{"id":3475,"date":"2017-02-09T10:10:14","date_gmt":"2017-02-09T08:10:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3475"},"modified":"2024-12-10T14:39:58","modified_gmt":"2024-12-10T12:39:58","slug":"papergjegjshmeria-dhe-demi-i-diskutimit-te-ndarjes-se-kosoves","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/papergjegjshmeria-dhe-demi-i-diskutimit-te-ndarjes-se-kosoves\/","title":{"rendered":"Pap\u00ebrgjegjshm\u00ebria dhe d\u00ebmi i diskutimit t\u00eb ndarjes s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-up\">\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">Rritja e tensioneve me Serbin\u00eb pas provokimeve t\u00eb shtuara q\u00eb po b\u00ebhen nga Beogradi me rastin e zgjedhjeve presidenciale q\u00eb po afrohen pas dy muajsh n\u00eb Serbi, ka sjell\u00eb befas rishfaqjen e propozimeve p\u00ebr ndarjen territoriale t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb baza etnike. Deri diku \u00ebsht\u00eb e kuptueshme q\u00eb kjo tez\u00eb t\u00eb manifestohet n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare nga analist\u00eb q\u00eb shqyrtojn\u00eb gjithfar\u00eb alternative teorike apo lobist\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebpaguar, por e pakuptueshme pse t\u00eb propozohet dit\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit nga figura publike shqiptare si Rexhep Qosja, Ben Blushi, Mustafa Nano, apo Lutfi Haziri.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-down\">\n<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">Veriu i Kosov\u00ebs i banuar n\u00eb shumic\u00eb d\u00ebrmuese nga komuniteti serb ka qen\u00eb sfid\u00eb problematike dhe e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn e prandaj edhe qasja q\u00eb po \u00e7on drejt zgjidhjes s\u00eb k\u00ebtij problem ka qen\u00eb e kujdesshme, e matur dhe komplekse. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr qasja q\u00eb avokon ndarjen e Kosov\u00ebs, pra zgjidhjen e problemit me nj\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb lapsit, t\u00eb kujton vepr\u00ebn e famshme satirike, t\u00eb Andon Zako \u00c7ajupit, &#8216;Pas Vdekjes&#8217;, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn nj\u00eb nga personazhet kryesor\u00eb ishte nj\u00ebfar\u00eb Doktor Adhamudhi. Ky palo doktor demek p\u00ebr sh\u00ebrim kishte shpikur \u201ck\u00ebt\u00eb method\u00eb t\u00eb re: t\u00eb dhemb nj\u00eb \u00a0dor\u00eb? Preje q\u00eb t\u00eb shp\u00ebtoj\u00eb tjetra! T\u00eb dhemb nj\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb? Me vrap sharroe q\u00eb t\u00eb shp\u00ebtosh tjetr\u00ebn! T\u00eb dhemb nj\u00eb sy? K\u00ebrreje \u00e7pejt q\u00eb t\u00eb mos s\u00ebmuret dhe tjetri!\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">Leht\u00ebsia me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn flitet p\u00ebr ndarje e shk\u00ebmbime territoresh t\u00eb kujton epok\u00ebn para nj\u00eb shekulli, ku fatet e jet\u00ebve t\u00eb miliona njer\u00ebzve vendoseshin nga aristokrat\u00eb t\u00eb kancelarive t\u00eb Fuqive t\u00eb M\u00ebdha q\u00eb gjendeshin mij\u00ebra kilometra larg tyre dhe p\u00ebrdornin metod\u00ebn q\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb miri e ka sintetizuar Lordi Kurzon, kur thoshte se popujt jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrziere (mixed) dhe duhen pastruar (unmixed). Ndarja mes Pakistanit dhe Indis\u00eb me logjik\u00ebn e Kurzon-it dhe zhvendosja tragjike e popullatave muslimane dhe hindu n\u00eb n\u00ebnkontinentin e Indis\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1947 u shoq\u00ebrua me pothuaj 2 milion\u00eb civil\u00eb t\u00eb vrar\u00eb. N\u00eb shum\u00eb raste ndarja \u00ebsht\u00eb e paevitueshme mir\u00ebpo ka raste kur ndarja nuk sjell detyrimisht paqe n\u00eb rajon. Mjafton t\u00eb shikohet rasti i sip\u00ebrp\u00ebrmendur i Indis\u00eb me Pakistanin p\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00eb se edhe pse kan\u00eb kaluar nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb dhimbsh\u00ebm e t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjakur t\u00eb ndarjes dhe shk\u00ebmbimit t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie mes k\u00ebtyre vendeve ende jan\u00eb tejet t\u00eb tensionuara. E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb mund t\u00eb thuhet deri diku edhe p\u00ebr Greqin\u00eb