{"id":3344,"date":"2016-12-01T15:12:51","date_gmt":"2016-12-01T13:12:51","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3344"},"modified":"2024-12-12T15:20:19","modified_gmt":"2024-12-12T13:20:19","slug":"popullizmi-dhe-demokracia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/popullizmi-dhe-demokracia\/","title":{"rendered":"Popullizmi dhe demokracia"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Fitorja e befasishme e presidentit tashm\u00eb t\u00eb ri amerikan, Donald Trump, n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet me tradit\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb e nd\u00ebr m\u00eb shembullor\u00ebt n\u00eb bot\u00eb p\u00ebr demokraci, sjell dilema t\u00eb reja. Dilemat dhe brengat jan\u00eb si rreth t\u00eb ardhmes s\u00eb siguris\u00eb bot\u00ebrore ashtu edhe rreth ndikimit q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb kjo n\u00eb sken\u00ebn politike, elektorale dhe demokracin\u00eb n\u00eb shum\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb globit.<\/p>\n

Debate dhe analiza t\u00eb ndryshme akademike e politike anek\u00ebnd globit po zhvillohen rreth shkaqeve e pasojave t\u00eb zgjedhjes s\u00eb tij, por edhe rritjes e ndikimit tek forcat politike t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme. N\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre reflektimeve theksohet dukuria e popullizmit si nj\u00eb doktrin\u00eb politike mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn burr\u00ebshtetas si Trump, Berlusconi, Putin, Erdogan, Victor Orban dhe shum\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs t\u00eb tjer\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb po marrin pushtetin dhe po e mbajn\u00eb at\u00eb p\u00ebr koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Suksesi i tyre n\u00eb zgjedhje v\u00eb n\u00eb pah l\u00ebvizje politike p\u00ebrtej t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs e t\u00eb majt\u00ebs tradicionale, dhe nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr rikonceptim t\u00eb sistemit partiak, orientimeve ideologjike si dhe ndryshimet paradigmatike n\u00eb politik\u00ebn q\u00eb njihej deri tani. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb paradoksale z\u00ebrat popullist\u00a0dalin si kund\u00ebrshtuesit m\u00eb t\u00eb z\u00ebsh\u00ebm e t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr t\u00eb globalizmit apo liberalizmit ekonomik. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb prij\u00ebsit e k\u00ebtyre rrymave politike, si t\u00eb lartp\u00ebrmendurit, shpesh jan\u00eb p\u00ebrfituesit m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj t\u00eb tyre. Meq\u00eb dallimet konvencionale rreth t\u00eb majt\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs nuk jan\u00eb aq thelb\u00ebsore, popullizmi ka nj\u00eb zbraz\u00ebti ideologjike p\u00ebr t\u2019u sh\u00ebrbyer me \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb dy krah\u00ebve, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dhe trajt\u00eb pothuajse t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb. Si\u00e7 ishte rasti me ekstremin e majt\u00eb nga Hugo Chavez apo s\u00eb fundmi me Syriza n\u00eb Greqi apo me t\u00eb djatht\u00ebn e ekstremit n\u00eb Franc\u00eb, Austri, Finland\u00eb etj. Por, \u00e7ka e karakterizon popullizmin si rrezik ndaj demokracis\u00eb? A \u00ebsht\u00eb kritika ndaj t\u00eb huajve, kund\u00ebrshtimi i neoliberalizmit, apo luftimi i elitave ekonomike ajo q\u00eb po \u00e7on n\u00eb rritjen \u00a0dhe suksesin zgjedhor t\u00eb tyre? Apo af\u00ebrsia me popullin e \u2018r\u00ebndomt\u00eb\u2019 dhe thjesht\u00ebsia e ofrimit t\u00eb zgjidhjeve mjaft komplekse dhe tejet t\u00eb r\u00ebnda socio-ekonomike?<\/p>\n

