{"id":3321,"date":"2016-11-12T14:47:47","date_gmt":"2016-11-12T12:47:47","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3321"},"modified":"2025-01-15T14:54:46","modified_gmt":"2025-01-15T12:54:46","slug":"nje-luan-ne-dimer","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/nje-luan-ne-dimer\/","title":{"rendered":"Nj\u00eb luan n\u00eb dim\u00ebr"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Jurgen Habermas mbetet nj\u00eb udh\u00ebzues i domosdosh\u00ebm p\u00ebr projektin e pap\u00ebrfunduar t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijes demokratike dhe iluminizmit<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Jo larg nga Porta e Brandenburgut n\u00eb Berlin ndodhet Memoriali i Holokaustit, nj\u00eb rrjet i gj\u00ebr\u00eb i gati tremij\u00eb blloqeve t\u00eb betonit q\u00eb shtrihen n\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00eb prej 19.000 metra katror\u00eb me lart\u00ebsi t\u00eb ndryshme. Disa ngrihen deri te gjuri; disa p\u00ebrvijohen mbi kok\u00eb deri sa zbret pjerrtazi drejt qendr\u00ebs. Memoriali qe nd\u00ebrtuar vet\u00ebm pas nj\u00eb debati t\u00eb zgjatur se a do t\u00eb duhej q\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkujtues aq i es\u00ebllt i kapitullit m\u00eb t\u00eb err\u00ebt t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs s\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb, t\u00eb q\u00ebndronte n\u00eb zem\u00ebr t\u00eb kryeqitetit t\u00eb rishpallur t\u00eb kombit.<\/p>\n

Pas inaugurimit t\u00eb memorialit n\u00eb maj 2005, nj\u00eb gazetar nga javorja\u00a0Die Zeit\u00a0vuri re nj\u00eb vizitor t\u00eb vetmuar, \u201cnj\u00eb zot\u00ebri me flok\u00eb t\u00eb bardh\u00eb si bora\u201d i cili po qendronte pran\u00eb nj\u00eb kioske akulloresh. \u201cDora e tij po mban mendueshem mjekrr\u00ebn e tij. Ai po i shikon njer\u00ebzit tek v\u00ebrshojn\u00eb mes kolumnesh, loj\u00ebrat kokafshehti t\u00eb\u00a0 adoleshent\u00ebve, baballar\u00ebt q\u00eb fotografojn\u00eb, pensioner\u00ebt e rraskapitur. Burri po rri aty n\u00eb heshtje.\u201d Ai e v\u00ebshtron t\u00ebr\u00eb sken\u00ebn \u201csikur po shikonte nj\u00eb eksperiment sociologjik.\u201d Por ai se\u00e7 ka nj\u00eb frym\u00eb t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb. \u201c\u00c7far\u00eb po mendon? \u2018Pa koment\u2019\u201d, thot\u00eb burri. \u201cAi nuk do ende t\u00eb flas\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb n\u00eb publik, ende jo.\u201d P\u00ebrderisa gazetari largohet, \u201cflok\u00ebt e tij t\u00eb bardh\u00eb ende mund t\u00eb shihen mes turm\u00ebs.\u201d<\/p>\n

Burri i menduesh\u00ebm me flok\u00ebt e bardh\u00eb si bora ishte filozofi dhe teoricieni social J\u00fcrgen Habermas, i cili p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se gjasht\u00eb dekada ka luajtur rolin e zekthit n\u00eb Gjermanin\u00eb moderne, sikurse Sokrati n\u00eb Athin\u00ebn antike. Edhe n\u00eb mosh\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb shtyer \u2013 tashm\u00eb 87 vjecare \u2013 pasioni i Habermasit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pak\u00ebsuar. Megjithat\u00eb, si intelektual publik, ai mund t\u00eb duket sikur nj\u00eb hero q\u00eb s\u2019ta mbush syrin. Ne jetojm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn, ajo q\u00eb disa prej nesh ende me dashuri e quajm\u00eb \u201csfer\u00eb publike\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb trashur me personalitete t\u00eb cilat preferojn\u00eb TED Talk para fjal\u00ebs s\u00eb shtypur dhe \u2018tweet-in\u2019 para rigorozitetit t\u00eb argumentit racional. P\u00ebr Habermasin \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se pa t\u00eb ushtruarit e vazhduesh\u00ebm t\u00eb diskutimit publik, demokracia do t\u00eb shembet, dhe kjo n\u00ebnkupton q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb parashtrojn\u00eb argument\u00ebt e tyre n\u00eb vask\u00ebn acidike t\u00eb kritik\u00ebs racionale. Debatet q\u00eb i paraprin\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb Memorialit t\u00eb Holokaustit soll\u00ebn n\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqe kujtime t\u00eb hidhura \u2013 romancieri Martin Walser shprehte shqet\u00ebsimin p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb \u201cmonumentalizim t\u00eb turpit\u201d \u2013 por p\u00ebr Habermasin, gatishm\u00ebria p\u00ebr t\u2019u angazhuar frytsh\u00ebm n\u00eb vet\u00ebkritik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb parakusht p\u00ebr vet\u00ebdij\u00ebsimin demokratik. Krenaria komb\u00ebtare, n\u00eb kuptimin konvencional t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs, e zhg\u00ebnjen at\u00eb: n\u00eb nj\u00eb ese p\u00ebr\u00a0Die Zeit, ai i p\u00ebrgjigjej Walserit, duke theksuar se \u201c\u00e7dokush q\u00eb e sheh Auschwitz-in si \u201cturpin ton\u00eb\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb i interesuar p\u00ebr imazhin q\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt kan\u00eb p\u00ebr ne sesa n\u00eb imazhin q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt gjerman\u00eb e formojn\u00eb retrospektivisht p\u00ebr veten e tyre p\u00ebrkrah shthurrjes s\u00eb civilizimit, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje ta shohin nj\u00ebri-tjetrin n\u00eb fytyr\u00eb dhe t\u00eb respektojn\u00eb nj\u00ebri-tjetrin.\u201d N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, Habermas argumenton\u00a0 p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u201cpatriotiz\u00ebm kushtetues\u201d, nj\u00eb gjendje e lojalitetit ndaj parimeve dhe procedurave t\u00eb shtetit demokratik modern.<\/p>\n

Ideali i cili m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti e gjall\u00ebron Habermasin \u00ebsht\u00eb besimi n\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e nj\u00eb forme kritike dhe vet\u00eb-refleksive t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijes moderne q\u00eb mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb si themel p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn. Por pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, ai \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb mendimtar i cili p\u00ebrqafon kompleksitetin n\u00eb vend t\u00eb dogm\u00ebs dhe i cili nuk shfaq kurrfar\u00eb interesi p\u00ebr paraqitje teatrale. Pas nj\u00eb vizite q\u00eb i beri nj\u00eb seminari filozofik n\u00eb Mynih, Habermas i la student\u00ebt me p\u00ebrshtypjen se ai \u201cnuk \u00ebsht\u00eb figur\u00eb karizmatike.\u201d Student\u00ebt \u201casnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk mor\u00ebn ndonj\u00eb deklarat\u00eb t\u00eb mpreht\u00eb retorike apo asgj\u00eb prej asaj tolerance josh\u00ebse e cila p\u00ebrkulet prapa p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur kompromis dhe e cila pranon cdo deklarat\u00eb, pa marr\u00eb parasysh sa absurd, dhe e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb aq e zakonshme n\u00eb shkencat humane sot.\u201d Ata poashtu nuk pan\u00eb asnj\u00eb \u201cpoz\u00eb n\u00eb stilin e mjeshtrit t\u00eb madh.\u201d Por ata, megjithat\u00eb, \u00a0mund t\u00eb v\u00ebrenin pasionin n\u00eb diskutimin e tij: \u201cKur Habermas mendon \u2013 dhe, n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment, ai mendoi aq intenzivisht saq\u00eb k\u00ebrkoi falje p\u00ebr \u2018belb\u00ebzimin e tij\u2019 \u2013 gjithmon\u00eb ke p\u00ebrshtypjen se ai, n\u00eb fakt, po hyn n\u00eb nj\u00eb ndeshje mundjeje intelektuale me nj\u00eb problem.\u201d<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr vler\u00ebsimin e pun\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb filozofi nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb matje objektive. Por pakkush mund t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtonte verdiktin se Habermasi ka z\u00ebne \u2013 sikur n\u00eb pun\u00ebn e tij filozofike dhe n\u00eb rolin e tij prej intelektuali publik \u2013 nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb nj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsie t\u00eb madhe q\u00eb tejkalon cilindo prej mendimtar\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb koh\u00ebs ton\u00eb. Biograifia e re vendimtare nga Stefan M\u00fcller-Dohm, s\u00eb pari e publikuar n\u00eb Gjermani para dy vitesh dhe tash e p\u00ebrkthyer n\u00eb anglisht me p\u00ebrkthim t\u00eb Daniel Steuer, paraqet me shum\u00eb kujdes faktet p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb konkluzion dhe me simpati t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme p\u00ebr protagonistin e vet.<\/p>\n