dhe Turqin\u00eb pas traktatit t\u00eb Lozan\u00ebs s\u00eb vitit 1923. N\u00eb rastin ton\u00eb, edhe n\u00ebse hipotetikisht pajtohemi me propozimin e ndarjes, cilat jan\u00eb garancit\u00eb q\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb kemi probleme t\u00eb m\u00ebtutjeshme me Serbin\u00eb? Maqedonia e shkret\u00eb ka ende probleme me Maqedonin\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e emrit t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shuar diku 23 shekuj m\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">Mir\u00ebpo n\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb loj\u00eb t\u00eb pseudo-lord\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb, q\u00eb iu duket vetja si Kurzoni e sillen si Dr. Adhamudhi, harrohet edhe nj\u00eb element tjet\u00ebr, Shqip\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb larg t\u00eb qenit nj\u00eb fuqi n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb figurave t\u00eb Rilindjes son\u00eb Komb\u00ebtare dhe forc\u00ebs s\u00eb kryengrit\u00ebsve tan\u00eb, faktori ky\u00e7 p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb ton\u00eb ishte padyshim vullneti i Fuqive t\u00eb M\u00ebdha. Ishin Austro-Hungaria dhe Italia t\u00eb lidhura nga Aleanca e Trefisht\u00eb prej dekadash, ato q\u00eb shtyn\u00eb p\u00ebrpara dhe mund\u00ebsuan nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb pavarur shqiptar n\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebn e Ambasador\u00ebve edhe pse fatkeq\u00ebsisht tejet t\u00eb cunguar. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt duhet patur parasysh se edhe tani v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmerret nj\u00eb veprim n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb unilaterale pa konsultuar komunitetin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, sidomos kur je i dob\u00ebt. Konjuktura nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare aktuale dhe vullneti i aleat\u00ebve tan\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb vendimtar\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7lirimin e Kosov\u00ebs dhe n\u00eb realizimin e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve kudo q\u00eb jan\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb totalisht kund\u00ebr ides\u00eb s\u00eb shk\u00ebmbimit t\u00eb territoreve dhe homogjenizimit t\u00eb tyre, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn e konsiderojn\u00eb nj\u00eb kuti pandore me reagim zinxhir n\u00eb gjith\u00eb Ballkanin.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr arsyet p\u00ebrse n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri ka opinionist\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb shpenguar flasin p\u00ebr shk\u00ebputjen e veriut shpjegohet edhe me munges\u00ebn e njohurive mbi realitetin aktual n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb si dhe teorive bazike t\u00eb zgjidhjeve t\u00eb konflikteve. Ka teoricien\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Chaim Kaufmann, q\u00eb e mb\u00ebshtesin ndarjen territoriale (partition) si alternativ\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e konflikteve sesa ndarja e pushtetit (power sharing) n\u00eb kushtet kur grupet etnike e kan\u00eb t\u00eb pamundur q\u00eb t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb s\u00eb bashku n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet heterogjen. Mir\u00ebpo pjesa me e madhe e pakic\u00ebs etnike serbe posht\u00eb lumit Ib\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb integruar, paq\u00ebtuar dhe ka marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb prej vitesh rregullisht n\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs nd\u00ebrsa duke nisur prej marr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb Brukselit t\u00eb prillit 2013 edhe veriu ka nisur integrimin. N\u00eb veri u organizuan zgjedhjet vendore t\u00eb para n\u00eb vitin 2013 n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb pas veriu mori pjes\u00eb edhe n\u00eb zgjedhjet parlamentare duke u p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb institucionalisht n\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb ri. Fal\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeve Kosova kontrollon doganat e veriut q\u00eb ishin m\u00eb