{"id":3363,"date":"2016-12-18T15:47:53","date_gmt":"2016-12-18T13:47:53","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3363"},"modified":"2025-01-10T16:05:34","modified_gmt":"2025-01-10T14:05:34","slug":"machiavelli-ende-trondites-pas-5-shekujsh","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/machiavelli-ende-trondites-pas-5-shekujsh\/","title":{"rendered":"Machiavelli, ende trondit\u00ebs pas 5 shekujsh"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Dallimi q\u00eb ai b\u00ebn mes sfer\u00ebs publike dhe private t\u00eb moralitetit mbetet acarues.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Prej t\u00eb gjith\u00eb shkrimtar\u00ebve t\u00eb tradit\u00ebs \u201crealiste\u201d \u2013 q\u00eb nga Tuchydide-s dhe Hobbes-i e deri te Morgenthau dhe Mearsheimer-i \u2013 \u00a0Niccolo Machiavelli \u00ebsht\u00eb ai q\u00eb p\u00ebrmban kapacitetin m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb tronditur. M\u00eb 1513, i p\u00ebrz\u00ebn\u00eb nga qyteti i tij i dashur Firence, Machiavelli draftoi kryevepr\u00ebn e tij\u00a0Princin [The Prince]<\/em>. Pes\u00eb shekuj m\u00eb von\u00eb, abetarja e tij mbi artin e qeverisjes mbetet lexim i nevojsh\u00ebm, edhe pse turbullues p\u00ebr praktikuesit dhe student\u00ebt e politik\u00ebs. Origjinaliteti i Machiavelli-t \u2013 si dhe burimi i reputacionit t\u00eb tij t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm, edhe pse fam\u00ebkeq \u2013 q\u00ebndron te refuzimi i hapur i moralitetit tradicional si udh\u00ebzues i veprimit politik, si dhe insistimi i tij q\u00eb arti i qeverisjes t\u00eb bazohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00ebmapje realiste p\u00ebr natyr\u00ebn e korruptuar njer\u00ebzore.<\/p>\n

Edhe pse shpesh i damkosur si nj\u00eb cinik amoral \u2013 autor i nj\u00eb \u201cdoracaku p\u00ebr gangster\u00eb\u201d, si\u00e7 pati th\u00ebn\u00eb Bertrand Russell \u2013 Machiavelli n\u00eb fakt z\u00eb nj\u00eb terten etik m\u00eb t\u00eb komplikuar. Argumenti i tij kryesor \u00ebsht\u00eb se politika ka nj\u00eb logjik\u00eb morale t\u00eb veten, q\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb k\u00ebrkon veprime t\u00eb cilat e mbrojn\u00eb shtetin dhe q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb konsideroheshin si t\u00eb qortueshme nga shoq\u00ebria. Ka koh\u00eb, me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, kur etika konvencionale duhet t\u00eb hap\u00eb krahun p\u00ebr diktatet pragmatike dhe t\u00eb volitshme t\u00eb (\u00e7far\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb do t\u00eb njihet si)\u00a0raison d\u2019etat\u00a0<\/em>apo \u201carsyeve t\u00eb shtetit\u201d.<\/p>\n

