore \u2013 vet\u00eb lidershipi politik vendor ishte p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb procesin e privatizimit, duke marr\u00eb n\u00eb pron\u00ebsi kodra, male dhe fusha t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Fabrika, nd\u00ebrmarrje, dhe kooperativa.<\/span><\/p>\n

\n

Ndon\u00ebse UNMIK-u ishte i vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr k\u00ebto keqp\u00ebrdorime, zyrtar\u00ebt e tij e tregtonin stabilitetin e misionit t\u00eb tyre dhe paqen negative n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Si\u00e7 ka v\u00ebn\u00eb re Denisa Kostovicova, UNMIK-u ishte kritikuar n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi p\u00ebr qeverisje joefektive t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. UNMIK-u nuk kishte arritur q\u00eb t\u00eb luftonte strukturat klandestine dhe kriminale as n\u00eb mesin e shqiptar\u00ebve dhe as n\u00eb mesin e serb\u00ebve. Sipas Kostovicoves: \u2018UNMIK-u bleu stabilitetin politik duke i toleruar strukturat lokale kriminale. Ekzistenca e papenguar e operacioneve t\u00eb inteligjenc\u00ebs n\u00eb hije, t\u00eb kontrolluar nga partit\u00eb politike shqiptare dhe strukturat e siguris\u00eb n\u00eb hije t\u00eb vendosura nga Beogradi n\u00eb komunitetin serb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb e ilustrojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb\u2019.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr Seymour Lipset ekziston nj\u00eb lidhje e pazgjidhshme mes legjitimitetit, demokracis\u00eb dhe stabilitetit t\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi politik. N\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs, UNMIK proceduralisht nuk ishte llogaridh\u00ebn\u00ebs karshi qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, kurse lidershipi politik dhe partiak shqiptar i trajtonin institucionet publike si\u00a0res privatae.<\/em>\u00a0Derisa lidershipi politik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb de jure zgjidhej qytetar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs, legjitimiteti i k\u00ebtij lidershipit matej nga pranueshm\u00ebria e tij nga UNMIK-u. UNMIK-u mbante \u2018\u00e7el\u00ebsat e institucioneve. Vet\u00ebm ata q\u00eb mund t\u00eb kontribuonin n\u00eb stabilitet (lexo mir\u00ebmbajtjen e status-quo-s\u00eb), mund t\u2019i merrnin k\u00ebta \u00e7el\u00ebsa dhe t\u00eb formonin qeverit\u00eb e p\u00ebrkohshme pas luft\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ndon\u00ebse stabiliteti \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm dhe ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e dala prej luft\u00ebs, ajo q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb operacionalizohet tutje \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ndarje mes stabilitetit negativ dhe pozitiv. Me stabilitet negativ po n\u00ebnkuptoj stabilitetin e mir\u00ebmbajtur nga bashk\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, ku stabiliteti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rezultat i ballafaqimit real t\u00eb interesave dhe nevojave t\u00eb forcave t\u00eb ndryshme shoq\u00ebrore, por imponim i administrat\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, e cila nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb llogaridh\u00ebn\u00ebse para asnj\u00eb instance.<\/span><\/p>\n

Me stabilitet pozitiv po n\u00ebnkuptoj nj\u00eb stabilitet t\u00eb garantuar nga forcat politike vendore n\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunim me shtetnd\u00ebrtuesit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb, i nd\u00ebrtuar mbi parime t\u00eb qeverisjes s\u00eb mir\u00eb, sundimit t\u00eb ligjit dhe demokracis\u00eb liberale. Meqen\u00ebse UNMIK-ut i mungonte nj\u00eb strategji dal\u00ebse nga Kosova, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb ta mir\u00ebmbante status quo-n\u00eb dhe stabilitetin, kishte zgjedhur nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr \u2013 bashk\u00ebpunimin vet\u00ebm me lidershipin politik vendor. K\u00ebta t\u00eb fundit ndjeheshin llogaridh\u00ebn\u00ebs vet\u00ebm ndaj UNMIK-ut, por jo ndaj votuesve vendor\u00eb. Duke qen\u00eb se lidershipi politik kosovar mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebshkohej dhe persekutohej politikisht ose juridikisht vet\u00ebm nga UNMIK-u dhe jo nga gjykatat dhe qytetar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs, n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim t\u00eb ruajtjes s\u00eb k\u00ebtij stabiliteti, UNMIK kishte lejuar q\u00eb lidershipi politik kosovar t\u00eb keqp\u00ebrdorte pushtetin politik p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfitime private.<\/span><\/p>\n

