{"id":3542,"date":"2017-04-26T16:57:21","date_gmt":"2017-04-26T14:57:21","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3542"},"modified":"2024-11-13T16:59:47","modified_gmt":"2024-11-13T14:59:47","slug":"dialogu-me-serbine-dhe-pse-duhet-hequr-dore-nga-dramatizimi-i-tepruar","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/dialogu-me-serbine-dhe-pse-duhet-hequr-dore-nga-dramatizimi-i-tepruar\/","title":{"rendered":"Dialogu me Serbin\u00eb dhe pse duhet hequr dor\u00eb nga dramatizimi i tepruar"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Para pak dit\u00ebsh u mbush\u00ebn kat\u00ebr vjet nga n\u00ebnshkrimi i Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Brukselit nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetja publike p\u00ebr dialogun \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb nivelin m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt q\u00eb ka pasur ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Dialogu me Beogradin n\u00eb Bruksel gjithmon\u00eb ka pasur kund\u00ebrshtar\u00eb, mir\u00ebpo klima e tensionuar prej provokimeve serbe gjat\u00eb fillimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti b\u00ebri q\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtimet t\u00eb intensifikohen dhe kuror\u00ebzohen me rezolut\u00ebn e miratuar nga parlamenti p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrprerjen e negociatave. Zvarritja e zbatimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeve tashm\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruara, nd\u00ebrtimi i murit n\u00eb Mitrovic\u00eb, treni rus dhe rinxjerrja e mandateve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb arresteve ndaj ish-luft\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb U\u00c7K-s\u00eb q\u00eb \u00e7oi n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr ekstradimin e ish-kryeministrit Haradinaj b\u00ebri q\u00eb numri i z\u00ebrave kund\u00ebr dialogut t\u00eb shtohej dhe t\u00eb kulmohej me rezolut\u00ebn n\u00eb fjal\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Pik\u00ebs\u00ebpari duhet par\u00eb historia e vendeve t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb ka kaluar n\u00eb situata t\u00eb ngjashme p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar at\u00eb q\u00eb na ndodh\u00eb neve. Duhet kuptuar se n\u00eb pothuaj \u00e7do proces negocimi ka nga ata q\u00eb jan\u00eb kund\u00ebr arritjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje dhe q\u00eb n\u00eb terminologjin\u00eb e studiuesve t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare quhen \u201cprish\u00ebs\u201d (spoilers). Pothuaj gjithmon\u00eb ka individ\u00eb q\u00eb mendojn\u00eb se nj\u00eb negociat\u00eb apo marr\u00ebveshje paqe ka l\u00ebshuar ndaj pal\u00ebs kund\u00ebrshtare m\u00eb shum\u00eb se sa duhej. K\u00ebta prish\u00ebs t\u00eb proceseve t\u00eb paqes mund edhe t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrin veprime t\u00eb dhunshme ekstreme p\u00ebr ta ndalur procesin e paqes sikurse ishte vrasja e kryeministrit izraelit Jitzhak Rabin gjat\u00eb procesit t\u00eb paqes me Palestin\u00ebn. Historia bashk\u00ebkohore njeh edhe raste t\u00eb tjera kur lider\u00ebt q\u00eb kan\u00eb guxuar t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruajn\u00eb paqen t\u00eb vriten nga ekstremist\u00ebt e krahut t\u00eb tyre. K\u00ebshtu Michael Collins, lideri i IRA-s, u vra nga vart\u00ebsit e vet n\u00eb 1922 pasi e konsideruan tradh\u00ebtar p\u00ebr shkak se n\u00ebnshkroi marr\u00ebveshjen me anglez\u00ebt; Mahatma Gandhi u vra n\u00eb vitin 1948 nga ekstremist\u00eb hindu pas marr\u00ebveshjes p\u00ebr shk\u00ebputjen paq\u00ebsore t\u00eb Pakistanit; Anuar Sadat, presidenti egjiptian, u vra nga ushtarak\u00ebt e tij n\u00eb vitin 1981 si hakmarrje,n p\u00ebr paqen q\u00eb n\u00ebnshkroi me Izraelin n\u00eb vitin 1977. Me pak fjal\u00eb negociatat p\u00ebr paqe nuk jan\u00eb asnj\u00ebher\u00eb t\u00eb lehta pasi kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me b\u00ebrjen e kompromiseve q\u00eb shpesh jan\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira p\u00ebr t\u2019u g\u00eblltitur, arritjen e nj\u00eb konsensusi t\u00eb gjer\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb veprim jopopullor dhe nd\u00ebrtimin e mir\u00ebbesimit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjellt\u00eb me ish-armiq.<\/span><\/p>\n