Ajo \u00e7far\u00eb e b\u00ebri\u00a0Princin<\/em>\u00a0aq modern, si\u00e7 shkruan R.J.B. Walker, \u00ebsht\u00eb se \u201ci minoi traditat universaliste t\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb tij, pa marr\u00eb parasysh se a shikohet kjo n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb dallimit mes moralitetit dhe politik\u00ebs\u201d apo \u201cmes dy formave t\u00eb ndryshme por nj\u00ebsoj p\u00ebrfundimtare t\u00eb moralitetit.\u201d Kjo qe nj\u00eb tez\u00eb shekullare bukur trondit\u00ebse p\u00ebr ta proprozuar n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb gjasht\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, Kisha Katolike qe b\u00ebr\u00eb e cenueshme, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ngritjes s\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb fuqishme q\u00eb luftonin p\u00ebr pushtet dhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb neveris\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrhapur ndaj korrupsionit papnor. Brenda kat\u00ebr vjet\u00ebsh, Martin Lutheri do t\u2019i vendoste 95 tezat e tij n\u00eb der\u00ebn e Kish\u00ebs K\u00ebshtjell\u00eb n\u00eb Vitenburg, duke shkaktuar Reformimin dhe n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit fragmentimin e Krishterimit Per\u00ebndimor. E megjithat\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb mrekulluese sesi Princi nuk p\u00ebrmban asnj\u00eb p\u00ebrmendje t\u00eb ligjit natyror apo vendit t\u00eb njeriut n\u00eb Zinxhirin e Madh t\u00eb Qenies t\u00eb Zotit, nj\u00eb pik\u00eb e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt reference n\u00eb mendimin rilindas.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr reputacionit t\u00eb tij si teoricien politik me ndikim, numri i veprave t\u00eb shkruara t\u00eb Machiavelli-t \u00ebsht\u00eb i vog\u00ebl. Veprat e tij p\u00ebrb\u00ebhen kryesisht nga\u00a0Princi<\/em>\u00a0and\u00a0Diskurset [The Discourses]<\/em>. Ndryshe nga realist\u00ebt e m\u00ebvonsh\u00ebm si Hobbes apo Rousseau, Machiavelli nuk pretendon t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb nj\u00eb teori sistematike t\u00eb politik\u00ebs. N\u00eb fakt, ai p\u00ebrpiqet, duke u nisur nga studimet historike dhe vrojtimet praktike, q\u00eb t\u00eb identifikoj\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetat e p\u00ebrhershme t\u00eb sjelljeve sociale njer\u00ebzore dhe t\u2019i distiloj\u00eb k\u00ebto n\u00eb nj\u00eb grup sentencash, aforizmash dhe udh\u00ebzimesh q\u00eb mund ta ndihmojn\u00eb princin t\u00eb mbijetoj\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb pabes\u00eb. Ai g\u00ebrmon historin\u00eb e pasur t\u00eb Greqis\u00eb s\u00eb vjet\u00ebr dhe Rom\u00ebs, si dhe trazirat e koh\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit n\u00eb qytet-shtetet italiane, p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjetur shembuj t\u00eb lidershipit politik t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm dhe atij t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar.<\/p>\n

