{"id":3392,"date":"2016-11-28T16:37:37","date_gmt":"2016-11-28T14:37:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3392"},"modified":"2024-12-13T16:39:54","modified_gmt":"2024-12-13T14:39:54","slug":"28-nentori-ne-kontekst","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/28-nentori-ne-kontekst\/","title":{"rendered":"28 n\u00ebntori n\u00eb kontekst"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-up\">\n<h3><\/h3>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-down\">\n<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>\u00cbsht\u00eb java e dyt\u00eb e n\u00ebntorit t\u00eb vitit 1912. Ismail Qemali, ish-zyrtar i Perandoris\u00eb Osmane, deri edhe kryetar i Kuvendit, l\u00ebviz n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Vjen\u00ebs dhe Budapestit. Atje p\u00ebrmes kontakteve t\u00eb tija diplomatike fiton \u201csponsorimin\u201d e Perandoris\u00eb Austro-Hungareze p\u00ebr shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, ashtu si\u00e7 do ta fitonin prij\u00ebsit e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb vitin 2008 sponsorimin nga SHBA-t\u00eb dhe aleat\u00ebt europian\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Disa dit\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb, me nj\u00eb vapor t\u00eb paguar prej austro-hungarez\u00ebve, Qemali niset prej veriut t\u00eb Italis\u00eb dhe zbarkon n\u00eb Durr\u00ebs, ku fillimisht ishte parapar\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb shpallej pavar\u00ebsia e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Dokumentet e koh\u00ebs tregojn\u00eb se Qemali n\u00eb Durr\u00ebs hasi n\u00eb pritje t\u00eb ftoht\u00eb, deri edhe n\u00eb reagime k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuese prej t\u00eb fort\u00ebve t\u00eb zon\u00ebs. Aty si sovran e njihnin vet\u00ebm Sulltanin dhe flamurin me gjysm\u00ebh\u00ebn\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;Kush je ti dhe \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ky flamur?&#8221;\u2014 k\u00ebshtu mbase mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruhet shkurt porosia q\u00eb Qemali e merr prej administrator\u00ebve perandorak dhe prej shqiptar\u00ebve mysliman\u00eb besnik t\u00eb regjimit.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb k\u00ebto rrethana pasigurie, ai merr rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebr n\u00eb Vlor\u00eb, ku ndihej m\u00eb i sigurt p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pronave dhe kontakteve familjare. U d\u00ebrgon kumt edhe elitave prej zonave t\u00eb tjera p\u00ebr destinacionin e ri t\u00eb takimit. Bashk\u00eb me shoq\u00ebruesit e tij kal\u00ebroi disa dit\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr shi, mbi lumenjt\u00eb dhe tokat e mbushura me uj\u00eb t\u00eb Myzeqes\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Kronologjin\u00eb e\u00a0rrug\u00ebtimit t\u00eb tij dhe mobilizimit t\u00eb elit\u00ebs shqiptare n\u00eb k\u00ebto dit\u00eb kritike e p\u00ebrshkruan bukur Ilir Ikonomi te libri i tij \u201cPavar\u00ebsia: rrug\u00ebtimi i paharruar i Ismail Qemalit\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>V\u00ebshtir\u00ebsit\u00eb me t\u00eb cilat Qemali u p\u00ebrball brenda Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb se ideator\u00ebt e shtetit shqiptar \u2013 t\u00eb cil\u00ebt vinin kryesisht nga elita e Stambollit apo jetonin n\u00eb qendrat e t\u00eb tjera europiane t\u00eb perandoris\u00eb \u2013 e kishin projektuar nj\u00eb komb i cili ishte larg prej t\u00eb qenit realitet politik dhe social.