Simpatia \u00ebsht\u00eb e arsyetueshme. Q\u00eb prej viteve t\u00eb hershme si filozof dhe kritik publik, Habermasi ka sh\u00ebrbyer si nj\u00ebfar\u00eb kompasi moral, jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Gjermani por edhe n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Per\u00ebndimore. Edhe p\u00ebr ata prej nesh t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nuk kan\u00eb\u00a0 pasur privilegjin t\u00eb punojn\u00eb me t\u00eb, udh\u00ebzimet e tij jan\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar si t\u00eb domosdoshme. Natyrisht se \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrvoje e \u00e7uditshme t\u00eb lexosh nj\u00eb biografi t\u00eb nj\u00eb autori t\u00eb gjall\u00eb. Por ne duhet t\u00eb jemi falenderues q\u00eb ai \u00ebsht\u00eb ende me ne dhe q\u00eb nuk i \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebrzitur detyra e t\u00eb qenit mbrojt\u00ebs i asaj \u00e7far\u00eb ai e quan \u201cprojekt i pap\u00ebrfunduar i modernitetit.\u201d<\/p>\n

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Habermas u lind n\u00eb qershor t\u00eb vitit 1929, n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment kur shansat p\u00ebr demokraci n\u00eb Gjermanin\u00eb modern dukeshin t\u00eb pasigurta. Republika e Vajmarit kishte arritur nj\u00eb baraspesh\u00eb t\u00eb pjesshme politike pas hiperinflacionit shkat\u00ebrrimtar t\u00eb fillimeve t\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebzetave dhe kompromisi mes fraksioneve politike tek e majta dhe e djathta mbetej i mundsh\u00ebm kryesisht duke iu falenderuar \u201ckoalicionit t\u00eb madh\u201d t\u00eb qendr\u00ebs t\u00eb sajuar nga Gustav Stresemann, burr\u00ebshtetasit konzervativ, i cili sh\u00ebrbeu si kancelar m\u00eb 1923 dhe pastaj si minist\u00ebr i jasht\u00ebm deri n\u00eb vjesht\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 1929. Vdekja e Stressemanit, q\u00eb gati rastisi me shembjen e tregut te aksioneve, sinjalizoi fillimin dhe p\u00ebrfundimin e demokracis\u00eb gjermane. Koalicioni i qendr\u00ebs filloi t\u00eb shthurrej; Socialdemokrat\u00ebt provuan t\u00eb ruajn\u00eb qeverisjen, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr faktit q\u00eb presidenti gjerman, heroi i dekoruar i luft\u00ebs, Paul von Hindenburg, qe kund\u00ebr republik\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

I ati i J\u00fcrgenit, Ernst Habermas, ishte bir i nj\u00eb prifti protestan dhe me bindje konzervative. N\u00eb qershor t\u00eb vitit 1933, menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas ardhjes s\u00eb Hitlerit n\u00eb pushtet, Ernsti iu bashkkua Partis\u00eb Naciste, dhe me shp\u00ebrthimin e luft\u00ebs m\u00eb 1939 ai u paraqit si vullnetar p\u00ebr sh\u00ebrbimin ushtarak n\u00eb Wehrmacht. J\u00fcrgen ishte vet\u00ebm 10 vje\u00e7 kur ai u b\u00eb an\u00ebtar i Rinis\u00eb Gjermane (Deutsches Jungvolk) dhe m\u00eb von\u00eb i Rinis\u00eb s\u00eb Hitlerit. Por ky v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se ishte ndonj\u00eb veprim i nxitur nga ndonj\u00eb bindje ideologjike \u2013 an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi n\u00eb at\u00eb kohe ishte e detyrueshme \u2013 dhe J\u00fcrgen iu shmang trajnimit paramilitar duke e shpallur vendimin p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb mjek. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e par\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb vihet re se Habermas u lind me qiell\u00ebz t\u00eb \u00e7ar\u00eb dhe n\u00eb mosh\u00eb t\u00eb re ai p\u00ebrjetoi nj\u00eb num\u00ebr procedurash kirurgjike q\u00eb e lan\u00eb (si\u00e7 do ta thoshte vet\u00eb\u00a0 m\u00eb von\u00eb) me nj\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb p\u00ebr brisht\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe nd\u00ebrvar\u00ebsin\u00eb njer\u00ebzore. Tekstet mjek\u00ebsore t\u00eb asaj kohe e cil\u00ebsuan gjendjen e tij si \u201cs\u00ebmundje t\u00eb trash\u00ebguar,\u201d nj\u00eb fakt q\u00eb mund ta ket\u00eb rritur rezinstenc\u00ebn ndaj indoktrinimit nacist. N\u00eb shkurt t\u00eb vitit 1945, pes\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00ebvjecari pranoi nj\u00eb urdh\u00ebr p\u00ebr t\u2019iu bashkuar Wehrmachtit p\u00ebr betej\u00ebn e deshp\u00ebruar e p\u00ebrfundimtare kund\u00ebr ushtrive t\u00eb Aleat\u00ebve pushtues, por p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb kthese t\u00eb \u00e7uditshme t\u00eb ngjarjeve, Habermas nuk ishte aty kur policia ushtarake trokiti n\u00eb der\u00eb. Menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas k\u00ebsaj, ia mb\u00ebrrit\u00ebn amerikan\u00ebt dhe lufta kishte p\u00ebrfunduar.<\/p>\n

Burrshtetasi gjerman Helmut Kohl, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb i ri se Habermas, ka folur p\u00ebr \u201cbekimet e lindjes s\u00eb von\u00eb.\u201d T\u00eb dy burrat i p\u00ebrkasin asaj kohe q\u00eb historiani Dirk Moses e ka quajtuar \u201cdyzetepes\u00ebshat,\u201d nj\u00eb gjenerat\u00eb e politikan\u00ebve dhe intelektual\u00ebve gjerman\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb rinj p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb aktivisht n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimin ushtarak gjat\u00eb Rajhut t\u00eb Tret\u00eb, por mjaft t\u00eb rritur p\u00ebr t\u00eb ditur tmerret e luft\u00ebs. Shum\u00eb nga kjo gjenerat\u00eb nuk kishin dashur t\u00eb merreshin me pyetjet e parehatshme p\u00ebr p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb komb\u00ebtare. Duke p\u00ebrkufizuar vitin 1945 si Stunde null (apo \u201cora zero\u201d), ata p\u00ebrqafuan haptas at\u00eb antikomuniz\u00ebm q\u00eb v\u00ebrshoi mesp\u00ebrmes Evrop\u00ebs Per\u00ebndimore si nj\u00eb urdh\u00ebr ideologjik p\u00ebr Planin e Marshallit, dhe n\u00eb vitet pasuese, \u00a0p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsuan nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb pragmatizmit t\u00eb ftoht\u00eb, p\u00ebrderisa Gjermania Per\u00ebndimore iu n\u00ebnshtrua tri dekadave t\u00eb rigjenerimit dhe shnd\u00ebrrimit, t\u00eb njohura si \u201cmrekulli ekonomike.\u201d<\/p>\n