Motivimi i tij p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkruar k\u00ebt\u00eb abetare nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb edukuarit e lexuesve t\u00eb tij, por vet\u00eb rehabilitimi i tij politik. Duke u p\u00ebrpjekur q\u00eb t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb simpatin\u00eb e sundimtarit t\u00eb ri t\u00eb Firenc\u00ebs, ai ia dedikon\u00a0Princin\u00a0<\/em>\u201ct\u00eb Madh\u00ebrishmit Lorenzo de Medici,\u201d i cili, me ndihm\u00ebn e trupave spanjolle, nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb her\u00ebt, kishte p\u00ebrmbysur padronin e m\u00ebpash\u00ebm Pier Soderini. Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb\u00a0Princi<\/em>\u00a0nuk mund t\u00eb zhvler\u00ebsohet si nj\u00eb vep\u00ebr e oportunizmit politik. Machiavelli qe n\u00eb thelb nj\u00eb patriot fiorentin, q\u00eb shkruante, \u201cE dua vendin tim m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa shpirtin tim,\u201d dhe libri i tij vazhdimisht shp\u00ebrfaq ankth p\u00ebr r\u00ebnien e qytetit. Q\u00ebllimi i tij ishte q\u00eb t\u00eb gjente si shkakun ashtu edhe ila\u00e7in p\u00ebr fatkeq\u00ebsit\u00eb e koh\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit t\u00eb qytet-shtetit t\u00eb tij. Duke i identifikuar realitetet thelb\u00ebsore dhe rregullat themelore t\u00eb politik\u00ebs, ai besonte se do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndihmonte n\u00eb krijimin e nj\u00eb shteti \u2013 m\u00eb mir\u00eb republike \u2013 q\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm p\u00ebrbrenda, dhe i drejt\u00eb e i aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u vet\u00ebmbrojtur nga agresioni i jasht\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Q\u00ebllimi i tij ishte q\u00eb ta rikthej\u00eb Firenc\u00ebn n\u00eb jet\u00eb nga gjendja e saj koruptuar dhe e dob\u00ebsuar dhe ta shnd\u00ebrroj\u00eb at\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cpatria<\/em>\u00a0t\u00eb fort\u00eb, t\u00eb bashkuar, efektive, moralisht t\u00eb rigjeneruar, t\u00eb shk\u00eblqyeshme dhe ngadh\u00ebnjimtare\u201d sipas shembullit t\u00eb Athin\u00ebs s\u00eb Perikliut ose Republik\u00ebs romake. P\u00ebr ta rikthyer Firenc\u00ebn n\u00eb gjendjen e lavdis\u00eb do t\u00eb nevojitej nj\u00eb princ q\u00eb do t\u00eb posedonte dhe kultivonte mes popullsis\u00eb s\u00eb tij ato zot\u00ebsi t\u00eb parakrishtera q\u00eb \u00e7moheshin prej njer\u00ebzve fisnik\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e lasht\u00eb, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb fuqin\u00eb, aft\u00ebsin\u00eb, kurajon, besnik\u00ebrin\u00eb, nderin, ndjenj\u00ebn qytetare dhe frym\u00ebn publike. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb spastruar Firenc\u00ebn nga s\u00ebmundjet do t\u00eb nevojitej q\u00eb t\u00eb merreshin masa q\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht konsideroheshin t\u00eb pam\u00ebshirshme, t\u00eb pabesa, mizore dhe shkat\u00ebrrimare.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb zemr\u00ebn e err\u00ebt t\u00eb\u00a0Princit<\/em>\u00a0q\u00ebndron nj\u00eb bot\u00ebkuptim i pakursyer dhe josentimental i natyr\u00ebs njer\u00ebzore. Shumica e njer\u00ebzve, shkruan Machiavelli, jan\u00eb \u201cmosmir\u00ebnjoh\u00ebs, t\u00eb paq\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm, dredharak\u00eb, t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u2019iu frik\u00ebsuar rrezikut, lakmues p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfituar.\u201d N\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb, sundimtari q\u00eb sillet sipas rregullave t\u00eb moralitetit t\u00eb krishter\u00eb, do t\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebrohet shpejt. \u201cM\u00ebnyra sesi jetojn\u00eb njer\u00ebzit \u00ebsht\u00eb aq larg e zhvendosur nga m\u00ebnyra sesi do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb jetonin, sa q\u00eb, kushdo q\u00eb braktis at\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishte, shkon m\u00eb shum\u00eb drejt r\u00ebnies sesa drejt vet\u00ebprezervimit. Ai shpjegon se \u201cprandaj \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme q\u00eb nj\u00eb princ q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i interesuar p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb m\u00ebsoj\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb ndryshe sesa i mir\u00eb.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ajo \u00e7far\u00eb Machiavelli l\u00eb t\u00eb kuptohet \u00ebsht\u00eb se bota publike dhe private p\u00ebrmbajn\u00eb universe t\u00eb dallueshme morale, dhe p\u00ebrfundimisht posedojn\u00eb kode t\u00eb papajtueshme t\u00eb sjelljes. Duke zgjedhur jet\u00ebn e burr\u00ebshtetasit para asaj t\u00eb qytetarit privat, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtuar q\u00eb t\u00eb veproj\u00eb (dhe t\u00eb gjykohet) sipas nj\u00eb grupi t\u00eb ndar\u00eb t\u00eb vlerave dhe parimeve t\u00eb parakrishtera, q\u00eb i dedikohen krijimit dhe siguris\u00eb s\u00eb \u201cnj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb lavdish\u00ebm\u201d.<\/p>\n