Argumenti q\u00eb u p\u00ebrdor nga rezoluta parlamentare ishte: nuk mund t\u00eb dialogosh me nj\u00eb vend i cili b\u00ebn k\u00ebsilloj veprimesh dhe q\u00ebndrimesh agresive sikurse po b\u00ebn Beogradi, dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb deri diku i kuptuesh\u00ebm. Mir\u00ebpo e v\u00ebrteta \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb ky dialog nuk duhet trajtuar me emotivitet sepse nuk b\u00ebhet nd\u00ebrmjet partner\u00ebve apo pal\u00ebve q\u00eb kan\u00eb dashamir\u00ebsi ndaj nj\u00ebri-tjetrit por mes dy pal\u00ebve q\u00eb kan\u00eb nj\u00eb armiq\u00ebsi q\u00eb zgjat prej 14 dekadash dhe q\u00eb kan\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb pas nj\u00eb konflikt q\u00eb ende i ka plag\u00ebt t\u00eb hapura. Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e mir\u00eb e negociatave p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur konfliktet n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb b\u00ebhen shpesh mu n\u00eb mes t\u00eb konfliktit pa patur fare arm\u00ebpushim. Negociatat q\u00eb soll\u00ebn marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebr paqe n\u00eb vende si Zimbabve, Guatemala apo Mozambik\u00a0 u b\u00ebn\u00eb paralelisht me luft\u00ebn e pavar\u00ebsisht prej instinkteve t\u00eb urrejtjes dhe hakmarrjes q\u00eb shkaktonin betejat. Rasti m\u00eb klasik i zhvillimit t\u00eb negociatave n\u00eb mes t\u00eb luft\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i Vietnamit, kur bisedimet mes amerikan\u00ebve dhe vietkong\u00ebve vazhduan edhe gjat\u00eb fushatave m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnda t\u00eb luft\u00ebs. N\u00eb periudh\u00ebn 1964-1972 ka pasur t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn pes\u00eb propozime dom\u00ebth\u00ebn\u00ebse p\u00ebr paqe n\u00eb Vietnam dhe pafund komunikime konfidencale mes pal\u00ebve luftuese.<\/span><\/p>\n

Mjafton t\u00eb shikohet rasti i Siris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar q\u00eb dialogu mund dhe duhet t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb mu n\u00eb mes t\u00eb luft\u00ebs. Prej kur kjo luft\u00eb civile ka nisur gjasht\u00eb vite m\u00eb par\u00eb jan\u00eb nd\u00ebrmar\u00eb nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb iniciativash p\u00ebr bisedime mes pal\u00ebve luftuese, si ato t\u00eb nisura nga Liga Arabe, nga Rusia, apo ato t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarra n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb, Gjenev\u00eb, Astana etj. Nd\u00ebrkaq, mbi 400 000 civil\u00eb jan\u00eb vrar\u00eb e shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb vriten \u00e7do dit\u00eb, por pal\u00ebt ende vazhdojn\u00eb bisedimet. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb dialogu vazhdon n\u00eb luft\u00eb e sip\u00ebr e jo m\u00eb n\u00eb kushtet e Kosov\u00ebs, q\u00eb luft\u00ebn me Serbin\u00eb e ka nd\u00ebrprer\u00eb n\u00eb qershor t\u00eb vitit 1999.<\/span><\/p>\n

Me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn vij\u00eb vendimi disa kund\u00ebrshtues t\u00eb dialogut t\u00eb Brukselit thon\u00eb se dialogu kurrsesi nuk duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhet pa patur disa parakushte dhe pa disa veprime t\u00eb vullnetit t\u00eb mir\u00eb nga Serbia. Kuptohet q\u00eb idealja do t\u00eb ishte q\u00eb paraprakisht Serbia t\u00eb ishte e vet\u00ebdijesuar moralisht, pastruar nga mbeturinat shoviniste t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb kishte pasur kurajon q\u00eb t\u00eb pranonte p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte falje, e mandej t\u00eb niseshin negociatat. Mir\u00ebpo a e ka luksin Kosova q\u00eb t\u00eb pres\u00eb sa Serbia t\u00eb evropianizohet e demokratizohet n\u00eb at\u00eb mas\u00eb sa t\u00eb pendohet p\u00ebr t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn e t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb falje. Ky proces mund t\u00eb zgjas dekada sepse nuk ka garanci q\u00eb do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb s\u00eb shpejti, por nd\u00ebrkaq kemi pasur shum\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje delikate q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb trajtim imediat mes dy shteteve. N\u00eb zgjedhjet e fundit presidenciale n\u00eb Serbi, kandidati i vet\u00ebm q\u00eb pati kuraj\u00ebn t\u00eb fliste p\u00ebr njohjen e Kosov\u00ebs mori vet\u00ebm 1.14% t\u00eb votave.