Konrad Adenauer, kancelari i par\u00eb i Republik\u00ebs Federale dhe mbajt\u00ebsi i standardit p\u00ebr Bashkimin Kristian-Demokratik konzervativ, b\u00ebri fushat\u00eb n\u00ebn sloganin Keine Experimente! (\u201cPa eksperimente!\u201d). P\u00ebr Habermasin, sidoqoft\u00eb, tirania q\u00eb kishte p\u00ebrjetuar si f\u00ebmij\u00eb nuk ishte leje p\u00ebr konformitetin e s\u00eb tashm\u00ebs por motiv p\u00ebr t\u00eb nxitur kriticizmin politik. Duke refuzuar t\u00eb harronte at\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb kishte ndodhur n\u00eb vendin e tij, ai u b\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar i palodhur i t\u00eb gjitha vlerave konzervative e nacionaliste dhe nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebs i fort\u00eb i asaj cfar\u00eb quhet\u00a0Vergangenheitsbewaltigung, apo \u201cballafaqimi me t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn.\u201d Kujtimet e koh\u00ebs s\u00eb Hitlerit mund t\u00eb shpjegojn\u00eb poashtu, indiferenc\u00ebn personale t\u00eb Habermasit ndaj autoritetit karizmatik. Edhe n\u00eb aspektet m\u00eb sfiduese dhe teknike t\u00eb filozofis\u00eb s\u00eb tij, mund t\u00eb v\u00ebrehet nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtim ndaj idealit t\u00eb sfer\u00ebs publike q\u00eb merr fuqi nga asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pos debatit racional. Poq\u00eb se ka vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb parim q\u00eb e gjall\u00ebron t\u00eb gjith\u00eb filozofin\u00eb e tij, ai do t\u00eb ishte q\u00eb pushteti si i vet\u00ebm, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyetim: E vetmja forc\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb valide brenda sistemit demokratik \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb ai e quan \u201cforca e paforcuar e argumentit m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb.\u201d Mb\u00ebshtetja e k\u00ebtij parimi \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo \u00e7far\u00eb e dallon demokracin\u00eb nga tirania.<\/p>\n

Habermasi mb\u00ebrriti tek kjo ide pas disa tentimeve, dhe vet\u00ebm pasi q\u00eb kishte analizuar lidhjet e tij me linjat m\u00eb pak racionale t\u00eb historis\u00eb intelektuale gjermane. N\u00eb librarin\u00eb e tij, ai gjeti veprat e Kantit dhe Nietzsches; ai e shnd\u00ebrroi kuzhin\u00ebn e bodrumit n\u00eb nj\u00eb streh\u00eb private, ku ai do t\u00eb recitonte me z\u00eb rreshtat e\u00a0Ashtu foli Zarathustra. Por \u201cn\u00eb fund\u201d, si\u00e7 do t\u00eb kujtonte m\u00eb von\u00eb, \u201casociacionet me sloganet e sh\u00ebmtuara t\u00eb nacist\u00ebve\u2026 u b\u00ebn\u00eb shum\u00eb turp\u00ebruese.\u201d Deri m\u00eb 1948, studimet e tij u zhvendosen nga mjek\u00ebsia n\u00eb histori, filozofi, let\u00ebrsi gjermane, dhe ekonomi; ai e gjeti veten posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht t\u00eb kapluar nga \u201cshushurima e padep\u00ebrtueshme\u201d e ekzistencializmit.<\/p>\n

Pas periudhave t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebra t\u00eb studimeve n\u00eb G\u00ebtingen dhe Cyrih, ai u vendos m\u00eb 1950 n\u00eb departamentin e filozofis\u00eb n\u00eb Universitetin e Bonit, ku u miq\u00ebsua me Karl-Otto Apel, nj\u00eb i sapodiplomuar disi m\u00eb i vjet\u00ebr, i cili kishte studiuar te filozofi Erich Rothacker. Ngat\u00ebrresat e Rothakerit me Rajhun e Tret\u00eb ishin t\u00eb shumta \u2013 ai bile kishte ofruar ligjerata radiofonike p\u00ebr Ministrin\u00eb e Propagand\u00ebs s\u00eb Goebbelsit \u2013 por fillimisht, ndikimi i tij mbi Habermasin e ri qe i konsideruesh\u00ebm. At\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebzetat e tij, Habermasi u p\u00ebrqendrua n\u00eb temat si filozofia antropologjike dhe filozofia e gjuh\u00ebs e Wilhelm von Humboldtit. N\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb studimeve t\u00eb tij, megjithat\u00eb, ishte Martin Heidegger. N\u00eb eset\u00eb akademike dhe n\u00eb artikujt e gazetave, ai p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsoi manerizmat karakteristik\u00eb t\u00eb Heideggerit, me aluzione ndaj \u201cfshehjes s\u00eb qenieve\u201d dhe \u201cshp\u00ebrfaqjes s\u00eb shenj\u00ebs\u201d. Deri n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb vitit 1954, Habermas kishte p\u00ebrfunduar doktoratur\u00ebn e tij me disertacion mbi \u201cabsoluten dhe historin\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb filozofin\u00eb e Friedrich Schellingut, mendimtarit t\u00eb fillimshekullit t\u00eb n\u00ebnt\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb, trash\u00ebgimia e s\u00eb cilit derdhej drejt kontribuuesve m\u00eb t\u00eb err\u00ebt t\u00eb iracionalizmit modern.<\/p>\n

Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, n\u00eb ver\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 1953, Habermas u p\u00ebrball me nj\u00eb skandal lidhur me t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn politike t\u00eb Heideggerit. Apel-i i dha shokut t\u00eb tij nj\u00eb kopje t\u00eb\u00a0\u201cHyrje n\u00eb Metafizik\u00eb\u201d (Introduction to Metaphysics), nj\u00eb lib\u00ebr q\u00eb u botua s\u00eb pari m\u00eb 1935. N\u00eb botimin e ri, nj\u00eb referenc\u00eb p\u00ebr \u201ct\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn dhe madh\u00ebshtin\u00eb e brendshme\u201d t\u00eb Nacionalsocializmit mbetej e pandryshuar, pa shpjegime dhe me modifikime t\u00eb vogla. I fyer r\u00ebnd\u00eb, Habermasi u p\u00ebrgjigj me nj\u00eb ese t\u00eb botuar n\u00eb\u00a0Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. \u201cLigjerata e vitit 1935,\u201d shkroi ai, \u201cdemaskon pam\u00ebshirsh\u00ebm ngjyrimin fashist t\u00eb koh\u00ebs.\u201d Ajo \u00e7far\u00eb e trazonte at\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti ishte d\u00ebshtimi i Heideggerit p\u00ebr t\u00eb ofruar nj\u00eb shpjegim edhe pas 18 vjet\u00ebsh: A qe \u201cvrasja e planifikuar e miliona qenieve njer\u00ebzore,\u201d pyeste Habermasi, vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb shtyll\u00eb drejtuese p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb \u201chistoris\u00eb s\u00eb qenies\u201d? A nuk ishte \u201cobligimi par\u00ebsor i njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb arsyesh\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb sqarojn\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr veprat e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb t\u00eb gjall\u00eb dijen p\u00ebr ta?\u201d Qe koha, Habermasi deklaronte, q\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb mendohet bashk\u00eb me Heideggerin kund\u00ebr Heideggerit.\u201d Ky moment i vler\u00ebsimit politik, e \u00e7oi faz\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb hershme t\u00eb entuziasmit ekzistencial n\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim t\u00eb prer\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebr biografistin e tij, ky incident sh\u00ebnonte poashtu nj\u00eb pik\u00eb kthese n\u00eb karrier\u00ebn e akademikut t\u00eb ri. Edhe pse Habermas zakonisht e shmangte konfrontimin n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi, Heideggeri i p\u00ebrkiste s\u00eb njejt\u00ebs gjenerat\u00eb sikur i ati i tij; kund\u00ebrshtimi i tij ndaj filozofit m\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7muesh\u00ebm gjerman k\u00ebrkoi nj\u00eb kurajo t\u00eb konsiderueshme. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb akt, nj\u00ebzetekat\u00ebrvjecari u b\u00eb nj\u00eb kritik publik.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr shum\u00eb bij\u00eb dhe bija q\u00eb erdh\u00ebn n\u00eb mosh\u00eb gjat\u00eb t\u00eb pes\u00ebdhjetave, klima konzervative e Republik\u00ebs Federale t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhej ngulfat\u00ebse. P\u00ebr Habermasin, udh\u00ebzimi intelektual vinte nga jasht\u00eb, kur Theodor Adorno dhe Max Horkheimer \u2013 dy an\u00ebtar\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb Institutit p\u00ebr K\u00ebrkime Sociale, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kishin kaluar vitet e luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara \u2013 u kthyen nga ekzili. Habermas e nisi korrespondenc\u00ebn me Adornon n\u00eb dhjetor t\u00eb vitit 1955 dhe u b\u00eb asistenti i tij personal dhe an\u00ebtar zyrtar i institutit t\u00eb rithemeluar n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb vitit 1956. Intensiteti filozofik i sken\u00ebs s\u00eb Frankfurtit e frym\u00ebzoi at\u00eb. Synimet e shpallura t\u00eb institutit artikuluan edhe besimin e tij gjithnj\u00eb e n\u00eb rritje se filozofia mund t\u00eb kishte m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti sukses n\u00eb nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb shumdisciplinare me sociologjin\u00eb. \u201cTeoria kritike\u201d donte t\u00eb thoshte kund\u00ebrshti ndaj mitologjive t\u00eb fashizmit dhe rizgjim i energjive t\u00eb shtypura t\u00eb ilimunizmit. N\u00eb nj\u00eb radio program t\u00eb hersh\u00ebm, Habermas vler\u00ebsonte \u201ctrash\u00ebgimin\u00eb \u00e7ifute q\u00eb buronte prej shpirtit gjerman\u201d si nj\u00eb dhurat\u00eb q\u00eb tashm\u00eb qe \u201ce domosdoshme p\u00ebr jet\u00ebn dhe mbijetes\u00ebn ton\u00eb.\u201d Por kultura e institutit iu duk atij paksa ekzotike. \u201cNdjehesha sikur ndonj\u00eb personazh prej romanesh t\u00eb Balzakut,\u201d kujtonte Habermas, \u201c\u00e7uni i ngath\u00ebt dhe i paedukuar q\u00eb vjen nga fshati, syt\u00eb e t\u00eb cilit \u00e7elen prej qytetit.\u201d Adorno trup\u00ebzonte nj\u00eb stil t\u00eb erudicionit gjermano-\u00e7ifut t\u00eb cilin nacist\u00ebt kishin b\u00ebr\u00eb \u00e7mos ta shkat\u00ebrronin. \u201cKoha,\u201d sh\u00ebnonte Habermas, \u201ckishte dy dimensione.\u201d Instituti qe t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht modern por poashtu edhe mbetje e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Habermas shihet me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb si mish\u00ebrim i Shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Frankfurtit n\u00eb \u201cgjenerat\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb dyt\u00eb.\u201d Por n\u00eb aspektin e temperamentit intelektual, ai dallon ndjesh\u00ebm prej m\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb tij. Q\u00eb prej fillimit, lidhjet e tij me Adornon qen\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb ngrohta, por ai kishte v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi me Horkheimerin, i cili e shihte at\u00eb me dyshim dhe frik\u00ebsohej se kriticizmi publik i djaloshit t\u00eb ri ndaj programit t\u00eb riarmatimit t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb Per\u00ebndimore, do ta diskreditonte institutin.<\/p>\n

Shum\u00eb vjet\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb, pas vdekjes s\u00eb Horkheimerit m\u00eb 1973, Habermasit iu dha mund\u00ebsia t\u00eb lexonte tekstin e plot\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb letre private drejtuar Adornos n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn Horkheimer denonconte studentin e tyre si revolucionar i cili do t\u2019i ndihmonte \u201czot\u00ebrinjt\u00eb nga Lindja.\u201d Horkheimer k\u00ebrkonte dor\u00ebheqjen e Habermasit. Adorno refuzoi, por marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet mes Horkheimerit dhe Habermasit mbeten t\u00eb tendosura. M\u00eb 1959, Habermasi la institutin \u2013 nj\u00eb vendim me rrezik p\u00ebr nj\u00eb akademik t\u00eb ri i cili tashm\u00eb qe martuar dhe kishte dy f\u00ebmij\u00eb. E shoqja e tij, Ute, qe e befasuar. Por me mb\u00ebshtetjen e filozofit Hans-Georg Gadamer, Habermas pranoi nj\u00eb burs\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyllur habilitacionin e tij mbi iden\u00eb e \u201csfer\u00ebs publike,\u201d, dhe m\u00eb 1961 ai siguroi pozit\u00ebn e asistent profesorit t\u00eb filozofis\u00eb n\u00eb Universitetin e Hajdelbergut.<\/p>\n