Paqart\u00ebsia e statusit ka kontribuar shum\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahjen \u00a0e nj\u00eb elite politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb q\u00eb nuk e kishte as sensin e llogaridh\u00ebnies kundrejt qytetar\u00ebve dhe as vizionin e zhvillimit ekonomik dhe demokratik t\u00eb vendit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kjo paradigm\u00eb e stabilitetit e kishte vonuar vendosjen e nj\u00eb sistemit t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb ligjit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. N\u00eb raportin e par\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebntorit 2004, Kai Eide shkruante p\u00ebr nevoj\u00ebn e reduktimit t\u00eb prezenc\u00ebs s\u00eb UNMIK-ut, transferimin e pushtetit tek institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs, dhe rritjen paralele t\u00eb prezenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian. Sipas tij, status quo-ja ishte e paq\u00ebndrueshme. Ai rekomandonte nisjen e negociatave p\u00ebr p\u00ebrcaktimin e statusit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. N\u00eb raportin e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb 2005 \u00a0\u2018A Comprehensive Review of the Situation in Kosovo\u2019, pos tjerash, Eide shkruante se krimi i organizuar dhe korrupsioni jan\u00eb faktor\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb q\u00eb e rrezikojn\u00eb stabilitetin e Kosov\u00ebs. Edhe UNMIK-u edhe institucionet e p\u00ebrkohshme vet\u00ebqeveris\u00ebse kishin d\u00ebshtuar n\u00eb luftimin e tyre. \u2018Solidariteti brenda klanit, kodet e heshtjes, problemet me gjuh\u00eb dhe mungesa e p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebs s\u00eb institucioneve lokale t\u00eb zbatimit t\u00eb ligjit t\u00eb gjitha kan\u00eb kontribuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb d\u00ebshtim\u2019, shkruante ai. Thelbi i kritik\u00ebs s\u00eb Eide n\u00eb lidhje me zhvillimin e institucioneve t\u00eb reja t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs ishte me sa vijon:<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cZhvillimi i institucioneve t\u00eb reja \u00ebsht\u00eb minuar nga nj\u00eb tendenc\u00eb e fort\u00eb mes politikan\u00ebve q\u00eb e shohin vetveten si llogaridh\u00ebn\u00ebs ndaj partive t\u00eb tyre politike sesa ndaj publikut t\u00eb cilit i sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb. Partit\u00eb politike kan\u00eb tendenc\u00eb t\u2019i shohin institucionet e reja dhe sh\u00ebrbimin civil si \u2018fush\u00eb\u2019 t\u00eb tyre. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb em\u00ebrimet b\u00ebhen n\u00eb baza politike apo klanore sesa n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb kompetenc\u00ebs. Shum\u00eb sh\u00ebrbyes civil jan\u00eb t\u00eb brengosur p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb paaft\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb dalluar autoritetet politike nga sh\u00ebrbimi civil dhe efektin q\u00eb prodhon kjo n\u00eb zhvillimin e nj\u00eb administrate t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme dhe stabile\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Bashk\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, respektivisht Grupit i Kontaktit, duke qen\u00eb i vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm se k\u00ebto elemente mund t\u00eb g\u00ebrryenin legjitimitetin e institucioneve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs s\u00eb pavarur, kishin pasur dilema se \u00e7far\u00eb misioni nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar do t\u00eb duhej ta z\u00ebvend\u00ebsonte UNMIK-un. \u00a0Duke qen\u00eb se UNMIK-u kishte d\u00ebshtuar n\u00eb luftimin e korrupsionit dhe krimit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, konsensusi minimalist i Grupit t\u00eb Kontaktit ishte q\u00eb misioni q\u00eb do t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsonte UNMIK-un t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb mision evropian p\u00ebr sundim t\u00eb ligjit. Pas negociatave t\u00eb gjata mes Serbis\u00eb, Kosov\u00ebs, BE dhe