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ka nga ata n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrmendin sjelljen e Kroacis\u00eb n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie me Serbin\u00eb si model q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ndiqet nga Kosova. Kroacia n\u00eb dekad\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb pas luft\u00ebs ka mbajtur nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim kok\u00ebfort\u00eb p\u00ebrkundrejt jo vet\u00ebm Serbis\u00eb, por edhe komunitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Zagrebi refuzoi p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb dor\u00ebzonte gjeneral\u00ebt e saj Ante Gotovina e Janko Bobetko n\u00eb Tribunalin e Hag\u00ebs. Mir\u00ebpo Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb larg pozicionit komod t\u00eb Kroacis\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb an\u00ebtare e OKB-s\u00eb q\u00eb prej majit t\u00eb vitit 1992. Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e brisht\u00eb dhe e varur nd\u00ebrkombtarisht, shum\u00eb m\u00eb e varf\u00ebr ekonomikisht dhe shum\u00eb m\u00eb e dob\u00ebt nga aspekti i siguris\u00eb, dhe nuk mund t’ia lejoj\u00eb vetes t\u00eb sillet si Kroacia. N\u00eb konsolidimin e shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr forcimin e pozicionit t\u00eb saj nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar nuk ka vend p\u00ebr ngarkes\u00eb emocionale, urrejtje apo d\u00ebshir\u00eb p\u00ebr hakmarrje, sepse k\u00ebto sfida k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb veprohet me realiz\u00ebm, gjakftoht\u00ebsi dhe pragmatiz\u00ebm.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr argument q\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret dendur kund\u00ebr dialogut me Serbin\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb fakti q\u00eb shum\u00eb qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs po manifestojn\u00eb padurim dhe indinjohen q\u00eb kan\u00eb kaluar gjasht\u00eb vite nga fillimi i negociatave dhe ende nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb arritur njohja nga Serbia, madje shpesh ka edhe provokime nga Beogradi. Mir\u00ebpo e v\u00ebrteta e hidhur \u00ebsht\u00eb se marr\u00ebveshjet e paqes marrin shum\u00eb koh\u00eb p\u00ebr t’u realizuar. Marr\u00ebveshja q\u00eb u firmos vitin e kaluar n\u00eb Kolumbi me guerilasit e FARC-ut kishte q\u00eb n\u00eb vitet 60-t\u00eb q\u00eb ka pasur iniciativa negociatash. Revolta e popullsis\u00eb moro n\u00eb Filipine po ashtu ka nisur n\u00eb vitin 1969 dhe u arrit nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje n\u00eb vitin 2014, vet\u00ebm pas mbi 40 raunde bisedimesh n\u00eb mbi tre dekada negociatash t\u00eb pes\u00eb president\u00ebve filipinas nj\u00ebri pas tjetrit. Pra, negociatat k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb durim e k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulje dhe fakti q\u00eb nuk arrijn\u00eb brenda nj\u00eb kohe t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr rezultatet e pritura, nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb hiqet dor\u00eb prej tyre. Palestinez\u00ebt dhe izraelit\u00ebt kan\u00eb q\u00eb nga vitet 70-t\u00eb n\u00eb tentativa t\u00eb panum\u00ebrta p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjetur nj\u00eb zgjidhje definitive, p\u00ebkund\u00ebr avancimeve t\u00eb shumta ende \u00e7\u00ebshtja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjidhur plot\u00ebsisht.<\/span><\/p>\n