\u201cDuhet t\u00eb kihet parasysh\u2026 q\u00eb nj\u00eb princ\u2026 nuk mund t\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyr\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha ato virtyte p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat njer\u00ebzit konsiderohen t\u00eb mir\u00eb, sepse shpesh \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme t\u00eb veprohet kund\u00ebr m\u00ebshir\u00ebs, kund\u00ebr besimit, kund\u00ebr njer\u00ebzimit, kund\u00ebr sinqeritetit, kund\u00ebr fes\u00eb, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mbrohet shteti\u2026 ai do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ngul\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebn p\u00ebr aq sa mundet, por duke qen\u00eb i shtr\u00ebnguar nga domosdoshm\u00ebria, ai duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb i gatsh\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e s\u00eb lig\u00ebs\u2026\u201d<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vend se t\u00eb jet\u00eb shenjt n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb m\u00ebkatar\u00ebsh, princi duhet t\u00eb kultivoj\u00eb pushtetin dhe t\u00eb shtyp\u00eb armiqt\u00eb pam\u00ebshirsh\u00ebm, duke mos pasur frik\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb gjykohet si i lig dhe i paskrupullt.<\/p>\n

Duke nxjerr\u00eb shembuj q\u00eb nga perandori romak Caracalla e deri te fiorentini Cesare Borgia, Machiavelli ofron k\u00ebshilla p\u00ebr secilin princ t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm. Pik\u00eb s\u00eb pari, b\u00ebj \u00e7far\u00ebdo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur dhe mbrojtur pushtetin t\u00ebnd. B\u00ebj kujdes q\u00eb t\u00eb mos l\u00ebsh tjetrin q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet i pushtetsh\u00ebm, apo q\u00eb t\u00eb bashkosh forcat me nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm, meq\u00eb kjo do t\u00eb t\u00eb sjell\u00eb vet\u00ebm shkat\u00ebrrim. S\u00eb dyti, b\u00ebhu i zoti n\u00eb pun\u00ebt e luft\u00ebs, \u201ci vetmi art q\u00eb pritet prej nj\u00eb sundimtari\u201d. Mbaj shtetin n\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb luft\u00ebs s\u00eb pand\u00ebrprer\u00eb dhe kujdesu q\u00eb t\u00eb kesh arm\u00eb dhe ushtar\u00eb t\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur vendin prej agresor\u00ebve t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm dhe rival\u00ebve t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm. Trajto \u201cpaqen\u201d ve\u00e7 si nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb frym\u00ebmarrjeje p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrgatitur p\u00ebr nj\u00eb konflikt t\u00eb ri. Mos p\u00ebrfill teorin\u00eb e luft\u00ebs s\u00eb drejt\u00eb. Nj\u00eb Luft\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201ce drejt\u00eb\u201d at\u00ebher\u00eb kur \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme \u2013 as m\u00eb shum\u00eb, as m\u00eb pak.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb treti, p\u00ebrdor mashtrimin si elementin qendror t\u00eb artit t\u00ebnd t\u00eb qeverisjes. Masko q\u00ebllimet e tua t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta dhe q\u00ebndro besnik ndaj zotimeve vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr aq sa ato t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb interesin t\u00ebnd. Mbaj mend q\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt do t\u00eb t\u00eb g\u00ebnjejn\u00eb, po t\u00eb mos i sigurosh se g\u00ebnjeshtrat e tyre nuk paguhen. Ruhu q\u00eb t\u00eb mos rrethohesh me vart\u00ebs t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm. Vepro si t\u00eb thot\u00eb mendja dhe d\u00ebgjo vet\u00ebm disa k\u00ebshilltar\u00eb. Elimino gjeneral\u00ebt ngadh\u00ebnjimtar\u00eb dhe mbaj fisnik\u00ebt sa m\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb ndar\u00eb.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb fundi, zbato si mizorin\u00eb ashtu edhe dashamir\u00ebsin\u00eb, var\u00ebsisht si e do situata, duke pasur parasysh q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb q\u00eb shtetasit e tu t\u00eb ta ken\u00eb frik\u00ebn se t\u00eb t\u00eb duan, po nuk mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u2019i b\u00ebsh t\u00eb dyja. Kur t\u00eb caktosh nj\u00eb nd\u00ebshkim, b\u00ebje menj\u00ebher\u00eb dhe ashp\u00ebr, q\u00eb t\u00eb parandalosh hakmarrjen. Po t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur, l\u00ebri t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt t\u2019i b\u00ebjn\u00eb pun\u00ebt e ndyra, meq\u00eb si pasoj\u00eb mund t\u00eb fitosh simpati duke ua k\u00ebputur kokat. Kur t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndash dhurata, b\u00ebje gradualisht, q\u00eb t\u00eb shijojn\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb. Me \u00e7do kusht, mos u b\u00ebj objekt i p\u00ebrbuzjes. K\u00ebshtjella m\u00eb e mir\u00eb e nj\u00eb sundimtari \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mos urrehet nga njer\u00ebzit e tij.<\/p>\n