Transformimi i Sfer\u00ebs Publike (The Transformation of the Public Sphere),\u00a0i publikuar nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb von\u00eb, p\u00ebrmbante shum\u00eb prej temave\u00a0 t\u00eb cilat Habermas do t\u2019i zhvillonte m\u00eb von\u00eb gjat\u00eb karrier\u00ebs s\u00eb tij. Ky punim shpesh keqinterpretohet si studim i past\u00ebr historik meq\u00eb i konsideron institucionet borgjeze si t\u00eb jen\u00eb gazeta dhe kafene. Por e v\u00ebrteta \u00ebsht\u00eb se ky lib\u00ebr kombinon sociologjin\u00eb historike me filozofin\u00eb; libri ndjek si gjenez\u00ebn ashtu edhe braktisjen e nj\u00eb ideali t\u00eb publicitetit kritik t\u00eb cil\u00ebn borgjezia evropiane e mbante si premtim dhe t\u00eb cil\u00ebn asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk mundi ta plot\u00ebsoj\u00eb, duke iu falenderuar shtr\u00ebngesave t\u00eb pushtetit e pron\u00ebs s\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb borgjeze. Po q\u00eb se ka nj\u00eb yll polar t\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb argument, ai \u00ebsht\u00eb ideali i Kantit p\u00ebr Iluminizmin si nj\u00eb \u201cepok\u00eb e kritikes.\u201d Por tonalitetet e saj marksiste nuk jan\u00eb m\u00eb pak t\u00eb thella: Kritik\u00ebt t\u00eb cil\u00ebt e shohin Habermasin si shum\u00eb naiv n\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtimin e tij ndaj arsyes publike, nuk v\u00ebrejn\u00eb faktin q\u00eb libri p\u00ebrfundon me nj\u00eb koment t\u00eb zymt\u00eb mbi \u201crifeudalizimin\u201d e sfer\u00ebs publike. Me ngritj\u00ebn e formave t\u00eb mas-medias dhe ndikimit shtremb\u00ebrues t\u00eb paras\u00eb mbi komunikimin, ideali i kritik\u00ebs racionale q\u00eb dikur e ndihmonte borgjezin\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7lirohej prej\u00a0ancien regime, tash k\u00ebrc\u00ebnohet me shthurrje. Publiciteti, paralajm\u00ebron Habermasi, ka filluar t\u2019i ngjaj\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebri asaj \u00e7far\u00eb ishte n\u00eb feudaliz\u00ebm: nj\u00eb performance t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ky argument i b\u00ebn homazh studimit t\u00eb fillimvitit 1944 t\u00eb Adornos dhe Horkheimerit t\u00eb quajtur\u00a0Dialektika e Iluminizmit (The Dialectic of Enlightenment), i cili eksploron, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb simultane, impaktin emancipues, dhe shtyp\u00ebs, t\u00eb arsyes n\u00eb historin\u00eb bot\u00ebrore. Por p\u00ebrderisa libri i hersh\u00ebm e zhvillon rastin me aluzione letrare dhe abstraksion jet\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebs, Habermasi kujdeset q\u00eb t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb lidhjen me realitetin shoq\u00ebror. \u00cbsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht kjo p\u00ebrpjekje e es\u00ebllt dhe realiste n\u00eb mendimin e tij q\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti e karakterizon pun\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb m\u00ebvonshme si teoricien shoq\u00ebror dhe intelektual publik.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb gjasht\u00ebdhjeta, reputacioni i Habermasit u rrit. M\u00eb 1961, ai mori pjes\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb famshmin \u201ckonflikt positivist\u201d dhe kritikoi haptas Karl Popperin p\u00ebr kultivimin e nj\u00eb forme t\u00eb \u201cracionalizmit t\u00eb ndar\u00eb m\u00eb dysh\u201d i cili p\u00ebrjashtonte shqet\u00ebsimet politiko-morale dhe i caktonte kufijte e fush\u00ebs s\u00eb arsyes te \u00e7\u00ebshtjet teknike dhe natyrale-shkencore. M\u00eb 1964, me rastin e pensionimit t\u00eb Horkheimerit, Habermas pranoi nj\u00eb ofert\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb vendin e m\u00ebsuesit t\u00eb tij si dekan i filozofis\u00eb n\u00eb Universitetin Goethe n\u00eb Frankfurt. Kujtimet e k\u00ebsaj kohe japin p\u00ebrshtypjen e nj\u00eb profesori briliant i cili posedonte nj\u00eb doz\u00eb t\u00eb sh\u00ebndetshme t\u00eb humorit vet\u00eb-n\u00ebnvleft\u00ebsues. Gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb ligjerat\u00eb n\u00eb auditorin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh t\u00eb universitetit, nj\u00eb student nd\u00ebrhyu p\u00ebr t\u00eb pyetur Habermasin n\u00ebse ai \u201cdo t\u00eb mund t\u00eb shprehej n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb m\u00eb pak t\u00eb komplikuar, meq\u00eb ishte e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb ta kuptonin. Gjysma e audienc\u00ebs duartrokiti. Ai premtoi se do t\u00eb b\u00ebnte m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb ishte i kuptuesh\u00ebm, u p\u00ebrgjigj Habermasi, gj\u00eb e cila nxiti gjysm\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb audienc\u00ebs q\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb b\u00ebnte yyy\u201d. Atyre q\u00eb po b\u00ebnin \u201cyyy\u201d, vazhdoi Habermasi, mund t\u2019iu premtonte se q\u00ebllimet e tij t\u00eb mira ishin t\u00eb destinuara t\u00eb d\u00ebshtonin.\u201d<\/p>\n

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I friksh\u00ebm n\u00eb studimet e tij, n\u00eb fundin e t\u00eb gjasht\u00ebdhjetave, Habermasi ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb figur\u00eb guximtare dhe ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb kontraverze e politik\u00ebs gjermane. Ai n\u00ebnshkroi nj\u00eb deklarat\u00eb d\u00ebrguar kancelarit gjermanoperendimor Ludwig Erhard q\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte nd\u00ebrprerjen e bombardimit t\u00eb Vietnamit, dhe poashtu kritikoi udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit komb\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialdemokrate (p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Willy Brandtin) p\u00ebr gadishm\u00ebrin\u00eb e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb kompromise me konzervativ\u00ebt. N\u00eb ver\u00eb t\u00eb vititi 1967, vrasja e studentit 27 vje\u00e7ar Benno Ohnesorg nxiti demonstratat studentore p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb Republik\u00ebs Federale. Pas funeralit t\u00eb djaloshit, Habermasi foli n\u00eb nj\u00eb konferenc\u00eb n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes studentore: \u201cKa qen\u00eb dhe ende \u00ebsht\u00eb detyr\u00eb e opozit\u00ebs studentore q\u00eb t\u00eb kompensoj\u00eb p\u00ebr munges\u00ebn e perspektiv\u00ebs teorike, munges\u00ebn e vet\u00ebdijes kritike p\u00ebr maskimet dhe njollosjen e t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve si heretik\u00eb, p\u00ebr munges\u00ebn e radikalitetit n\u00eb interpretimin dhe zbatimin e kushtetut\u00ebs son\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore dhe demokratike.\u201d Mb\u00ebshtetja e tij p\u00ebr student\u00ebt, megjithat\u00eb, nuk ishte absolute. Kur Rudi Dutschke, nj\u00eb lider i student\u00ebve radikal\u00eb, aludoi n\u00eb \u201cforma alternative t\u00eb aksionit\u201d dhe \u201cn\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimin e mundsh\u00ebm t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs,\u201d Habermasi paralajm\u00ebroi se nj\u00eb \u201cideologji voluntariste\u201d shum\u00eb leht\u00eb mund t\u00eb rr\u00ebshqas\u00eb nga utopianizmi n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb ai e quante \u201cfashiz\u00ebm t\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00ebs.\u201d Kjo fraz\u00eb p\u00ebrmbante nj\u00eb thumb t\u00eb dhimbsh\u00ebm, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr ata radikal\u00eb t\u00eb rinj t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kishin kultivuar nj\u00eb imazh p\u00ebr vetvet\u00ebn si kund\u00ebrshtar\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs fashiste. Nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb, Habermasi vet\u00eb do t\u00eb thoshte se \u201ckishte reaguar pak si shum\u00eb sikur t\u00eb ishte ndonj\u00eb intelektual borgjez.\u201d Por n\u00eb retrospektiv\u00eb, paralajm\u00ebrimi i tij duket t\u00eb ket\u00eb qen\u00eb parashikues: n\u00eb fund t\u00eb viteve t\u00eb shtat\u00ebdhjeta, nj\u00eb grup i militant\u00ebve majtist\u00eb ishin per\u00e7ar\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb formuar t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebn Fraksion te Ushtris\u00eb s\u00eb Kuqe s\u00eb bashku me Andreas Baader dhe Ulrike Meinhof dhe qen\u00eb katandisur n\u00eb veprime t\u00eb\u00a0 tilla si zjarr\u00ebv\u00ebnie t\u00eb q\u00ebllimshme, kidnapime dhe vrasje. Degradimi moral i k\u00ebtyre viteve vet\u00ebm sa ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb i madh kur konzervativ\u00ebt gjerman\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzuan rastin q\u00eb t\u00eb lanin hesapet me Habermasin me akuz\u00ebn absurde se kishte formuluar nj\u00eb \u201cteori t\u00eb majt\u00eb\u201d p\u00ebr terroriz\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