N\u00eb parim popullist\u00ebt, duke u thirrur gjithmon\u00eb n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb popullit, refuzojn\u00eb pluralizmin, pasi q\u00eb pretendojn\u00eb se jan\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues dhe mbrojt\u00ebs vet\u00ebm t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb popullit. Ata e konsiderojn\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb t\u00eb ndar\u00eb n\u00eb dy grupe antagoniste, ku \u2018populli\u2019 p\u00ebrb\u00ebn pjes\u00ebn e past\u00ebr e ideale, kurse elitat n\u00eb pushtet dalin t\u00eb korruptuara e t\u00eb pavlefshme. Kjo \u00e7on n\u00eb polarizim t\u00eb skajsh\u00ebm t\u00eb raporteve politike e shoq\u00ebrore, ku subjektet dhe lider\u00ebt popullist\u00eb synojn\u00eb ndarjen midis popullit dhe establishmentit politik, ekonomik, mediatik etj. Nj\u00eb faktor q\u00eb e thellon k\u00ebt\u00eb ndarje \u00ebsht\u00eb radikalizimi i diskursit, sidomos karshi \u2018armiqve\u2019, kund\u00ebrshtimi i sistemit ekzistues dhe manipulimi i resentimenteve respektivisht frik\u00ebs dhe paragjykimeve latente ndaj grupeve t\u00eb caktuara shoq\u00ebrore. Akuzat politike p\u00ebr gjendjen sociale dhe ekonomike shfryt\u00ebzohen\u00a0p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur urrejtjen ndaj \u2018sistemit\u2019 dhe p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit politik e me ket\u00eb edhe t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb. N\u00ebse popullist\u00ebt arrijn\u00eb pushtet dhe e konsolidojn\u00eb at\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm ekziston rreziku real\u00a0q\u00eb demokracia liberale t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem autoritar, ku t\u00eb tjer\u00eb q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb me \u2018popullin\u2019 mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtohen. S\u00eb fundmi shembulli me Turqin\u00eb n\u00ebn pushtetin autokratik t\u00eb Erdogan, ku me mij\u00ebra kund\u00ebrshtar\u00eb\u00a0politik\u00eb u larguan nga pozitat e vendet e pun\u00ebs dhe me qindra gazetar\u00eb e politikan\u00eb u burgos\u00ebn, na e ilustron k\u00ebt\u00eb tendenc\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb miri.<\/p>\n

Tendencat populliste si n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, jo fort t\u00eb larg\u00ebt, ashtu edhe tani po hasim n\u00eb rritje \u00e7doher\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb dhe ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Juglindore: p\u00ebrderisa n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn per\u00ebndimore ksenofobia, pra urrejtja ndaj emigranteve, po kthehet si tem\u00eb bosht dhe forc\u00eb shtyt\u00ebse n\u00eb rritjen e popullizmit. N\u00eb rajon jan\u00eb, si zakonisht retorikat nacionaliste e tonet shoviniste ato q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihen dhe ndikojn\u00eb n\u00eb rritjen e popullizmit. Sidomos, gjat\u00eb fushatave zgjedhore, gj\u00eb q\u00eb me zgjedhjet presidenciale si n\u00eb Bullgari apo s\u00eb fundmi ato n\u00eb Maqedoni na ilustrojn\u00eb qartazi. Se kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb retorik\u00eb \u00e7do her\u00eb e m\u00eb populliste, mund ta v\u00ebrejm\u00eb edhe ne rastin e Kosov\u00ebs, ku politikat publike e sektoriale ose orientimet makro-ekonomike nuk duken si prioritet i forcave politike e as q\u00eb paraqesin tema debatesh. Jan\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet \u2018komb\u00ebtare\u2019 ato q\u00eb vlojn\u00eb gjakrat n\u00eb diskursin publik e ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb p\u00ebrballje politike. N\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur kushtet e r\u00ebnduara socio-ekonomike k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb veprime strategjike e t\u00eb duhura, preokupimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb demonizuar institucionet shtet\u00ebrore dhe b\u00ebr\u00eb akuza t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjella, flet p\u00ebr kriz\u00eb t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb koh\u00eb krizash besimi ndaj institucioneve r\u00ebndom z\u00ebvend\u00ebsohet me besimin n\u00eb personin apo grupe shp\u00ebtimtare, q\u00eb ofrojn\u00eb zgjidhje \u2018popullore\u2019.<\/p>\n