\u00c7far\u00eb fjal\u00ebsh! E megjithat\u00eb Machiavelli nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb sadist. Mjetet e paskrupullta arsyetohen vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse i sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb nj\u00eb q\u00ebllimi t\u00eb caktuar, me fjal\u00ebt e Keneth Waltz, p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur \u201cpushtetin t\u00ebnd brenda shtetit dhe t\u00eb shtetit t\u00ebnd mbi t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve.\u201d Ai nuk avokon dhun\u00eb t\u00eb pamend apo mizori t\u00eb panevojshme \u2013 jo se ai \u00ebsht\u00eb preksh\u00ebm, por sepse ato jan\u00eb antiproduktive. Machiavelli prandaj udh\u00ebzon maturin\u00eb si element thelb\u00ebsor t\u00eb lidershipit princor.<\/p>\n

Ajo \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb skandalozja p\u00ebr Princin \u2013 hi\u00e7 m\u00eb pak sot sesa n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur \u00ebsht\u00eb shkruar \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrqafimi i duksh\u00ebm i Machiavelli-t i parimit se \u201cq\u00ebllimi arsyeton mjetet\u201d, sado mizore dhe t\u00eb ashpra t\u00eb jen\u00eb k\u00ebto mjete. Si\u00e7 shpjegon vet\u00eb autori: \u201cN\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha veprat e njer\u00ebzve, e sidomos n\u00eb ato t\u00eb princ\u00ebrve, \u00ebsht\u00eb rezultati ai q\u00eb jep verdiktin at\u00ebher\u00eb kur nuk ka gjykat\u00eb t\u00eb apelit\u201d. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht trondit\u00ebse p\u00ebr lexuesit bashk\u00ebkohor\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb mungesa e pendes\u00ebs e Machiavellit p\u00ebr artin e pam\u00ebshirsh\u00ebm t\u00eb qeverisjes q\u00eb ai avokon. P\u00ebr t\u00eb nuk ka sheqerosje, e as p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb ngush\u00eblluar lexuesin. T\u00ebr\u00ebsisht i mang\u00ebt \u00ebsht\u00eb ai toni tragjik i realist\u00ebve t\u00eb m\u00ebvonsh\u00ebm si Hobbes dhe Rousseau \u2013 apo, s\u00eb fundi, Morgenthau, Waltz dhe Mearsheimer. P\u00ebr k\u00ebta shkrimtar\u00eb, politika e forc\u00ebs dhe lufta periodike jan\u00eb fakte ekzistenciale, d\u00ebshp\u00ebruese dhe t\u00eb vajtueshme, produkte t\u00eb pashmangshme strukturore t\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi anarkik dhe vet\u00ebndihmues q\u00eb detyron secilin shtet, sikurse pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebsit n\u00eb t\u00eb famshmen \u201cgjueti e drer\u00ebve\u201d t\u00eb Rousseau-s, q\u00eb t\u00eb kujdeset p\u00ebr interesat e veta \u2013 dhe dreqi t\u2019i marr\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Problemi i anarkis\u00eb nd\u00ebrshtet\u00ebrore, megjithat\u00eb, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb brenga primare e Machiavelli-t. Syri i tij i mpreht\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i fokusuar te natyra njer\u00ebzore. Dhe ajo \u00e7far\u00eb ai sheh aty, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb fort e bukur.<\/p>\n