Madje p\u00ebrvoja nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare tregon se \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme q\u00eb negociator\u00ebt t\u00eb maten mir\u00eb para se ta n\u00ebnshkruajn\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjen sepse nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje e gabuar apo e d\u00ebshtuar mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsoj\u00eb situat\u00ebn e konfliktit p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruar. Pas d\u00ebshtimit t\u00eb Akordeve t\u00eb Arush\u00ebs t\u00eb vitit 1993 nisi gjenocidi fam\u00ebkeq i Ruand\u00ebs ku brenda 100 dit\u00ebve u masakruan mbi 800 000 civil\u00eb. Akordet e Paqes s\u00eb Parisit\u00a0 t\u00eb vitit 1991 q\u00eb u p\u00ebrpoq\u00ebn t’i jepnin fund luft\u00ebs civile n\u00eb Kamboxhia d\u00ebshtuan dhe u pasuan nga luft\u00eb edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjakur se konflikti q\u00eb synuan t\u00eb ndalnin. Po ashtu p\u00ebr konfliktin e Angol\u00ebs u n\u00ebnshkruan dy traktate paqe, Marr\u00ebveshja e Bicesse-s n\u00eb 1991 dhe Protokolli i Lusak\u00ebs n\u00eb 1994, mir\u00ebpo lufta rinisi dhe shkaktoi mbi 300 000 civil\u00eb t\u00eb vrar\u00eb, nj\u00eb shif\u00ebr kjo shum\u00ebfish me e lart\u00eb se e viktimave para marr\u00ebveshjeve. Kuptohet q\u00eb konteksti i konfliktit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me Serbin\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ndryshe, por ajo q\u00eb vlen t\u00eb theksohet \u00ebsht\u00eb se \u00e7do aspekt i marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb paqes ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, prandaj ia vlen q\u00eb t\u00eb tregohet durim, kujdes e k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulje.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ka mandej disa z\u00ebra kritik ndaj dialogut aktual q\u00eb thon\u00eb se ky dialog me Serbin\u00eb duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb dypal\u00ebsh e nuk duhet b\u00ebr\u00eb me nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimin e Bashkimit Evropian. Cili do t\u00eb ishte interesi i Serbis\u00eb t\u00eb negocionte me Kosov\u00ebn po mos t\u00eb kishte kusht\u00ebzimin e Brukselit? Q\u00eb t\u00eb futet n\u00eb dialog bilateral, Beogradi duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb interes konkret e nuk mund t\u00eb pritet ta b\u00ebj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb gj\u00eb p\u00ebr vrasje nd\u00ebrgjegje p\u00ebr \u00e7ka ka b\u00ebr\u00eb. Si dhe me \u00e7far\u00eb do ta kusht\u00ebzonte apo shtr\u00ebngonte p\u00ebr t\u00eb garantuar zbatimin e marr\u00ebveshjes pasi t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkrohej? E v\u00ebrteta \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb studimet krahasimore tregojn\u00eb se pothuaj 90% e konflikteve moderne q\u00eb jan\u00eb p\u00ebrfunduar me ujdi paqe pas negociatave jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb me mediator\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb. Pra, mediator\u00ebt dhe multilateralizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb praktika dominuese se si zgjidhen konfliktet n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e sotshme. Madje edhe kur b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr konflikte t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs ekonomike e tregtare dhe p\u00ebr vende t\u00eb fuqishme t\u00eb bot\u00ebs, p\u00ebrzgjidhen platformat shum\u00ebpal\u00ebshe p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur mosmarr\u00ebveshjet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. K\u00ebshtu p\u00ebr shembull SHBA me Kin\u00ebn, \u00e7\u00ebshtjet tregtare nuk i trajton n\u00eb nivel dypal\u00ebsh por n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet organizatash si OBT apo forumesh si samiti i G8. Akoma m\u00eb absurde \u00ebsht\u00eb pretendimi q\u00eb Prishtina t\u00eb dialogoj\u00eb me pakic\u00ebn serbe brenda territorit, kur dihet sa t\u00eb kontrolluar jan\u00eb ata prej Beogradit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ajo q\u00eb duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebr dialogun \u00ebsht\u00eb