\u201cVjeshta Gjermane\u201d e 1977 \u00e7oi te nj\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvjecar i ri i ngritjes konzervative n\u00ebn kancelarin\u00eb e Helmut Kohlit. M\u00eb 1985, kur Ronald Reagan vizitoi Gjermanin\u00eb Per\u00ebndimore me rastin e dyzet vjetorit t\u00eb fitores s\u00eb Aleat\u00ebve n\u00eb Luft\u00ebn e Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, ai s\u00eb pari vizitoi Bergen-Belsen (vendin e nj\u00eb ish kampi t\u00eb koncentrimit) dhe pastaj i b\u00ebri vizit\u00eb varrezave ushtarake af\u00ebr qytetit t\u00eb Bitburgut, ku Kohl kishte organizuar nj\u00eb ceremoni p\u00ebr p\u00ebrkujtimin e t\u00eb vrar\u00ebve. Mes varreve t\u00eb ushtar\u00ebve gjerman\u00eb qen\u00eb ato t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb Waffen SS. I stepur nga ky ofendim, Habermasi publikoi nj\u00eb ese n\u00eb\u00a0Die Zeit\u00a0n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ai akuzonte Kohlin \u201cp\u00ebr nivelizim t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs\u201d. \u00a0Viti pasues solli fazat hap\u00ebse t\u00eb\u00a0Historikerstreit, apo \u201ckonfliktit t\u00eb historian\u00ebve,\u201d ku Habermasi identifikoi trendet konzervative dhe nacionaliste n\u00eb historiografin\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohore t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kishin p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim t\u00eb relativizonin krimet e Rajhut t\u00eb Tret\u00eb. Pas kolapsit t\u00eb Bllokut Komunist, p\u00ebrderisa Gjermania Per\u00ebndimore po b\u00ebnte p\u00ebrpjekje drejt ribashkimit me fqinjin e saj lindor, Habermasi p\u00ebrs\u00ebri i frik\u00ebsohej nj\u00eb nacionalizmi t\u00eb ri i cili do t\u2019ia n\u00ebnshtronte demokracin\u00eb fuqis\u00eb ekonomike. \u201cInteresat gjermane\u201d, ankohej ai, \u201c qen\u00eb duke u peshuar dhe zbatuar me Marka Gjermane.\u201d<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb masmedias, ata q\u00eb paraqiten si intelektual\u00eb publik\u00eb shpesh duken m\u00eb t\u00eb interesuar p\u00ebr performanc\u00eb se sa p\u00ebr dialog t\u00eb sinqert\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebr Habermasin, kritika e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundshme vet\u00ebm n\u00eb shk\u00ebmbimin e paq\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm t\u00eb argumenteve mes subjekteve. Ky p\u00ebrkushtim ndaj idealit t\u00eb komunikimit racional, i pashtremb\u00ebruar nga asimetrit\u00eb e pushtetit, u trajtua n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb elaboruar m\u00eb 1981, kur ai publikoi dy v\u00ebllimet e vepr\u00ebs monumentale\u00a0Teoria e Veprimit Komunikativ(Theory of Communicative Action). Duke qen\u00eb fryt i nj\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ari t\u00eb plot\u00eb hulumtimesh dhe me mbi 1000 faqe, libri sinjalizoi at\u00eb q\u00eb disa e kan\u00eb quajtur \u201ckthes\u00eb linguistike\u201d n\u00eb teorin\u00eb kritike. Megjithat\u00eb, ky term mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb \u00e7orientues. I frym\u00ebzuar nga leximet e gj\u00ebra t\u00eb pragmatizmit amerikan (ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht t\u00eb semiotik\u00ebs s\u00eb Charles Sanders Pierceit), k\u00ebrkimet e Habermasit p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb aid he kolegu i tij Karl-Otto Apel e kishin p\u00ebrshkruar si \u201cpragmatik\u00eb formale\u201d t\u00eb gjuh\u00ebs, nuk p\u00ebrfshinte nj\u00eb zhvendosje t\u00eb v\u00ebmendjes larg shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. Racionaliteti t\u00eb cilin Habermasi niset ta eksploroj\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj utopie imanente, nj\u00eb filigran delikat i komunikimit racional t\u00eb cilin n\u00eb e nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb me t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt dhe mbi t\u00eb cilin mb\u00ebshtetemi sa her\u00eb q\u00eb synojm\u00eb t\u00eb kemi mir\u00ebkuptim t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb krijim shoq\u00ebror \u2013 nd\u00ebrsubjektiv, dhe jo thjesht instrumental \u2013 dhe\u00a0telosi\u00a0i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb ideal i pasforcuar i marr\u00ebveshjes. Skeptik\u00ebt mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjen se Habermas pret tep\u00ebr shum\u00eb nga arsyeja njer\u00ebzore, por veshtrimi i tij thelb\u00ebsor \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb shmanget pa r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb vet\u00eb-kontradikt\u00eb. N\u00eb momentin kur dikush heq dor\u00eb nga komunikimi i sinqert\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb ata marrin me vete edhe shpresen per kuptueshm\u00ebri. \u00c7do akt i komunikimit, sidoqoft\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb risk i mundsh\u00ebm, q\u00eb l\u00eb vet\u00ebn t\u00eb zhveshur ndaj kritik\u00ebs. Por kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb i jep gjuh\u00ebs at\u00eb elementin demagogjik. P\u00ebr Heideggerin, gjuha qe \u201csht\u00ebpia e Qenies,\u201d nj\u00eb ide konzervative e cila i mveshte gjuh\u00ebs nj\u00eb pushtet anonim, p\u00ebrtej fuqis\u00eb njer\u00ebzore p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyr\u00eb a p\u00ebr ta ndryshuar. Por p\u00ebr Habermasin, gjuha \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt fragjil dhe bashk\u00ebveprues i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb i mundsh\u00ebm vet\u00ebm n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn mes subjekteve. I hapur dhe potencialisht universal n\u00eb mb\u00ebrritshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e saj, ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb sht\u00ebpia e arsyes mundane.<\/p>\n

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Kritik\u00ebt ndonj\u00ebhere e kuptojn\u00eb Habermasin gabimisht si logjicien mendjeftoht\u00eb kur, n\u00eb fakt, racionalizmi i tij p\u00ebrfshin nj\u00eb teori t\u00eb me kompleksitet t\u00eb pasur t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb moderne. Duke huazuar prej Weberit dhe Marksit si dhe nga mendimet e thukta nga antropologjia, Habermasi propozon q\u00eb ta mendojm\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb si bashk\u00ebsi dinamike mes \u201cjet\u00ebbot\u00ebs\u201d (projektit ton\u00eb t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm t\u00eb komunikimit p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cilit ne i riprodhojm\u00eb kuptimet kulturore) dhe \u201csistemit\u201d (infrastruktur\u00ebs s\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb dhe administrat\u00ebs q\u00eb i jep rregullit social stabilitetin e tij). Idealisht, sistemi i sh\u00ebrben jet\u00ebbot\u00ebs: P\u00ebrmes procesit t\u00eb shqyrtimit racional, ne ofrojm\u00eb propozime dhe kund\u00ebrpropozime p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si ne e ristrukturojm\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb, dhe ne e modifikojm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sistem n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi me pritjen se t\u00eb gjitha politikat mbesin t\u00eb hapura ndaj kritik\u00ebs dhe rishikimit. Jet\u00ebbota \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb vend i kuptim\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb trash\u00ebguar, por gjithashtu hap\u00ebsir\u00eb ku kuptimet e vjetra mbik\u00ebqyren dhe \u00e7montohen. Ndryshe nga poststrukturalist\u00ebt si Foucault, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt e shohin gjuh\u00ebn si nj\u00eb rrjet I pushtetit q\u00eb kusht\u00ebzon t\u00ebr\u00eb mundshm\u00ebrin\u00eb, Habemasi e sheh gjuh\u00ebn si tret\u00ebs kund\u00ebr strukturave t\u00eb g\u00eblqerizuara t\u00eb tradit\u00ebs. Diskursi \u201cnuk \u00ebsht\u00eb institucion,\u201d shpjegon ai; \u201c\u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kund\u00ebr-institucion\u00a0par excellence.\u201d<\/p>\n