<\/p>\n<p>B\u00ebhej fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri shqiptare e cila p\u00ebrve\u00e7se nuk ishte e organizuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebsi administrative, nuk e kishte t\u00eb konsoliduar as edhe kujtes\u00ebn kolektive dhe narracion historik \u201ct\u00eb t\u00eb qenit nj\u00eb&#8221;. Dhe e cila p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr rebelimeve dhe pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsive lokale, n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe ishte mish\u00ebruar me perandorin\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Tregimi mitologjik q\u00eb dominon sot, i vazhdim\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb pand\u00ebrprer\u00eb identitare dhe p\u00ebrpjekjes \u00e7lirimtare prej Ilir\u00ebve e deri te Skenderbeu, ishte akoma n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtim dhe jetonte n\u00eb koka t\u00eb pak\u00ebta ideolog\u00ebsh elitar\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb kjo elit\u00eb ndodhej jasht\u00eb vendit, e integruar n\u00eb qendrat e perandoris\u00eb, shqiptar\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb q\u00eb jetonin brenda hap\u00ebsirave t\u00eb sotme shqiptare jetonin kryesisht n\u00eb nj\u00eb realitet feudal dhe fisnor.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb k\u00ebto hap\u00ebsira nuk kishte asgj\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebraf\u00ebrt me klas\u00ebn e mesme apo profesioniste, dhe as qendra urbane t\u00eb prodhimit t\u00eb mendimit, t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb organizimit modern politik (p\u00ebrtej atij fetar), t\u00eb cilat n\u00eb vendet e tjera kan\u00eb qen\u00eb shtyt\u00ebse t\u00eb ideve kombformuese.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn shqiptare pa shenja industrie dhe urbanizimi modern, p\u00ebr qytete llogariteshin kasabat\u00eb otomane ku b\u00ebhej tregti dhe zejtari \u2013 me ndonj\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtim t\u00eb Shkodr\u00ebs a Kor\u00e7\u00ebs q\u00eb megjithat\u00eb ishin edhe vatra kulture. Faktor\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktues ishin bejler\u00ebt q\u00eb sundonin mbi fshatar\u00eb t\u00eb paarsimuar.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr shkak se elitat intelektuale shqiptare e kishin pasur qend\u00ebr gravitimi Stambollin (apo psh. katolik\u00ebt Italin\u00eb), ato nuk e krijuan nj\u00eb qend\u00ebr gravituese dhe unifikuese t\u00eb tyren brenda hap\u00ebsir\u00eb shqiptare, si\u00e7 e kishin fqinj\u00ebt Bukureshtin, Sofjen, Athin\u00ebn apo Beogradin &#8211; qendra prej ku mund t\u00eb buronte rezistenca intelektuale komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n<p>Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera hap\u00ebsirat shqiptare ishin nj\u00eb provinc\u00eb e thell\u00eb dhe e margjinalizuar brenda nj\u00eb perandorie q\u00eb p\u00ebr veten e vet prej koh\u00ebsh po shthurej.<\/p>\n<p>Dhe brenda k\u00ebsaj province t\u00eb perandoris\u00eb, identiteti shqiptar nuk ishte ngjizur mir\u00eb si nyje e bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb n\u00ebn-identiteteve, munges\u00ebs s\u00eb elit\u00ebs lokale kulturore, arsimimit n\u00eb shqip, etj.<\/p>\n<p>Mysliman\u00ebt n\u00eb realitet ishin besnik ndaj perandoris\u00eb; katolik\u00ebt i kishin syt\u00eb drejt Italis\u00eb e Austro-Hungaris\u00eb q\u00eb ua financonin kishat; fiset e veriut jetonin relativisht autonom me rregullat e Kanunit; nd\u00ebrsa ortodoks\u00ebt e jugut ndodheshin n\u00ebn presionin e helenizimit kulturor prej Greqis\u00eb s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsuar m\u00eb her\u00ebt.<\/p>\n<p>Ky fragmentim i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shqiptare \u2013 fetar, krahinor, dialektor, etj \u2013 i thelluar nga nd\u00ebrhyrjet e fqinj\u00ebve, nga gjeografia e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb pengonte komunikimin, si dhe nga individualizmat dhe kryene\u00e7\u00ebsit\u00eb q\u00eb na karakterizojn\u00eb edhe sot \u2013 b\u00ebnte q\u00eb shoq\u00ebria t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqej nga forca t\u00eb ndryshme dhe t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta t\u00eb gravitacionit \u2013 pa nj\u00eb bosht p\u00ebrbashkues.<\/p>\n<p>Simpatia p\u00ebr Ismail Qemalin t\u00eb rritet shum\u00ebfish kur e kupton se ai zbarkoi n\u00eb Durr\u00ebs n\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj anarkie t\u00eb plot\u00eb vizionesh, me synimin p\u00ebr ta nd\u00ebrtuar k\u00ebt\u00eb bosht p\u00ebrbashkues prej nj\u00eb themeli fare t\u00eb dob\u00ebt.