Kjo dukuri sado q\u00eb duket triviale, \u00ebsht\u00eb tregues i mjaftuesh\u00ebm i tendencave t\u00eb shtuara t\u00eb popullizmit. Pasi q\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr hapat e par\u00eb t\u00eb rrymave populliste, \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb shtohet mosbesimi n\u00eb institucionet publike. Nxitja e mosbesimit ndaj institucioneve dhe dyshimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm ndaj rendit shtet\u00ebror, b\u00ebhet p\u00ebr t\u00eb mobilizuar masat p\u00ebr ndryshim t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsish\u00ebm t\u00eb sistemit ekzistues. Zakonisht diskursi i till\u00eb p\u00ebrcillet me urrejtje ndaj p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesve t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre institucioneve ose edhe ndaj atyre grupeve q\u00eb nuk mb\u00ebshtesin ide t\u00eb tilla. N\u00eb rastet kur e djathta ekstreme p\u00ebrdor retorik\u00ebn anti-establishment p\u00ebr t\u00eb mobilizuar mas\u00ebn e pak\u00ebnaqur e t\u00eb frik\u00ebsuar, jan\u00eb emigrant\u00ebt e politikat e migrimit q\u00eb instrumentalizohen p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb klim\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi nacional.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rastin ton\u00eb, jan\u00eb sidomos negociatat me Beogradin dhe marr\u00ebveshjet, q\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzohen p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjell\u00eb frik\u00ebn, dyshimin e mosbesimin e vazhduesh\u00ebm ndaj institucioneve dhe elitave n\u00eb pushtet. Nuk jan\u00eb dallimet ideologjike, as programet partiake ose politikat publike, por pik\u00ebrisht kjo \u00e7\u00ebshtje, q\u00eb sh\u00ebrben si aren\u00eb e platform\u00eb politike mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn synohet p\u00ebrkrahja e \u2018popullit\u2019 e me k\u00ebt\u00eb edhe marrja e pushtetit. Ofrimi i zgjidhjeve t\u00eb shpejta e t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme p\u00ebr sektor e \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikuara \u00ebsht\u00eb karakteristik\u00eb tjet\u00ebr e popullizmit. P\u00ebr gjendjen e r\u00ebnd\u00eb ekonomike, sociale jepen \u2018zgjidhje\u2019 t\u00eb shpejta e t\u00eb lehta. Kurse ne \u00e7do dit\u00eb po ballafaqohemi me probleme t\u00eb cilat k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb seriozitet e p\u00ebrkushtim t\u00eb shtuar p\u00ebr t\u2019i zgjidhur ato.<\/p>\n

Diskursi dhe veprimet populliste jan\u00eb sikur kameleoni, q\u00eb ndryshon ngjyr\u00ebn sipas ambientit, pasi q\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatin q\u00ebndrimet e premtimet p\u00ebrher\u00eb sipas rrethanave e k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb mas\u00ebs. N\u00ebse sistemi demokratik \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kriz\u00eb, si anek\u00ebnd bot\u00ebs ashtu edhe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, zgjidhja assesi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb, e as nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb popullizmi. Sepse, t\u00eb luftohet p\u00ebr pushtet, nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb kurrsesi q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb shembet sistemi e aq m\u00eb pak t\u00eb urrehen institucionet \u00a0publike.<\/p>\n

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Fitorja e befasishme e presidentit tashm\u00eb t\u00eb ri amerikan, Donald Trump, n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet me tradit\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb e nd\u00ebr m\u00eb shembullor\u00ebt n\u00eb bot\u00eb p\u00ebr demokraci, sjell dilema t\u00eb reja. Dilemat dhe brengat jan\u00eb si rreth t\u00eb ardhmes s\u00eb siguris\u00eb bot\u00ebrore ashtu edhe rreth ndikimit q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb kjo n\u00eb sken\u00ebn politike, elektorale dhe […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":31,"featured_media":10966,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1047,1048],"ppma_author":[41],"class_list":["post-3344","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-demokracia","tag-populizmi"],"authors":[{"term_id":41,"user_id":31,"is_guest":0,"slug":"bekim-baliqi","display_name":"Bekim Baliqi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Bekim-Baliqi-300x175-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Bekim-Baliqi-300x175-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Baliqi","first_name":"Bekim","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3344","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/31"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3344"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3344\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10967,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3344\/revisions\/10967"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10966"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3344"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3344"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3344"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3344"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}