se pavar\u00ebsisht pritshm\u00ebrive t\u00eb ekzagjeruara apo zvarritjes s\u00eb zbatimit t\u00eb disa prej marr\u00ebveshjeve, bilanci i dialogut \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb pozitiv p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn n\u00eb shum\u00eb fusha. S\u00eb pari n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e siguris\u00eb ka mund\u00ebsuar vendosjen e kontrollit t\u00eb sovranitetit territorial t\u00eb shtetit duke v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb kontroll pikat kufitare t\u00eb veriut, duke \u00e7uar drejt shkrirjes t\u00eb strukturave paralele si dhe duke integruar komunitetin serb t\u00eb kat\u00ebr komunave t\u00eb veriut n\u00eb jet\u00ebn institucionale t\u00eb shtetit. Dialogu ka shkrir\u00eb akujt mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb duke vendosur zyra nd\u00ebrlidh\u00ebse diplomatike n\u00eb kryeqytetet respektive, duke vendosur reciprocitetin n\u00eb shum\u00eb sfera duke mund\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb njohje de facto shtet\u00ebrore. Kjo e fundit ilustrohet edhe nga menaxhimi i integruar i kufijve shtet\u00ebror\u00eb dhe funksionalizimit t\u00eb doganave t\u00eb Jarinj\u00ebs dhe B\u00ebrnjakut. Po ashtu marr\u00ebveshjet e Brukselit kan\u00eb mund\u00ebsuar l\u00ebvizjen e lir\u00eb t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve dhe mallrave, njohjen reciproke t\u00eb sigurimit t\u00eb automjeteve, t\u00eb certifikatave fitosanitare dhe t\u00eb diplomave, kthimin e kadastrave dhe regjistrave t\u00eb gjendjes civile. S\u00eb fundmi mund\u00ebsoi shtrirjen e sistemit kosovar t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, zgjidhjen e \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb ur\u00ebs s\u00eb Ibrit dhe sigurimin e kodit telefonik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Njer\u00ebzit kan\u00eb harruar se si ka qen\u00eb situata n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb para dialogut p\u00ebr k\u00ebto \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb tani i marrin p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebqena.\u00a0 Por t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto arritje t\u00eb dialogut kan\u00eb pasur nj\u00eb impakt t\u00eb drejt\u00ebp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb t\u00eb konsideruesh\u00ebm pozitiv n\u00eb gjendjen politike, ekonomike dhe shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Mir\u00ebpo impakti nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb vet\u00ebm me konsolidimin e brendsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, por mbi t\u00eb gjitha me konsolidimit t\u00eb pozicionit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Kosova ndryshoi imazhin e saj nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb syt\u00eb e vendeve skeptike duke u transformuar nga nj\u00eb vend burim krize n\u00eb nj\u00eb burim stabiliteti duke u shp\u00ebrfaqur si nj\u00eb shtet model q\u00eb problemet e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs i zgjidh n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet dialogut dhe mir\u00ebkuptimit. Imazhi q\u00eb Kosova projektoi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarisht ishte ai i nj\u00eb vendi paqedash\u00ebs me sjellje t\u00eb pjekur e konstruktive q\u00eb synon fqinj\u00ebsin\u00eb e mir\u00eb. Dialogu solli ndryshime pozitive n\u00eb mbar\u00eb rajonin e sidomos duke leht\u00ebsuar Preshev\u00ebn nga tensioni nd\u00ebr-etnik t\u00eb m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm. Ai hoqi bllokad\u00ebn serbe nga an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi i Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb forume rajonale dhe tanim\u00eb jemi si pal\u00eb t\u00eb barabarta n\u00eb tryezat e s\u00eb paku 15 organizata rajonale me Serbin\u00eb si SEECP, RESPA, MARRI, WB6 etj.<\/span><\/p>\n