Gjithsesi, Machiavelli qe shum\u00eb i vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb realist\u00ebt e m\u00ebvonsh\u00ebm do ta quanin dilema e siguris\u00eb. Si k\u00ebshilltar politik dhe ushtarak i Soderinit, ai ishte p\u00ebrpjekur q\u00eb t\u00eb manipulonte baraspesh\u00ebn e ndryshueshme t\u00eb pushtetit nd\u00ebrmjet qytet-shteteve syhapura dhe xheloze t\u00eb Italis\u00eb. Ai kishte par\u00eb sesi Firenca e tij e dashur, pas nj\u00eb litanie gabimesh (duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen n\u00eb aleat\u00ebt e plotfuqish\u00ebm si Franca), kishte kapitulluar para armiqve t\u00eb saj. P\u00ebrvoja t\u00eb tilla e m\u00ebsuan at\u00eb q\u00eb \u201c\u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb t\u00eb mbes\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebnaqjen paq\u00ebsore t\u00eb lirive t\u00eb saj dhe kufijve t\u00eb saj t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb; meq\u00eb edhe po t\u00eb mos i ngacmoj\u00eb shtetet tjera, do t\u00eb ngacmohet nga to dhe, kur t\u00eb jet\u00eb ngacmuar, do nxitet nj\u00eb d\u00ebshir\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb nevoj\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb pushtuar.\u201d<\/p>\n

Por Machiavelli dallon prej realist\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb si Hobbes-i \u2013 dhe prej \u201cneorealist\u00ebve\u201d m\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohor\u00eb si Keneth Waltz \u2013 n\u00eb t\u00eb pranuarit se agjencia njer\u00ebzore vlen po aq sa edhe fakti strukturor i anarkis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb determinuar si sjelljen e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme ashtu edhe rezultatet p\u00ebrfundimtare n\u00eb politik\u00ebn bot\u00ebrore. P\u00ebrmes shembujve historik\u00eb t\u00eb sukseseve dhe d\u00ebshtimeve, Machiavelli na p\u00ebrkujton q\u00eb individ\u00ebt vlejn\u00eb. Po, bota po ndryshon vazhdimisht, duke rrahur shtetin n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha an\u00ebt. Por edhe n\u00ebse ka \u201cnj\u00eb providenc\u00eb q\u00eb i jep form\u00eb q\u00ebllimeve tona\u201d \u2013 si\u00e7 v\u00ebzhgon Hamleti i Shakespearit \u2013 zgjedhjet e nj\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb ndikim qen\u00ebsor, si mbi politik\u00ebn e brendshme ashtu edhe n\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme.<\/p>\n