OKB-s\u00eb, p\u00ebrfundimisht EULEX kishte zbarkuar n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb territorin i Kosov\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ndon\u00ebse nj\u00ebra prej brengave kryesore t\u00eb planifikuesve t\u00eb misionit evropian n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ishte q\u00eb EULEX-i t\u00eb mos i ngjasoj\u00eb UNMIK-ut. Si nj\u00eb prezenc\u00eb e fort\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare tashm\u00eb e delegjitimuar n\u00eb prag t\u00eb shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr k\u00ebsaj brenge, EULEX-i do t\u00eb vendoset n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht n\u00ebn \u2018\u00e7adr\u00ebn\u2019 e UNMIK-ut dhe operon brenda Rezolut\u00ebs 1244 t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Sigurimit. David Cadier shtronte dilem\u00ebn sesi nj\u00eb mision i sundimit t\u00eb ligjit mund t\u2019i fuqizoj\u00eb institucionet, t\u00eb cilat zyrtarisht nuk i njeh. Raportin e EULEX karshi pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs e konsideronte si sjellje skizofrenike.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr arritjes s\u00eb kompromisi p\u00ebr vendosjen e k\u00ebtij misioni n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb Rezolut\u00ebs 1244, EULEX, ka mbajtur nj\u00eb prezenc\u00eb t\u00eb pahetueshme t\u00eb stafit t\u00eb tij n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, dhe ka d\u00ebshtuar q\u00eb ta parandaloj\u00eb kontraband\u00ebn dhe krimin e organizuar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb territorit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. N\u00eb pjes\u00ebn jugore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, premtimet dhe diskursi shpres\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebs se EULEX-i do ta luftoj\u00eb korrupsionin dhe krimin e organizuar, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb rastet e \u2018profilit t\u00eb lart\u00eb\u2019, ka d\u00ebshtuar plot\u00ebsisht. Duke i v\u00ebrejtur k\u00ebto d\u00ebshtime, ministri gjerman i mbrojtjes, Thomas De Maiziere, kishte theksuar se EULEX-i \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00eb t\u00eb gabuar. Ai shprehte pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsin\u00eb e Gjermanis\u00eb rreth arritjeve t\u00eb k\u00ebtij misioni, duke theksuar se EULEX-i kishte \u2018nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb fillim t\u00eb ri, em\u00ebr t\u00eb ri, struktur\u00eb t\u00eb re, njer\u00ebz t\u00eb rinj dhe mandat t\u00eb ri\u2019<\/span><\/p>\n

EULEX-i \u00ebsht\u00eb perceptuar si mision i sundimit t\u00eb ligjit, q\u00eb kishte p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim fuqizimin e institucioneve dhe agjencive t\u00eb zbatimit t\u00eb ligjit n\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn e pavarur. Institucionet dhe lidershipi i Kosov\u00ebs, meqen\u00ebse e kan\u00eb ftuar EULEX-in p\u00ebrmes Deklarat\u00ebs s\u00eb Pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, kan\u00eb ndjekur nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb ndaj EULEX-it. N\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb e kan\u00eb kritikuar k\u00ebt\u00eb mision p\u00ebr mosefikasitet t\u00eb zbatimit t\u00eb ligjit n\u00eb gjith\u00eb territorin e Kosov\u00ebs, sidomos n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn veriore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe, nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht, nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunues kur EULEX-i ka vepruar p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbatuar ligjin. Sidomos kur cak i veprimeve ligjore t\u00eb EULEX-it ka qen\u00eb krimi i organizuar dhe korrupsionit n\u00eb mesin e lidershipit politik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Studimet e organizatave vendore tregojn\u00eb se EULEX-i ka d\u00ebshtuar n\u00eb luftimin e krimit t\u00eb organizuar dhe korrupsionit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Kritika t\u00eb tilla karshi EULEX-it jan\u00eb adresuar edhe nga Gjykata Evropiane e Auditor\u00ebve. IPOL, n\u00eb nj\u00eb studim t\u00eb tij t\u00eb dhjetorit 2009, v\u00ebren se operimi i plot\u00eb i EULEX kishte ngjar\u00eb n\u00eb 9 dhjetor 2008, pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Dit\u00ebn Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare Kund\u00ebr