Duhet patur gjithashtu se dialogu i Kosov\u00ebs nuk lidhet vet\u00ebm me p\u00ebrfitimet q\u00eb vijn\u00eb n\u00eb forcimin e vendit, por edhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimin e pozit\u00ebs son\u00eb p\u00ebrkundrejt marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve q\u00eb kemi me Brukselin. Si shp\u00ebrblim p\u00ebr sjelljen konstruktive Kosova mori nj\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme nga aleat\u00ebt q\u00eb e leht\u00ebsojn\u00eb dhe mb\u00ebshtesin k\u00ebt\u00eb dialog duke mund\u00ebsuar n\u00ebnshkrimin e MSA-s\u00eb, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb kontrata e par\u00eb me BE-n\u00eb. Gjithashtu hym\u00eb n\u00eb lidhje zyrtare me NATO-n dhe siguruam mb\u00ebshtetjen e aleat\u00ebve tan\u00eb p\u00ebr t’u futur n\u00eb shum\u00eb organizata shum\u00ebpal\u00ebshe. Prej vitit t\u00eb kaluar me ndihm\u00ebn e tyre jemi an\u00ebtar\u00ebsuar n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn e P\u00ebrhershme t\u00eb Arbitrazhit, Konvent\u00ebn e Apostiles, Grupin Egmont, Byron\u00eb Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Ekspozitave, FIFA, UEFA etj.<\/span><\/p>\n

Prandaj kur vjen puna tek dialogu, ne nuk kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb vet\u00ebm me Serbin\u00eb por edhe me Brukselin dhe aleat\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se sjellja jon\u00eb p\u00ebrkundrejt dialogut ndikon tek marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia jon\u00eb me Brukselin. Brukseli ka interesin e vet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje – q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb mbyllja sa m\u00eb shpejt\u00eb e kapitullit t\u00eb konfliktit dhe vendosja e paqes s\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme. Duke u angazhuar seriozisht n\u00eb dialog Kosova d\u00ebshmohet si partner i besuesh\u00ebm n\u00eb konsolidimin e paqes, fqinj\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb mir\u00eb dhe stabilitetit n\u00eb Ballkan dhe p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb meritore p\u00ebr mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb m\u00ebtejshme. Duke mos marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb negociata nga inati i Serbis\u00eb, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb ironike ne e forcojm\u00eb pozicionin e serb\u00ebve p\u00ebrkundrejt per\u00ebndimor\u00ebve pasi i nxjerrim ata si konstruktiv nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ne dalim si destruktiv. N\u00eb syt\u00eb e Brukselit ata thon\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr dialog por shqiptar\u00ebt nuk pranojn\u00eb, prandaj kusht\u00ebzimi me kapitullin 35 \u00ebsht\u00eb i padrejt\u00eb e duhet hequr.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dialogu nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb fush\u00eb me lule dhe ka ende probleme. P\u00ebr shembull, Serbia ende nuk ka p\u00ebrmbushur obligimin e dal\u00eb prej Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Energjis\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund\u00ebsonte funksionalizimin e linj\u00ebs s\u00eb interkonjeksionit 400 kV mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb financuar nga Gjermania, por nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb ende n\u00eb pun\u00eb. P\u00ebrpos k\u00ebsaj nevojitet sjellje m\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjegjshme e Serbis\u00eb, ndaj marr\u00ebveshjes p\u00ebr diplomat, \u00e7ka po bllokon integrimin e shqiptar\u00ebve t\u00eb Lugin\u00ebs s\u00eb Preshev\u00ebs n\u00eb institucione shtet\u00ebrore, dhe paraqet pengesa edhe p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr Kosova ka obligimin e asociacionit t\u00eb komunave me shumic\u00eb serbe p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushur. Ka ende tema t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb do duan koh\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb trajtohen, si demarkacioni, \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e pensioneve, depozitat bankare e trash\u00ebgimia kulturore, deri sa t\u00eb shkohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb traktat final paqe mes dy shteteve. Dialogu me Beogradin do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb proces i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb dhe i nd\u00ebrlikuar, por kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb arsye p\u00ebr t\u00eb hequr dor\u00eb prej tij. Zgjidhja e problemeve t\u00eb kaluara, t\u00eb tashme apo t\u00eb ardhshme n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet negociatave t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira me pal\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb interesa tjera ndodh rregullisht n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare anemban\u00eb globit. Prandaj, dialogu me Serbin\u00eb as duhet marr\u00eb leht\u00eb dhe as nuk duhet dramatizuar me tone fataliste sikur t\u00eb ishte fundi i bot\u00ebs. I duhet dh\u00ebn\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia q\u00eb meriton por kurrsesi s\u2019duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoren tonet tragjike q\u00eb d\u00ebgjohen sot, sepse duhet kuptuar se nuk jemi as t\u00eb par\u00ebt dhe as t\u00eb fundit q\u00eb kalojm\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebsilloj procesesh t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb paqes n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet negociatave t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuara nga pal\u00eb t\u00eb treta. Dialogu dhe negociatat duhen par\u00eb si normalitet sepse jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb e natyrshme e t\u00eb qenit shtet.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Para pak dit\u00ebsh u mbush\u00ebn kat\u00ebr vjet nga n\u00ebnshkrimi i Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Brukselit nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetja publike p\u00ebr dialogun \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb nivelin m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt q\u00eb ka pasur ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Dialogu me Beogradin n\u00eb Bruksel gjithmon\u00eb ka pasur kund\u00ebrshtar\u00eb, mir\u00ebpo klima e tensionuar prej provokimeve serbe gjat\u00eb fillimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti b\u00ebri q\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtimet […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":373,"featured_media":10235,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1813,998,12],"ppma_author":[367],"class_list":["post-3542","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-marreveshja-me-brukselin","tag-politike","tag-serbia"],"authors":[{"term_id":367,"user_id":373,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adri-nurellari","display_name":"Adri Nurellari","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Nurellari","first_name":"Adri","description":"Adri Nurellari \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, k\u00ebshilltar dhe kolumnist i angazhuar kryesisht n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs dhe medias. Ai ka vijuar studimet universitare n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe ato pasuniversitare n\u00eb Cambridge, London School of Economics dhe University College London. Adri \u00ebsht\u00eb ish-k\u00ebshilltar i kryeministrit Sali Berisha dhe ish-sekretar i PDIU-s\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ka punuar si pedagog n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb. Ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar si analist dhe konsulent nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb prej vitit 2013 punon si k\u00ebshilltar i Hashim Tha\u00e7it."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3542","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/373"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3542"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3542\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10236,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3542\/revisions\/10236"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10235"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3542"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3542"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3542"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3542"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}