Machiavelli ekspoloron bashk\u00ebveprimin mes forcave materiale dhe agjencis\u00eb njer\u00ebzore p\u00ebrmes koncepteve si\u00a0fortuna\u00a0<\/em>and\u00a0virtu<\/em>. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb princ\u00ebrit (n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzit) u n\u00ebnshtrohen faktor\u00ebve shoq\u00ebror\u00eb dhe natyral\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb p\u00ebrtej fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre. Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, \u201cvullneti i lir\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb mohohet,\u201d insiston Machiavelli. \u201cEdhe po q\u00eb se fati \u00ebsht\u00eb arbit\u00ebr i gjysm\u00ebs s\u00eb veprimeve tona, ai prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb na lejon q\u00eb t\u00eb kontrollojm\u00eb gjysm\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, apo aty pran\u00eb.\u201d Edhe po t\u00eb jet\u00eb fati kapri\u00e7ioz dhe historia e paparashikuar, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi i zoti mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb fatin e tij dhe t\u00eb shtetit p\u00ebrmes ushtrimit t\u00eb\u00a0virtus<\/em>. Kjo nuk duhet t\u00eb gabohet me \u201cvirtytin\u201d, si\u00e7 p\u00ebrkufizohet n\u00eb m\u00ebsimet morale t\u00eb krishtera (q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton integritetin, bamir\u00ebsin\u00eb, p\u00ebrul\u00ebsin\u00eb, e t\u00eb tjera si k\u00ebto). N\u00eb fakt, kjo n\u00ebnkupton cil\u00ebsit\u00eb njer\u00ebzore t\u00eb \u00e7muara n\u00eb lasht\u00ebsin\u00eb klasike, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb dijen, kuraj\u00ebn, shkatht\u00ebsin\u00eb, krenarin\u00eb, dhe guximin.<\/p>\n

Machiavelli p\u00ebrshkruan marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien mes fortunas<\/em>\u00a0and\u00a0virtus<\/em>\u00a0n\u00eb Diskurset:<\/p>\n

\u201cSe aty ku njer\u00ebzit kan\u00eb pak\u00a0virtu<\/em>, fati shpalos m\u00eb madh\u00ebshti pushtetin e vet; dhe, meq\u00eb fati ndryshon, republikat dhe qeverit\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb shpesh; dhe do t\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb derisa t\u00eb vij\u00eb dikush, aq i mbushur me dashuri p\u00ebr lasht\u00ebsin\u00eb, sa t\u00eb rregulloj\u00eb gj\u00ebrat n\u00eb at\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb fati t\u00eb mos ket\u00eb rastin t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb fuqie ka, sa her\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb dielli t\u00eb kthehet n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr.\u201d<\/p>\n

Kontributi i Machiavelli-t n\u00eb tradit\u00ebn e realizmit politik \u00ebsht\u00eb i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm. Aty p\u00ebrfshihet k\u00ebshillimi i tij p\u00ebr ta marr\u00eb bot\u00ebn ashtu si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb e jo ashtu si\u00e7 do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishte; pranimi i tij se pushteti dhe vetinteresi luajn\u00eb nj\u00eb rol suprem n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet politike; ideja e tij se qeverisja \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb art, q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon nga udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit politik\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i p\u00ebrshtaten si strukturave t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme ashtu edhe koh\u00ebrave t\u00eb ndryshueshme; dhe k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulja e tij se diktatet e raison d\u2019etat mund t\u00eb bijn\u00eb n\u00eb konflikt me ato t\u00eb moralitetit tradicional. \u00cbsht\u00eb ky pretendim i fundit \u2013 se sfera publike dhe ajo private posedojn\u00eb moralitetet e tyre t\u00eb dallueshme \u2013 q\u00eb mbetet aq acarues sot.<\/p>\n