Korrupsionit. Sipas k\u00ebtij studimi, mbetej p\u00ebr t\u2019u par\u00eb n\u00ebse kjo koincidenc\u00eb ishte di\u00e7ka ironike, ose e q\u00ebllimshme. Shtat\u00eb vite pas, lirisht mund t\u00eb konstatohet se data e vendosjes s\u00eb EULEX-it n\u00eb Dit\u00ebn Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare Kund\u00ebr Korrupsionit m\u00eb shum\u00eb ka qen\u00eb koincidenc\u00eb. Krimi i organizuar dhe korrupsioni vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb probleme shqet\u00ebsuese n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Duke qen\u00eb se UNMIK-u kishte d\u00ebshtuar q\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoi nj\u00eb sistem ligjor t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, pritjet ishin t\u00eb m\u00ebdha se BE-ja do ta ndihmoj\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb shteti ligjor. K\u00ebto pritje t\u00eb kosovar\u00ebve ishin ushqyer edhe nga deklarata e zyrtar\u00ebve t\u00eb EULEX-it p\u00ebr luftimin e korrupsionit edhe brenda lidershipit politik vendor, p\u00ebrmes diskursit tashm\u00eb t\u00eb njohur t\u00eb ndjekjes s\u00eb \u2018peshqve t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj\u2019. \u00a0EULEX-i ka pasur edhe mjetet financiare, por edhe kapacitete njer\u00ebzore q\u00eb ta \u00e7liroj\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn nga ky korrupsion stabil i vendosur n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb qysh nga koha e UNMIK-ut.<\/span><\/p>\n

Sipas nj\u00eb studimi t\u00eb KIPRED, nga viti 2009 deri m\u00eb 2013, mesatarisht, n\u00eb \u00e7do vit, Kosova ka ndar\u00eb 151 milion euro p\u00ebr gjith\u00eb strukturat shtet\u00ebrore n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e sundimit t\u00eb ligjit. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, EULEX, me nj\u00eb staf 5 her\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl t\u00eb gjyqtar\u00ebve q\u00eb merren me vepra penale, ka buxhet prej 114 milion euro (1.3 her\u00eb m\u00eb i ul\u00ebt se i Kosov\u00ebs) n\u00eb baza vjetore, dhe kishte shqiptuar 3 her\u00eb m\u00eb pak aktgjykime n\u00eb krahasim me gjyqtar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs. Derisa, n\u00eb mesatare, secili prej 192 gjyqtar\u00ebve kosovar q\u00eb merren me raste penale kan\u00eb shqiptuar 44 aktgjykime, secili prej 36 gjyqtar\u00ebve t\u00eb EULEX-it, n\u00eb mesatare, ka shqiptar 2.1 vendime, pra 21 her\u00eb m\u00eb pak. Sa i p\u00ebrket aktgjykimeve n\u00eb rastet e profilit t\u00eb lart\u00eb, p\u00ebr kund\u00ebr faktit se stafi i gjyqtar\u00ebve t\u00eb EULEX-it \u00ebsht\u00eb 5 her\u00eb m\u00eb i vog\u00ebl se stafi i gjyqtar\u00ebve kosovar, gjyqtar\u00ebt e EULEX-it kan\u00eb shqiptuar 3 her\u00eb m\u00eb pak vendime (0.29 vendime p\u00ebr nj\u00eb gjyqtar) n\u00eb raport me gjyqtar\u00ebt kosovar\u00eb (0.94 vendime p\u00ebr nj\u00eb gjyqtar).<\/span><\/p>\n

Po ashtu, nj\u00eb raport i botuar s\u00eb fundi nga L\u00ebvizja FOL\u00a0shpalos p\u00ebrpjekjet e kufizuara t\u00eb EULEX-t p\u00ebr ta luftuar korrupsionin. Q\u00eb nga vendosja e tij n\u00eb vitin 2008, EULEX ka nxjerr\u00eb 70 aktgjykime p\u00ebr korrupsionin dhe krimin e organizuar. Prej k\u00ebtyre aktgjykimeve, 47 kan\u00eb pasur t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me rastet korrupsionit dhe 23 me rastet e krimit t\u00eb organizuar. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr k\u00ebtij numri t\u00eb vog\u00ebl t\u00eb aktgjykimeve, nuk dihet sakt\u00eb numri i rasteve q\u00eb jan\u00eb d\u00ebnuar p\u00ebr korrupsion dhe krim t\u00eb organizuar. Edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb raport theksohet se EULEX-i nuk kishte ndjekur mjaftuesh\u00ebm rastet e profilit t\u00eb lart\u00eb p\u00ebr korrupsion dhe krim t\u00eb organizuar. Arsyeja e mosndjekjes dhe e p\u00ebrfundimit me sukses t\u00eb rasteve t\u00eb profilit t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb korrupsionit dhe krimit t\u00eb organizuar, ishin ndikuar nga konteksti politik i Kosov\u00ebs, respektivisht nevoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb garantuar stabilitetit. Duke ruajtur k\u00ebshtu kredibilitetin e politikan\u00ebve t\u00eb korruptuar.<\/span><\/p>\n