par\u00eb han pa porta dhe Serbia \u00ebsht\u00eb duke shkrir\u00eb gradualisht strukturat paralele q\u00eb sfidonin hapur shtetin e Kosov\u00ebs. Realiteti i veriut \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt ndryshe nga viti 2008, kur pas shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb strukturat paralele serbe \u00a0bllokuan me barrikada lidhjet me veriun dhe dogj\u00ebn dy pik\u00ebkalimet kufitare t\u00eb Jarinj\u00ebs dhe B\u00ebrnjakut. Pra n\u00ebse asokohe mund t\u00eb kishte arsye apo argumente p\u00ebr t\u00eb propozuar ndarjen e veriut t\u00eb ngelur jasht\u00eb kontrollit sot nuk ka asnj\u00eb motiv p\u00ebr ta justifikuar k\u00ebt\u00eb propozim q\u00eb i leverdis vet\u00ebm Serbis\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">N\u00ebse shikohet modeli i Ramsbotham i p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimit dhe shtensionimit t\u00eb konfliktit fazat e p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimit konsiderohen dallimi, kontradikta, polarizimi, dhuna dhe lufta e mandej etapat e shtensionimit n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn postkonfliktuale shkojn\u00eb nga lufta n\u00eb arm\u00ebpushim, marr\u00ebveshje, normalizim dhe mandej n\u00eb pajtim. N\u00eb rihapjen e negociatave para pak dit\u00ebve, presidenti i Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs ka shpallur q\u00eb dialogu i Brukselit tanim\u00eb do t\u00eb hyj\u00eb n\u00eb etap\u00ebn e fundit n\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb pajtimit duke shkuar drejt nj\u00eb traktati t\u00eb fqinj\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb mir\u00eb q\u00eb i v\u00eb kapak procesit t\u00eb shtensionimit. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se edhe n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie bilaterale me Serbin\u00eb gradualisht po shkojm\u00eb drejt zgjidhjes s\u00eb problemeve dhe qasja e deritanishme e shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb partneritet me nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebt po i jep frytet e saj. Me pak fjal\u00eb, t\u00eb flas\u00ebsh p\u00ebr ndarje sot kur jemi n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb faz\u00eb t\u00eb dialogut me Serbin\u00eb dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dinamik\u00eb t\u00eb procesit t\u00eb integrimit t\u00eb veriut \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb injoranc\u00eb e naivitet dhe n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb keq nj\u00eb veprim dashakeq ndaj interesave shtet\u00ebrore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb \u00e7on uj\u00eb tek mulliri i Serbis\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">Ideja e ndarjes s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ide e hershme e trajtuar gjer\u00eb n\u00eb Serbi vitet 90-t\u00eb nga akademik\u00eb t\u00eb njohur serb\u00eb si Dobrica \u00c7osi\u00e7, Branimir Krsti\u00e7, Aleksand\u00ebr Despi\u00e7, Dushan Batakovi\u00e7 etj. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebta kan\u00eb propozuar q\u00eb serb\u00ebt t\u00eb merrnin nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb majme t\u00eb territorit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshinte pasuri natyrore dhe ishte n\u00eb p\u00ebrmasa shum\u00eb her\u00eb m\u00eb e madhe se p\u00ebrqindja e popullsis\u00eb serbe. S\u00eb fundmi n\u00eb Beograd propozuesi m\u00eb i z\u00ebsh\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb ish-kryeministri dhe ministri aktual i jasht\u00ebm, Ivica Da\u00e7i\u00e7, i cili ka qen\u00eb edhe z\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebs i Miloshevi\u00e7it dhe ka trash\u00ebguar lidershipin e partis\u00eb s\u00eb tij. Me sa duket logjika e tanishme e k\u00ebtyre propozimeve t\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebruara \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb kapim \u00e7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb kapim nga Kosova\u201d , n\u00eb kushtet kur \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb e qart\u00eb se nuk mund ta kthejn\u00eb dot n\u00ebn kontroll t\u00eb gjith\u00ebn. Po ashtu dihet mir\u00eb q\u00eb Bashkimi Evropian nuk pranon an\u00ebtar\u00eb me probleme me fqinj\u00ebt dhe njohja e Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs her\u00ebt