Ne jetojm\u00eb, mbi t\u00eb gjitha, n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb sovranitetit demokratik, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin \u201cprinc\u00ebrit\u201d zgjedhen nga qytetar\u00ebt dhe, si zyrtar\u00eb qeveritar\u00eb, priten q\u00eb t\u00eb sillen me ndershm\u00ebri, transparenc\u00eb dhe llogaridh\u00ebnie. Konteksti normativ global i artit t\u00eb qeverisjes ka ndryshuar thelb\u00ebsisht, duke iu fal\u00ebnderuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe zgjerimit t\u00eb kodifikimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave individuale njer\u00ebzore. Shum\u00eb prej dhun\u00ebs s\u00eb sanksionuar nga shteti q\u00eb merrej si e mir\u00ebqen\u00eb n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e Machiavelli-t \u2013 se a \u00ebsht\u00eb pushtimi i perandorive, marrja e skllev\u00ebrve, apo porositja e barbarizmave \u2013 jan\u00eb si ligj\u00ebrisht ashtu edhe moralisht t\u00eb palejueshme sot, duke iu fal\u00ebnderuar zgjerimit t\u00eb ligjit p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut, ligjit humanitar, ligjeve t\u00eb luft\u00ebs, dhe proliferimit t\u00eb normave, traktateve, dhe institucioneve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizojn\u00eb vepra t\u00eb caktuara si t\u00eb papranueshme, duke urdh\u00ebruar sanksione ose intervenime p\u00ebr t\u2019i ndaluar ato, dhe duke ofruar mekanizma juridik\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs fajtor\u00ebt. Barbarizmat dhe aktet joligjore vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb ndodhin, si\u00e7 na p\u00ebrkujton Darfuri dhe Siria. Por standardet e ligjshm\u00ebris\u00eb dhe legjitimitetit kan\u00eb evoluuar, duke i b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebto t\u00eb jen\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtime m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa rregull.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb askpekte t\u00eb tjera, megjithat\u00eb,\u00a0Princi\u00a0<\/em>mbahet mir\u00eb si nj\u00eb udh\u00ebzues i politik\u00ebs, s\u00eb brendshme dhe t\u00eb jashtme. Sh\u00ebnimet e tij p\u00ebr korrupsionin n\u00eb Firenc\u00eb, p\u00ebr dekadenc\u00ebn n\u00eb Perandorin\u00eb e vonshme t\u00eb Rom\u00ebs, dhe sh\u00ebnimet mbi mashtrimin e pap\u00ebve italian\u00eb do t\u00eb preknin ca zemra n\u00eb Uashingtonin bashk\u00ebkohor. As q\u00eb do t\u00eb befasoheshin lexuesit modern\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebsonin se n\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike, m\u00eb shpesh ndodh q\u00eb m\u00ebkatar\u00ebt e jo shenjtit, ngriten n\u00eb pushtet dhe kapen pas pozitave t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n

___________<\/p>\n

Stewart M. Patrick \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues\u00a0dhe drejtor i Programit t\u00eb Institucioneve Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe t\u00eb Qeversisjes Globale n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin p\u00ebr Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb Jashtme.<\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal<\/a>\u00a0i botuar n\u00eb \u201cThe National Interest\u201d, m\u00eb 20 n\u00ebntor 2014.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrktheu: Bardhi Bakija<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Dallimi q\u00eb ai b\u00ebn mes sfer\u00ebs publike dhe private t\u00eb moralitetit mbetet acarues. Prej t\u00eb gjith\u00eb shkrimtar\u00ebve t\u00eb tradit\u00ebs \u201crealiste\u201d \u2013 q\u00eb nga Tuchydide-s dhe Hobbes-i e deri te Morgenthau dhe Mearsheimer-i \u2013 \u00a0Niccolo Machiavelli \u00ebsht\u00eb ai q\u00eb p\u00ebrmban kapacitetin m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb tronditur. M\u00eb 1513, i p\u00ebrz\u00ebn\u00eb nga qyteti i tij i […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":609,"featured_media":11960,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1901],"ppma_author":[2298],"class_list":["post-3363","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-machiavelli"],"authors":[{"term_id":2298,"user_id":609,"is_guest":0,"slug":"stewart-m-patrick","display_name":"Stewart M Patrick","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/stewart.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/stewart.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Patrick","first_name":"Stewart M","description":"Stewart M. Patrick is a Senior Fellow and director of the International Institutions and Global Governance Program at the Council on Foreign Relations."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3363","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/609"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3363"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3363\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11961,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3363\/revisions\/11961"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11960"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3363"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3363"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3363"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3363"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}