Duket se sikurse UNMIK-u, edhe EULEX-i e ka prioritizuar stabilitetin para zhvillimit demokratik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Qysh n\u00eb preambul\u00eb t\u00eb Veprimit t\u00eb P\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb \u2013 nj\u00ebra prej bazave juridike me t\u00eb cilin ishte vendosur EULEX-i n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb \u2013 shkruhej se EULEX-i ka p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim q\u00eb ta forcoj\u00eb stabilitetin n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe rajon. Kritikuesit e EULEX-it argumentojn\u00eb se nj\u00ebra prej arsyeve p\u00ebr t\u00ebrheqjen e EULEX-it nga luftimi efikas i korrupsionit dhe i krimit t\u00eb organizuar, sidomos tek rastet e profilit t\u00eb lart\u00eb q\u00eb lidhen me ministra, deputet\u00eb, kryetar\u00eb komunash, drejtor\u00eb departamentesh, \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht frika q\u00eb nj\u00eb veprim i till\u00eb mund t\u00eb shkaktoj\u00eb destabilitet n\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn e paspavar\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

S\u00eb fundi, Aidan Hehir, n\u00eb nj\u00eb shkrim t\u00eb botuar n\u00eb \u2018National Interest\u2019, ka argumentuar se Per\u00ebndimi ka nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. P\u00ebr t\u00eb argumentuar k\u00ebt\u00eb, Hehir liston shum\u00eb probleme n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. N\u00eb mesin e tyre: korrupsionin, munges\u00ebn e stabilitetit social, fasad\u00ebn e multietnicitetit, disponimin negativ t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve kundrejt institucioneve t\u00eb vendit etj. Ndon\u00ebse problemet t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrmenden n\u00eb shkrimin e Hehir jan\u00eb reale, klasifikimi i Kosov\u00ebs si shtet i d\u00ebshtuar \u00ebsht\u00eb dyfish problematik. S\u00eb pari, sepse klasifikimi i Kosov\u00ebs si shtet i d\u00ebshtuar \u00ebsht\u00eb i pasakt\u00eb, p\u00ebr faktin se Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb larg m\u00eb mir\u00eb se vendet q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb vendosura n\u00eb list\u00ebn e vendeve t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar (por, pakrahasimisht m\u00eb keq, tep\u00ebr m\u00eb keq se vendet q\u00eb jan\u00eb funksionale, me qeverisje llogaridhn\u00ebse, demokraci t\u00eb konsoliduar dhe zhvillim t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm ekonomik). S\u00eb dyti, ky klasifikim \u00ebsht\u00eb problematik, p\u00ebr faktin se prodhon nj\u00eb argument fals. Sipas k\u00ebtij argumenti: me pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj, Kosova ka krijuar nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar q\u00eb eksporton destabilitet n\u00eb BE. Shkollar\u00ebt q\u00eb e kan\u00eb prezantuar k\u00ebt\u00eb argument si Hehir, Chandler etj, n\u00eb fakt, kan\u00eb qen\u00eb edhe kund\u00ebr intervenimit \u2018imperialist\u2019 t\u00eb NATO-s\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, jan\u00eb dy shkollar\u00eb tjer\u00eb q\u00eb argumentojn\u00eb ndryshe.<\/span><\/p>\n

Sipas Florian Bieber, Kosova nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shtet i d\u00ebshtuar, por nj\u00eb shtet minimalist. Kurse Wolgang Koeth p\u00ebrmes pyetjes me sa vijon tregon falsitetin e argumentit se \u2018Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet i d\u00ebshtuar\u2019, argument ky q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb prezantuar shpeshher\u00eb nga aktor politik q\u00eb jan\u00eb kund\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe njohjes s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Koeth pyeste: \u2018A mundet q\u00eb d\u00ebshtimi i Kosov\u00ebs (dhe, si pasoj\u00eb, eksportimi i jostabilitetit n\u00eb rajon dhe BE) t\u00eb parandalohej n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb duke e trajtuar at\u00eb si: (1) shtet sovran, (2) protektorat t\u00eb UN\/BE-s\u00eb apo (3) si pjes\u00eb e ri-integruar e Serbis\u00eb?