Por Habermasi \u00ebsht\u00eb realist kur b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr dobin\u00eb sociale t\u00eb sistemit. Edhepse ai bazohet bukur shum\u00eb n\u00eb kritik\u00ebn marksiste t\u00eb kapitalizmit, thell\u00eb-thell\u00eb ai \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb socialdemokrat reformator q\u00eb ka b\u00ebr\u00eb paqe me q\u00ebndres\u00ebn e pron\u00ebs private dhe t\u00eb strukturave burokratike t\u00eb shtetit modern t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies. Problemi, sipas tij, \u00ebsht\u00eb se linjat fragjile t\u00eb komunikimit shum\u00eb shpesh shtremb\u00ebrohen apo edhe prishen p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb interesave ekonomike \u2013 dhe kur kjo ndodh, sistemi mund t\u00eb marr\u00eb form\u00ebn e patejdukshm\u00ebris\u00eb dhe pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb imperativave teknik\u00eb q\u00eb i rezistojn\u00eb kontrollit ton\u00eb. Imperativat e sistemit pastaj mund t\u00eb \u201ckolonizojn\u00eb\u201d jet\u00ebbot\u00ebn, duke sjell\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb cil\u00ebn Marxi e quante \u201creifikim\u201d [eng:\u00a0\u201creification\u201d, ger:\u00a0\u201cverdinglichung\u201d]: Shoq\u00ebria na konfronton sikur nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e ngrir\u00eb dhe e mistershme, jo m\u00eb si reflektim i synimeve tona kolektive.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrderisa po punonte n\u00eb teorin\u00eb e tij t\u00eb veprimit komunikativ, Habermas sh\u00ebrbeu si drejtor n\u00eb Institutin Max Planck n\u00eb Starnberg, nj\u00eb paralagje e pasur rreth 30 kilometra larg Mynihut, ku ai dhe familja e tij u zhvendos\u00ebn. M\u00eb 1981, ai dha dor\u00ebheqje nga institute dhe mori nj\u00eb pozit\u00eb si profesor i filozofis\u00eb n\u00eb Frankfurt. N\u00eb murin e zyr\u00ebs s\u00eb tij ai vari nj\u00eb fotografi t\u00eb Adornos, i cili vdiq m\u00eb 1969 dhe t\u00eb cilin Habermas e ka quajtur \u201ct\u00eb vetmin gjeni t\u00eb cilin e kam takuar n\u00eb jet\u00ebn time.\u201d<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr tre dhjet\u00ebvjecar\u00ebt e fundit, interesat e Habermasit vet\u00ebm sa jan\u00eb zgjeruar. Vepra e vitit 1985,\u00a0Diskursi Filozofik i Modernitetit\u00a0(The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity), e vuri n\u00eb konfrontim me lexuesit poststrukturalist\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn Veriore, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nuk e mir\u00ebpriten kritik\u00ebn e tij ndaj t\u00eb ndriturve si Derrida dhe Foucault. Megjithat\u00eb, dy vjet m\u00eb her\u00ebt, Habermas ishte takuar privatisht me Foucaultn\u00eb n\u00eb disa raste n\u00eb Paris, p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs koh\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn disa prej mosbesimeve t\u00eb tij filozofike p\u00ebr kolegun francez ishin zbehur. Me rastin e vdekjes s\u00eb Foucaults\u00eb n\u00eb qershor t\u00eb vitit 1984, Habermas publikoi nj\u00eb memorial p\u00ebr filozofin si partner n\u00eb t\u00eb menduarit p\u00ebrmes trash\u00ebgimive t\u00eb Iluminizmit, nj\u00eb tem\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb konferenc\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ishin duke e p\u00ebrgatitur s\u00eb bashku.<\/p>\n

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N\u00eb vitet q\u00eb prej ribashkimit t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb, Habermasi e ka kthyer v\u00ebmendjen gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb pyetjet e teoris\u00eb politike, ligjit dhe religjionit. Te\u00a0\u201cMes Fakteve dhe Normave\u201d (1992 (Between Facts and Norms), ai u p\u00ebrpoq t\u2019i jepte t\u00eb tij\u00ebs \u201cetik\u00eb t\u00eb diskursit\u201d nj\u00eb baz\u00eb institucionale duke rimenduar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien mes ligjshm\u00ebris\u00eb dhe demokracis\u00eb. Edhe pse ai u pensionua zyrtarisht m\u00eb 1994, ai bile edhe sot shpreh nj\u00eb energji t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme edhe si shkollar edhe si kritik i sfer\u00ebs publike. Vitet e para t\u00eb mij\u00ebvje\u00e7arit t\u00eb ri e rijet\u00ebsuan shqet\u00ebsimin e tij p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e Bashkimit Evropian dhe e t\u00ebrhoq\u00ebn at\u00eb n\u00eb polemik\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare lidhur me sulmin ushtarak t\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara n\u00eb Irak. N\u00eb shkurt t\u00eb vitit 2003, turma t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb qytetet m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha evropiane demonstruan kund\u00ebr planit p\u00ebr pushtim t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb Bushit. At\u00eb maj, menj\u00ebher\u00eb pasi q\u00eb Bush kishte sajuar at\u00eb marifetin e aterimit mbi nj\u00eb transportues aeoroplanash t\u00eb zbukuruar me nj\u00eb banderol\u00eb \u201cMission Accomplished\u201d, Habermasi bashk\u00ebshkroi nj\u00eb deklarat\u00eb me Derridan\u00eb, q\u00eb u publikua nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht n\u00eb gjermanisht te\u00a0Frakfurter Allgemeine Zeitung\u00a0dhe n\u00eb frengjisht n\u00eb\u00a0Liberation, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ata i referoheshin demonstratave t\u00eb shkurtit si shenja t\u00eb \u201clindj\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb publiku evropian.\u201d Evropa, shkruajt\u00ebn ata, \u201cduhet t\u00eb hedh\u00eb pesh\u00ebn e saj mbi peshore n\u00eb nivel nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe brendap\u00ebrbrenda KB n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb baraspeshoj\u00eb nj\u00ebanshm\u00ebrin\u00eb hegjemonike t\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara. N\u00eb samitet ekonomike globale dhe n\u00eb instutcionet e OBT [Organizata Bot\u00ebrore e Tregut], n\u00eb Bank\u00ebn Bot\u00ebrore, dhe n\u00eb Fondin Monetar Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, ajo do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ushtronte ndikimin e saj n\u00eb form\u00ebsimin e skic\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb politike t\u00eb brendshme globale t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhmes.\u201d<\/p>\n