a von\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e paevitueshme p\u00ebr Beogradin. Ky skenar t\u00eb kujton n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre versionin miniatur\u00eb: ndarjen aktuale t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs, pra at\u00eb q\u00eb ndodhi me rajonin e Donbasit dhe Krimen\u00eb n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb. N\u00eb kushtet kur qeveria ukrainase e dirigjuar nga Moska u rr\u00ebzua dhe Ukraina qartazi u orientua drejt integrimit Euro-Atlantik, at\u00ebher\u00eb Rusia n\u00eb pamund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr ta kontrolluar m\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebn, vendosi t\u00eb grabis\u00eb nga Ukraina Krimen\u00eb e t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb marr\u00eb territoret lindore t\u00eb banuara nga rus\u00ebt. Po ashtu nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr q\u00ebllim mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb thjesht hedhja e nj\u00eb karremi josh\u00ebs q\u00eb ta kapin shqiptar\u00ebt naiv\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt bien pre leht\u00eb e populizmave me harta historike, p\u00ebr t\u00eb nxitur sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb z\u00ebra shqiptar\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb flasin p\u00ebr ndarje e shk\u00ebmbime territoresh. Sa m\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb k\u00ebta z\u00ebra aq m\u00eb pak serioz\u00eb dhe i sinqert\u00eb duket projekti i konsolidimit t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb zbehet mb\u00ebshtetja dhe respekti ndaj nesh i aleat\u00ebve tan\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt k\u00ebto z\u00ebra i konsiderojn\u00eb si prerje n\u00eb bes\u00eb ndaj zotimeve q\u00eb kemi marr\u00eb p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">P\u00ebrmendja e ndarjes s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs si nj\u00eb strategji e mundshme \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00ebrmet i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb p\u00ebr themelet e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb pavarur t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe cenon r\u00ebnd\u00eb pozicionin moral dhe respektin q\u00eb ka projekti i Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Kosova e shpalli pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb pas negociatave t\u00eb gjata n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb dhe fitoi besimin dhe miqve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb ri vet\u00ebm pas marrjes p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr t\u00eb adoptimit t\u00eb Pakos s\u00eb Ahtisaarit, me gjith\u00eb t\u00eb mirat dhe t\u00eb k\u00ebqiat e tij. Kosova e ka g\u00ebzuar nj\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr konsolidimin e brendsh\u00ebm t\u00eb shtetit dhe forcimin e subjektivitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar duke u zotuar se po nd\u00ebrton nj\u00eb shtet civik dhe shoq\u00ebri q\u00eb akomodon pakicat. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se me shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb 2008 ne kemi pranuar disa rregulla specifike role q\u00eb mund t\u00eb konsiderohen nga shum\u00ebkush pilula t\u00eb hidhura t\u00eb domosdoshme, dhe p\u00ebrpjekja p\u00ebr t\u2019i ndryshuar apo p\u00ebr mos t\u2019i respektuar ato pak vite m\u00eb von\u00eb, shkat\u00ebrron besimin e komunitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar ndaj Kosov\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">Po ashtu duhet patur parasysh q\u00eb Kosova e fitoi gjyqin p\u00ebr ligjshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, duke u bazuar mes t\u00eb tjerash n\u00eb atributet q\u00eb kishte n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebn jugosllave t\u00eb vitit 1974. Pra jo n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb popullit shqiptar n\u00eb Serbi por t\u00eb derivateve t\u00eb atributeve t\u00eb Krahin\u00ebs Socialiste Autonome t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Kushtetuta e vitit 1974, e ngriti Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb entitet t\u00eb fort\u00eb juridik t\u00eb federat\u00ebs jugosllave dhe