\u2019. Ri-integrimi i Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb Republik\u00ebn e Serbis\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhej s\u00ebrish pa p\u00ebrdorimin e ushtris\u00eb, dhe kjo do t\u00eb shkaktonte destabilitetin m\u00eb madh jo vet\u00ebm rajonal por edhe at\u00eb evropian. Koeth theksonte se bashk\u00ebsia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare nuk kishte asnj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb t\u00eb besueshme n\u00eb horizont kund\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pas shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj, Kosova kishte hyr\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb t\u00eb re t\u00eb ambiguitetit politik n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie me jasht\u00eb, pra, n\u00eb nj\u00eb limbo t\u00eb re. Si\u00e7 ka argumentuar Alexander Yanis, ndon\u00ebse deklarata e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb hap p\u00ebrpara, ajo nuk e zgjidhte p\u00ebrfundimisht as konfliktin brenda Kosov\u00ebs dhe as statusin e saj n\u00eb raport me jasht\u00eb. Derisa para vitit 1999, ambiguiteti politik ishte i brendsh\u00ebm, p\u00ebr faktin se Rezoluta 1244 nd\u00ebrthurte n\u00eb vetvete objektiva kontradiktore duke e ruajtur sovranitetit e RSFJ-s\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb dhe duke u dh\u00ebn\u00eb kosovar\u00ebve kompetenca p\u00ebr vet\u00ebqeverisje deri n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin p\u00ebrfundimtar t\u00eb statusit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm, shpallja e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb prej \u2018p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb popullit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs\u2019 mendohej se do t\u00eb qart\u00ebsonte p\u00ebrfundimisht statusin e Kosov\u00ebs. Megjithat\u00eb, ky ambiguitet nuk do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundonte n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi. Nga brenda, sovranitetit i Kosov\u00ebs s\u00eb pavarur ishte k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar vazhdimisht nga nd\u00ebrhyrjet e Serbis\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb p\u00ebrmes instrumentalizimit t\u00eb strukturave paralele serbe sidomos n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, kurse n\u00eb raport me politik\u00ebn e jashtme, n\u00ebse e p\u00ebrdorim terminologjin\u00eb e Stephen Kransner, sovranitetit ligjor nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar i Kosov\u00ebs vazhdon t\u00eb mbetet i mjegullt me faktin se Rezoluta 1244 e KS ende mbetet n\u00eb fuqi. Derisa rruga e Kosov\u00ebs drejt OKB-s\u00eb mbetet e paqart\u00eb dhe e mjegullt, paqart\u00ebsia ekziston edhe n\u00eb raport me BE-n\u00eb. Ende pes\u00eb shtete an\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb nuk e kan\u00eb njohur pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Duke e trajtuar statusin e Kosov\u00ebs si \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb hapur, BE-ja ka mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb t\u00eb humb\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm kredibilitetin si nj\u00eb aktor nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, por, edhe legjitimitetin n\u00eb syt\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Duke u diskredituar ngjash\u00ebm sikurse UNMIK-u. Ndon\u00ebse, Kosova, n\u00eb faz\u00ebn aktuale, \u00ebsht\u00eb larg p\u00ebrmbushjes s\u00eb standardeve evropiane dhe statusi i saj i mjegullt mund t\u00eb mos krijoj\u00eb probleme t\u00eb menj\u00ebhershme n\u00eb relacionet e tanishme Kosov\u00eb-BE, kur Kosova do t\u00eb afrohet n\u00eb proceset integruese evropiane, do t\u00eb shtrohet nevoja imediate p\u00ebr nj\u00eb qart\u00ebsi t\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian karshi Kosov\u00ebs. Komisioni Evropian vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr vitin 2009-2010 ka alokuar 103.6 milion euro p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndihmuar procesin e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb institucioneve. Duke qen\u00eb se politikat e kusht\u00ebzimit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb dhe standardet evropiane q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u2019i p\u00ebrmbushte Kosova n\u00eb 10 vitet e ardhme do t\u00eb duhej ta transformonin Kosov\u00ebn rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsisht, BE-ja duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb unike karshi Kosov\u00ebs. Si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb theksuar n\u00eb Strategjin\u00eb e Siguris\u00eb 2003 t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, kredibiliteti i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb do t\u00eb varet nga t\u00eb arriturat n\u00eb Ballkan, dhe ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Kredibiliteti i k\u00ebsaj politike, paras\u00ebgjithash, do t\u00eb matet, me kusht\u00ebzimin dhe p\u00ebrkrahjen e Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbush\u00eb standardet evropiane n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e sundimit t\u00eb ligjit. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb Kosova t\u00eb b\u00ebhet shtet funksional. D\u00ebshtimi potencial i Kosov\u00ebs do t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe d\u00ebshtim i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Ky d\u00ebshtim nuk do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb izolohej vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Paradigma e stabilitetit t\u00eb korruptuar dhe korrupsionit stabil duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyset n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Mes stabilitetit t\u00eb korruptuar dhe sundimit t\u00eb ligjit nuk do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb kishte dilema.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00ebse BE-ja edhe lidershipi politik vendor vendosin q\u00eb me \u00e7do kusht ta mir\u00ebmbajn\u00eb stabilitetit e korruptuar, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb kushti q\u00eb e \u00e7on Kosov\u00ebn drejt d\u00ebshtimit. Drejt shtetd\u00ebshtimit.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Gjat\u00eb dekad\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit, zhvillimi ekonomik dhe as lufta kund\u00ebr korrupsioni nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb prioriteteve t\u00eb UNMIK-ut. Meqen\u00ebse statusi politik i Kosov\u00ebs kishte mbetur pezull, konsideratat primare t\u00eb UNMIK-ut, n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e administrimit mbi Kosov\u00ebn, do t\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqeshin nga premisat e stabilitetit. Duke u udh\u00ebhequr nga k\u00ebto premisa, UNMIK-u nuk do t\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":43,"featured_media":10688,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1043,655,664,1422,1465],"ppma_author":[53],"class_list":["post-3274","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-be","tag-eulex","tag-kosovo","tag-okb","tag-unmik"],"authors":[{"term_id":53,"user_id":43,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adem-beha","display_name":"Adem Beha","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/C477C28E-1E6C-46CB-965F-2493B7413F59.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/C477C28E-1E6C-46CB-965F-2493B7413F59.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Beha","first_name":"Adem","description":"Adem Beha \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Shkenca Politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Ai p\u00ebrfundoi studimet n\u00eb Shkenc\u00eb Politike dhe Administrat\u00eb Publike n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs dhe ka diplomuar n\u00eb master n\u00eb programin Shoq\u00ebria Civile dhe Zhvillim Lokal nga Universiteti i Prishtin\u00ebs, Universiteti i Grazit dhe Universiteti Komb\u00ebtar i Irland\u00ebs n\u00eb Galway. Momentalisht, Beha \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim t\u00eb studimeve t\u00eb doktorat\u00ebs n\u00eb shkenc\u00ebn politike n\u00eb SEEU. Beha \u00ebsht\u00eb angazhuar si trajner, konsulent, dhe hulumtues n\u00eb organizata t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile vendore dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb UBO Consulting, KOPF, REF, KIP, CPC dhe Fondacionin Peace Berghof. Interesimet e tij k\u00ebrkimore p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb: transformimi i konflikteve, siguria njer\u00ebzore, shtet-nd\u00ebrtimi dhe nd\u00ebrtimi i paqes, t\u00eb drejtat e pakicave dhe zhvillimi i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3274","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/43"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3274"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3274\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10690,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3274\/revisions\/10690"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10688"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3274"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3274"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3274"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3274"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}