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb interpretimet tona t\u00eb ideologjizuara dhe t\u00eb romantizuara t\u00eb historis\u00eb shqiptare \u2013 ku e kaluara kuptohet n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb ideve dhe bindjeve q\u00eb i kemi sot \u2013 veprimet e Qemalit ngjajn\u00eb si nj\u00eb hap i logjiksh\u00ebm dhe i natyrsh\u00ebm n\u00eb luft\u00ebn historike p\u00ebr liri. Krijohet p\u00ebrshtypja se atmosfera ishte sikur ajo e 17 shkurtit 2008, kur t\u00eb gjith\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ishim homogjen n\u00eb ambicie dhe fest\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Por n\u00eb realitet, Qemalit dhe themeluesve t\u00eb shtetit iu desh q\u00eb t\u2019i bindnin njer\u00ebzit e thjesht\u00eb se k\u00ebtu n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb far\u00eb hap\u00ebsire perandorake, n\u00eb mesin e kaq shum\u00eb dallimeve, duhej b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb; se komuniteti gjuh\u00ebsor dhe etnik na qenka komb; dhe se ky komb i integron k\u00ebto dallime. Reaksionet e m\u00ebvonshme ndaj shtetit komb integrues, si ato t\u00eb Esat Pash\u00eb Toptanit, ishin treguese t\u00eb problemit me legjitimimin e rendit t\u00eb ri, sidomos n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb e mesme otomane.<\/p>\n<p>Shpallja e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe erdhi jo sepse at\u00eb po e shtyne kohezioni i brendsh\u00ebm, por sepse perandoria po shembej, dhe sepse elitat shqiptare, bashk\u00eb me segmentet e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb q\u00eb ishin t\u00eb acaruara me perandorin\u00eb, sidomos me mosreagimin e saj ndaj nacinalizmave t\u00eb rajonit, kishin kuptuar se duhej t\u00eb oragnizoheshin p\u00ebr t\u00eb reaguar.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim \u2013 pa ia ulur aspak vler\u00ebn historike \u2013 28 n\u00ebntori i vitit 1912 ishte m\u00eb shum\u00eb nj\u00eb gjest simbolik, nj\u00eb udh\u00ebp\u00ebrshkrim afatgjat\u00eb, i b\u00ebr\u00eb si akt emergjence, sesa nj\u00eb akt q\u00eb do t\u00eb krijonte realitet t\u00eb menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm t\u00eb ri politik n\u00eb hap\u00ebsirat shqiptare.<\/p>\n<p>Dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ari vijues tregoi se konteksti social shqiptar, me gjith\u00eb at\u00eb prapambeturi dhe p\u00ebr\u00e7arje shoq\u00ebrore &#8211; pa institucione q\u00ebndrore t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs, arsimit, adminsitrat\u00ebs &#8211; nuk ishte realitet shtetformues. Shtet t\u00eb centralizuar n\u00eb kuptimin e kontrollit mbi territorin dhe shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb ka filluar t\u00eb\u00a0ket\u00eb vet\u00ebm me sundimin e Ahmet Zogut. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb dob\u00ebsive t\u00eb brendshme, Shqip\u00ebria mund t\u00eb konsiderohet me fat q\u00eb nuk p\u00ebsoi tkurrje territoriale edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe.<\/p>\n<p>Kontekstin historik t\u00eb shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe forcimit gradual t\u00eb shtetit vlen ta p\u00ebrkujtojm\u00eb vit p\u00ebr vit k\u00ebshtu t\u00eb zhbeshur nga romantizimet \u2013 dhe t\u00eb ndihemi t\u00eb p\u00ebrulur para\u00a0nj\u00eb nisme politike tep\u00ebr ambicioze t\u00eb Qemalit dhe t\u00eb elitave shqiptare, t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb sfidave n\u00eb dukje t\u00eb pakap\u00ebrcyeshme.<\/p>\n<p>Si dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019ia p\u00ebrkujtuar vetes n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb\u00a0se shpallja e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb mbetet vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb akt, q\u00eb duhet mbushur me p\u00ebrmbajtje prej shteti p\u00ebr t\u2019u ngjizur si realitet. Gj\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon jo vet\u00ebm sakrifica, por edhe thjesht koh\u00eb. Deri n\u00eb dit\u00ebn kur shteti i Kosov\u00ebs, si shteti i dyt\u00eb i shqiptar\u00ebve, t\u00eb na duket si gj\u00ebja m\u00eb e natyrshme e mundshme. Ashtu si\u00e7 sot na duket Shqip\u00ebria.