n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb dy agjenci t\u00eb specializuara t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb, Bank\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore dhe FMN, Kosova ka marr\u00eb p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr q\u00eb t\u00eb paguaj\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb borxhit jugosllav q\u00eb i takon n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebtij entiteti t\u00eb dikursh\u00ebm. 112 shtetet dhe dhjet\u00ebra organizatat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e njohin Kosov\u00ebn si shtet t\u00eb pavarur e sovran n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb territorit t\u00eb dikursh\u00ebm t\u00eb Krahin\u00ebs Socialiste Autonome t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Pra rishikimi i territorit t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me synim homogjenizimin etnik, v\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje ligjshm\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe legjitimitetin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebto arritjeve t\u00eb deritanishme t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">T\u00eb flas\u00ebsh sot p\u00ebr ndarje e shk\u00ebmbime territoresh e popullsie, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pap\u00ebrgjegjshm\u00ebri e pandjeshm\u00ebri e madhe sidomos p\u00ebrkundrejt mbi 2000 shqiptar\u00ebve, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ende kan\u00eb mbetur n\u00eb Mitrovic\u00eb n\u00eb lagjet sip\u00ebr Ibrit si dhe n\u00eb fshatrat shqiptare Ceraj\u00eb, Koshtov\u00eb, Bistric\u00eb, Boletin e \u00c7ab\u00ebr. Po ashtu ndaj mij\u00ebra shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebbuar, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt mezi presin qet\u00ebsimin e normalizmin e gjendjes n\u00eb veri p\u00ebr t\u2019u rikthyer tek vendlindja dhe pronat e tyre. \u00a0Shk\u00ebputja e asaj pjese t\u00eb territorit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs padyshim do t\u00eb thot\u00eb pastrim dhe d\u00ebbim t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve nga veriu. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 kostos s\u00eb dhimbshme t\u00eb zhvendosjes s\u00eb popullsis\u00eb s\u00eb pafajshme civile, duhet pasur parasysh edhe kostoja e madhe natyrore q\u00eb do i vinte Kosov\u00ebs prej ndarjes, duke qen\u00eb se kat\u00ebr komunat me shumic\u00eb serbe t\u00eb veriut p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb 15% t\u00eb territorit, kan\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb pasuris\u00eb minerale n\u00ebntok\u00ebsore t\u00eb vendit si dhe Gazivod\u00ebn, rezervuarin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh ujor t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">N\u00eb favor t\u00eb ndarjes nuk vlen as argumenti i skajsh\u00ebm nacionalist shqiptar p\u00ebr shk\u00ebmbime territoresh sepse s\u2019ka ndonj\u00eb leverdi. Po t\u00eb shihen hartat e vjetra etnike t\u00eb Ballkanit duket qart\u00eb se shqiptar\u00ebt para luft\u00ebs Ruso-Turke shtriheshin deri rr\u00ebz\u00eb Rashk\u00ebs e sip\u00ebr Sjenic\u00ebs, pra edhe m\u00eb n\u00eb veri t\u00eb kufirit t\u00eb sotsh\u00ebm kosovar t\u00eb Jarinj\u00ebs. Pra edhe po t\u00eb ecet me logjik\u00ebn romantike nacionaliste t\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebnguljes p\u00ebr v\u00ebnien n\u00eb vend t\u00eb padrejt\u00ebsive historike, i bie q\u00eb duke dashur t\u00eb nd\u00ebrrohet veriu i Kosov\u00ebs me Lugin\u00ebn e Presheves, t\u00eb k\u00ebrkohet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrrohen troje historike shqiptare me troje \u00a0t\u00eb tjera shqiptare.