Krizat e fundit n\u00eb BE, si finaciare ashtu edhe politike, nuk e kan\u00eb luhatur besimin e Habermasit n\u00eb p\u00ebrforcimin e institucioneve t\u00eb solidaritetit demokratik q\u00eb mund t\u00eb mundesoj\u00eb ngritjen e nj\u00eb identiteti v\u00ebrtet evropian. P\u00ebrgjigjja e duhur p\u00ebr globalizimin, sipas tij, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00ebrheqja nacionaliste (si n\u00eb rastin e vot\u00ebs Brexit), por rritja e rregullimeve dhe p\u00ebrkrahje p\u00ebr procedurat horizontale t\u00eb vendim-marrjes kund\u00ebr \u201cfederalizmit ekzekutiv\u201d t\u00eb imponuar nga lart nga udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e politikave si n\u00eb Gjermani ashtu edhe n\u00eb Franc\u00eb. As sot, Habermas nuk ka rreshtur s\u00eb mbrojturi idealin e Kantit p\u00ebr nj\u00eb sfer\u00eb publike v\u00ebrtet kozmopolitane, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn lidhjet e arsyes kap\u00ebrcejn\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e vjet\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb kapitullin e parafundit t\u00eb biografis\u00eb s\u00eb re, Muller-Doohm e b\u00ebn t\u00eb qart\u00eb krahasimin me Kantin kur ofron nj\u00eb anatomi t\u00eb dobishme t\u00eb kat\u00ebr temave madhore t\u00eb vepr\u00ebs s\u00eb Habermasit sipas \u201ckat\u00ebr pyetjeve\u201d q\u00eb Kanti, n\u00eb\u00a0Ligjeratat mbi Logjik\u00ebn (Lectures on Logic), i sheh si p\u00ebrkufizuese \u201ct\u00eb filozofis\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim kozmopolitan\u201d: \u201c\u00c7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb di?,\u201d \u201c\u00c7far\u00eb duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebj?,\u201d \u201cP\u00ebr cfar\u00eb mund t\u00eb shpresoj?,\u201d dhe \u201c\u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb qenia njer\u00ebzore?\u201d Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ekzagjerim t\u00eb thuhet se Habermas ka arritur t\u00eb demonstroj\u00eb se k\u00ebto kat\u00ebr pyetje jan\u00eb n\u00eb fakt nj\u00eb: Ne mund t\u00eb dijm\u00eb thelbin e njer\u00ebzis\u00eb son\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse e cytim p\u00ebrkushtimin p\u00ebr idealet morale dhe politike q\u00eb do ta lejojn\u00eb njer\u00ebzimin si t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb arrij\u00eb aspiratat e tij m\u00eb t\u00eb larta. Ndryshe nga Kanti, Habermas \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb mendimtar i modernitetit t\u00eb von\u00eb; ai nuk pajtohet m\u00eb me besimin kryelart\u00eb p\u00ebr filozofin\u00eb si \u201cmbret\u00ebresh\u00eb e shkencave.\u201d N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, si teoricien kritik n\u00eb tradit\u00ebn e m\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb tij, ai p\u00ebrqafon konceptin e \u201cmendimit post-metafizik\u201d q\u00eb krijon aleanc\u00eb me t\u00eb tjerat shkenca sociale dhe q\u00eb mbetet e vet\u00ebdijshme p\u00ebr kontekstin e vet socio-historik. Edhepse dija e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb metafizike nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb provinc\u00eb e ligjshme e spekulimit filozofik, Habermas i qendron ende besnik n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e tij asaj q\u00eb Adorno nj\u00ebher\u00eb e quajti \u201cmetafizik\u00eb n\u00eb momentin e r\u00ebnies s\u00eb saj.\u201d N\u00eb kapacitetin ton\u00eb p\u00ebr komunikim racional dhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet tona p\u00ebr nj\u00eb moralitet q\u00eb nuk l\u00eb ask\u00eb mbrapa, aty ka (sipas fraz\u00ebs s\u00eb Habermasit) \u201cnj\u00eb moment t\u00eb pakusht\u00ebzueshm\u00ebris\u00eb.\u201d P\u00ebrderisa i mungon prestigji i nj\u00eb absoluteje metafizike, ajo ende p\u00ebrmban gjurm\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb idealizmi m\u00eb t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr. Habermasi e quan \u201cnj\u00eb absolute q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb l\u00ebng\u00ebzuar si nj\u00eb procedur\u00eb kritike.\u201d Arsyeja mundane, me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht mundane: N\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtimin e saj p\u00ebr argumentim t\u00eb arsyesh\u00ebm, ajo e mban t\u00eb gjall\u00eb impulsin univerzalizues t\u00eb feve monoteiste kur p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb \u00e7lirohet prej kusht\u00ebzimeve t\u00eb saj dhe \u201cshenjon p\u00ebrtej t\u00eb gjitha formave partikulare t\u00eb jet\u00ebs.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ne jetojm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb pritjeve aq t\u00eb \u00e7fryra sa q\u00eb shum\u00eb prej nesh tash jemi t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb barazojm\u00eb intelektin me ciniz\u00ebm, sikur t\u00eb mund t\u00eb shpresonim p\u00ebr pak m\u00eb shum\u00eb prej intelektual\u00ebve publik\u00eb se sa ironia dhe polemika. Ne i detyrohemi Habermasit nj\u00eb model t\u00eb qendruesh\u00ebm t\u00eb besnik\u00ebris\u00eb ndaj nj\u00eb ideali m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00ebsuar. Mes shum\u00eb titujve nderi q\u00eb ai ka pranuar gjat\u00eb karrier\u00ebs s\u00eb tij, \u00c7mimi Kyoto i vitit 2004 sh\u00ebrbeu si rast p\u00ebr Habermasin q\u00eb t\u00eb pohoj\u00eb besimin e tij n\u00eb standardet e arsyes komunikative.\u201dNuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aq befasuese q\u00eb ne d\u00ebshtojm\u00eb t\u2019iu p\u00ebrmbahemi k\u00ebtyre standardave,\u201d v\u00ebshtroi ai, \u201cpor kjo n\u00eb asnj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb nuk i zhvler\u00ebson vet\u00eb standardet. Sepse n\u00ebse ka nj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn intelektual\u00ebt \u2013 nj\u00eb specie q\u00eb aq shpesh ka sulmuar llojin e vet dhe ka paralajm\u00ebruar zhdukjen e vet \u2013 nuk mund t\u2019ia lejojn\u00eb vetvet\u00ebs\u2026 \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhen cinik\u00eb.\u201d<\/p>\n

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*Peter E. Gordon\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb profesor n\u00eb Qendr\u00ebn p\u00ebr Studime Evropiane n\u00eb Harvard. Libri i tij i ri,\u00a0Adorno dhe Ekzistenca, do t\u00eb botoh\u00ebt nga Harvard University Press n\u00eb vjesht\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 2016.<\/em><\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal i publikuar n\u00eb The Nation, me 14 shtator 2016\u00a0https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/archive\/a-lion-in-winter\/<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Jurgen Habermas mbetet nj\u00eb udh\u00ebzues i domosdosh\u00ebm p\u00ebr projektin e pap\u00ebrfunduar t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijes demokratike dhe iluminizmit Jo larg nga Porta e Brandenburgut n\u00eb Berlin ndodhet Memoriali i Holokaustit, nj\u00eb rrjet i gj\u00ebr\u00eb i gati tremij\u00eb blloqeve t\u00eb betonit q\u00eb shtrihen n\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00eb prej 19.000 metra katror\u00eb me lart\u00ebsi t\u00eb ndryshme. Disa ngrihen deri te […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":612,"featured_media":12052,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[2325],"ppma_author":[2324],"class_list":["post-3321","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-jurgen-habermas"],"authors":[{"term_id":2324,"user_id":612,"is_guest":0,"slug":"peter-gordon","display_name":"Peter Gordon","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/person.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/person.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Gordon","first_name":"Peter","description":"Peter Gordon specializes in modern European Intellectual History from the late eighteenth to the late twentieth century."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3321","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/612"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3321"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3321\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12055,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3321\/revisions\/12055"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12052"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3321"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3321"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3321"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3321"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}