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>\u00cbsht\u00eb java e dyt\u00eb e n\u00ebntorit t\u00eb vitit 1912. Ismail Qemali, ish-zyrtar i Perandoris\u00eb Osmane, deri edhe kryetar i Kuvendit, l\u00ebviz n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Vjen\u00ebs dhe Budapestit. Atje p\u00ebrmes kontakteve t\u00eb tija diplomatike fiton \u201csponsorimin\u201d e Perandoris\u00eb Austro-Hungareze p\u00ebr shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, ashtu si\u00e7 do ta fitonin prij\u00ebsit e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb vitin 2008 [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":438,"featured_media":11111,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[2048,11],"ppma_author":[985],"class_list":["post-3392","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-28-nentori","tag-kosova"],"authors":[{"term_id":985,"user_id":438,"is_guest":0,"slug":"agon-maliqi","display_name":"Agon Maliqi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Headshot-copy-3-1-scaled-e1721289936673.jpeg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Headshot-copy-3-1-scaled-e1721289936673.jpeg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Maliqi","first_name":"Agon","description":"Agon Maliqi \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, analist dhe aktivist i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile nga Prishtina, me banim n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb. Prej disa vitesh ai punon si k\u00ebshill\u00ebtar dhe studies i pavarur i \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, paqes dhe demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mori institutesh, organizatash dhe mediash vendase dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00eb\u00ebtare. Si aktivist i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr thuajse 20 vite, zt. Maliqi mes tjerash ka qen\u00eb bashk\u00ebthemelues dhe drejtues per disa vite i platform\u00ebs sbunker. N\u00eb vitin 2019 ai q\u00ebndroi p\u00ebr gjysm\u00eb viti n\u00eb Uashington D.C si p\u00ebrfitues i Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fello\u00ebship n\u00eb Fondin Komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Demokracis\u00eb (NED) n\u00eb SHBA. Sot ai \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e Grupit Strategjik p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb Fondacionit Heinrich B\u00f6ll (HBS) me baz\u00eb n\u00eb Berlin; pjes\u00eb e Task Forc\u00ebs rajonale t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb Institutit Republikan Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar (IRI) dhe an\u00ebtar i Koalicionit Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr Rip\u00ebrt\u00ebritje Demokratike (ICDR) t\u00eb Forumit 2000 n\u00eb Prag\u00eb. Zt. Maliqi ka mbaruar studimet master p\u00ebr politikat e zhvillimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb Duke University (SHBA) dhe ato bachelor p\u00ebr shkenca politike dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin Amerikan n\u00eb Bullgari."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3392","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/438"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3392"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3392\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11112,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3392\/revisions\/11112"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11111"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3392"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3392"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3392"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3392"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}