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 16px;\">S\u00eb fundmi ushqimi i retorik\u00ebs s\u00eb ndarjes s\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe shk\u00ebmbimit territorial me trojet e Lugin\u00ebs s\u00eb Preshev\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu e d\u00ebmshme p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebatdhetar\u00ebt e ngelur n\u00eb Serbi. Politikan\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm Lugin\u00ebs s\u00eb Preshev\u00ebs e p\u00ebrdorin shpesh k\u00ebt\u00eb retorik\u00eb populiste q\u00eb ngjit leht\u00eb tek bashkatdhetar\u00ebt zem\u00ebrplasur e t\u00eb vuajtur t\u00eb Lugin\u00ebs dhe po ashtu arsyeja pse kryetari i Gjilanit e p\u00ebrdor k\u00ebt\u00eb propozim lidhet pik\u00ebrisht me pranin\u00eb e bollshme t\u00eb votave t\u00eb preshevar\u00ebve n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb komun\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo e v\u00ebrteta \u00ebsht\u00eb se propozime ushqejn\u00eb iluzione e shpres\u00eb t\u00eb rreme tek ky popull dhe d\u00ebmton pozicionin dhe reputacionin e pakic\u00ebs shqiptare n\u00eb Serbi p\u00ebrkundrejt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebve. Iluzionet e parealizuara kuptohet q\u00eb p\u00ebrkthehen n\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebrim e dor\u00ebzim, e n\u00eb mos n\u00eb braktisje t\u00eb territorit nga banor\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb t\u00eb atjesh\u00ebm. Gjithashtu sa her\u00eb deklarata populiste t\u00eb pap\u00ebrgjegjshme t\u00eb tilla b\u00ebhen n\u00eb Lugin\u00eb, Beogradi fiton pik\u00eb ndaj nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebve duke i portretizuar shqiptar\u00ebt si faktor\u00eb destabiliteti q\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnojn\u00eb kufijt\u00eb dhe nuk duan t\u00eb integrohen. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb justifikon para Brukselit diskriminimin politik dhe ekonomik q\u00eb vazhdon t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb ndaj shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb Lugin\u00ebs, duke th\u00ebn\u00eb se fajin e kan\u00eb vet\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt q\u00eb nuk bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb por ushqejn\u00eb \u00ebndrra p\u00ebr separatiz\u00ebm e aneksim prej Kosov\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Rritja e tensioneve me Serbin\u00eb pas provokimeve t\u00eb shtuara q\u00eb po b\u00ebhen nga Beogradi me rastin e zgjedhjeve presidenciale q\u00eb po afrohen pas dy muajsh n\u00eb Serbi, ka sjell\u00eb befas rishfaqjen e propozimeve p\u00ebr ndarjen territoriale t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb baza etnike. Deri diku \u00ebsht\u00eb e kuptueshme q\u00eb kjo tez\u00eb t\u00eb manifestohet n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare nga [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":373,"featured_media":10342,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[669,1236,664,12],"ppma_author":[367],"class_list":["post-3475","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-dialogue","tag-kosove-serbi","tag-kosovo","tag-serbia"],"authors":[{"term_id":367,"user_id":373,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adri-nurellari","display_name":"Adri Nurellari","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Nurellari","first_name":"Adri","description":"Adri Nurellari \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, k\u00ebshilltar dhe kolumnist i angazhuar kryesisht n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs dhe medias. Ai ka vijuar studimet universitare n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe ato pasuniversitare n\u00eb Cambridge, London School of Economics dhe University College London. Adri \u00ebsht\u00eb ish-k\u00ebshilltar i kryeministrit Sali Berisha dhe ish-sekretar i PDIU-s\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ka punuar si pedagog n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb. Ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar si analist dhe konsulent nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb prej vitit 2013 punon si k\u00ebshilltar i Hashim Tha\u00e7it."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3475","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/373"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3475"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3475\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10844,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3475\/revisions\/10844"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10342"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3475"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3475"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3475"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3475"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}