{"id":3723,"date":"2017-10-31T15:50:55","date_gmt":"2017-10-31T13:50:55","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3723"},"modified":"2024-12-10T14:42:34","modified_gmt":"2024-12-10T12:42:34","slug":"shoqeri-te-mosbesimit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/shoqeri-te-mosbesimit\/","title":{"rendered":"Shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb mosbesimit"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Sondazhi Shoq\u00ebror Evropian (European Social Survey \u2013 ESS<\/a>) \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga sondazhet m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha q\u00eb organizohen n\u00eb kontinentin evropian. Sondazhi zhvillohet periodikisht n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e shteteve evropiane dhe n\u00eb Izrael dhe p\u00ebrfshin aspekte t\u00eb shumta t\u00eb jet\u00ebs shoq\u00ebrore e politike t\u00eb evropian\u00ebve.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Kemi fatin q\u00eb vala e ESS-s\u00eb p\u00ebr vitin 2012 p\u00ebrfshiu Kosov\u00ebn dhe Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb. Nga ESS-ja mund t\u00eb m\u00ebsojm\u00eb p\u00ebr aspekte t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb opinioneve shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb shtetet shqiptare. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, p\u00ebr shkak se kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb sondazh mbarevropian, t\u00eb gjitha rezultatet mund t’i shohim n\u00eb plan krahasues. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb seri planifikoj q\u00eb koh\u00eb pas kohe t\u00eb eksploroj aspekte t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb opinioneve q\u00eb dalin nga ESS-ja.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr sot do ta shikojm\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e mir\u00ebbesimit.\u00a0Studimet e ndryshme<\/a>\u00a0e nxjerrin mir\u00ebbesimin (trust<\/em>) midis qytetar\u00ebve me nj\u00eb korrelacion t\u00eb lart\u00eb me indikator\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb shoq\u00ebror\u00eb, ekonomik\u00eb e institucional\u00eb, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb q\u00eb nga efektiviteti i institucioneve, cil\u00ebsia e demokracis\u00eb, e deri te mir\u00ebqenia ekonomike dhe zem\u00ebrgjer\u00ebsia e programeve sociale. Nd\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00ebt q\u00eb ngriti \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e mir\u00ebbesimit n\u00eb agjend\u00ebn e shkencave shoq\u00ebrore ishte Robert Putnam me studimin e tij\u00a0Making Democracy Work<\/a>\u00a0(1993). N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb studim, Putnam e lidhi \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e besimit me at\u00eb q\u00eb e mbiquajti kapital shoq\u00ebror (social capital<\/em>). P\u00ebr Putnam-in, kapitali shoq\u00ebror ishte nj\u00eb “kapital” i papreksh\u00ebm q\u00eb shprehej n\u00eb form\u00ebn e lidhjeve qytetare (civic) n\u00eb mes t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve p\u00ebrmes organizimit asocional. Sipas Putnam-it, shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb me dend\u00ebsi m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe asocionale: aty ky qytetar\u00ebt ishin an\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb klubeve, shoqatave dhe organizimeve t\u00eb tjera me karakter qytetar (civic), mir\u00ebbesimi nd\u00ebrqytetar ishte m\u00eb i lart\u00eb, ndaj edhe demokracia dhe shteti ishin m\u00eb efektiv. Putnam k\u00ebt\u00eb e demonstroi me rastin e Italis\u00eb, ku jeta shoq\u00ebrore asocionale m\u00eb e pasur n\u00eb veri t\u00eb vendit prodhonte nj\u00eb qytetari m\u00eb aktive dhe nj\u00eb demokraci m\u00eb funksionale se n\u00eb jug, ku qytetar\u00ebt ishin m\u00eb pak t\u00eb organizuar n\u00eb linja qytetare dhe si pasoj\u00eb kishin m\u00eb pak besim n\u00eb nj\u00ebri-tjetrin dhe n\u00eb institucione publike.<\/span><\/p>\n

S\u00eb fundi, \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e mir\u00ebbesimit e ka marr\u00eb si qendrore epidemiologu Richard Wilkinson, i cili \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e mir\u00ebbesimit e lidh me pabarazin\u00eb ekonomike. Ai argumenton se pabarazia \u00ebsht\u00eb shkak i reduktimit t\u00eb mir\u00ebbesimit n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri, nd\u00ebr efektet tjera negative q\u00eb i krijon p\u00ebr shumic\u00ebn e pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. Grafiku i m\u00ebposht\u00ebm i cili shfaq korrelacionin midis variabl\u00ebs s\u00eb mir\u00ebbesimit dhe pabarazis\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhura \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb posht\u00eb. K\u00ebto t\u00eb dh\u00ebna njerrin nj\u00eb pasqyr\u00eb tashm\u00eb t\u00eb njohura n\u00eb nivel t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb avancuara kapitaliste e demokratike, t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrive me “mir\u00ebbesim t\u00eb lart\u00eb” (high trust<\/em>), q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin shtetet nordike, me vendet me “mir\u00ebbesim t\u00eb ul\u00ebt” (low trust<\/em>), q\u00eb jan\u00eb kryesisht ato t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs jugore. Vendet kontinentale, ish-britanike, SHBA-t\u00eb dhe Japonia bien diku n\u00eb mes.<\/span><\/p>\n

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Sondazhet tregojn\u00eb se kryesisht, shkalla e mir\u00ebbesimit bie duksh\u00ebm p\u00ebr vendet n\u00eb zhvillim. N\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs dhe Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, ESS e d\u00ebshmon k\u00ebt\u00eb bindsh\u00ebm. N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, 49% t\u00eb respondent\u00ebve shprehen negativisht p\u00ebr besimin ndaj t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve. N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, ky nivel arrin n\u00eb 60%. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, m\u00eb pak se 15% e respondent\u00ebve shprehen se kan\u00eb besim tek t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt.<\/span><\/p>\n

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Se k\u00ebto nivele jan\u00eb nd\u00ebr m\u00eb t\u00eb ultat n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb tregon grafiku m\u00eb posht\u00eb, i cili liston shtetet dhe kategorit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebrbrenda tyre. Shqip\u00ebria nxen vendin e par\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb p\u00ebr nga nivelet e mosbesimit. Si\u00e7 pritet, ajo dhe Kosova jan\u00eb n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri me shtetet e Evrop\u00ebs jugore dhe t\u00eb tjera ish-komuniste: Portugalia, Qiproja, Bullgaria, Sllovakia, Rusia dhe Ukraina. Interesant \u00ebsht\u00eb se edhe shtetet baltike, Estonia dhe Letonia, q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje se shtetet tjera t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs lindore dhe jugore.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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\u00c7far\u00eb interpretimi mund t’i japim k\u00ebsaj? Natyrisht, intepretimet varen si nga korniza interpretuese, ashtu dhe nga ajo se si e trajtojm\u00eb mir\u00ebbesimin si variab\u00ebl, nj\u00eb faktor p\u00ebrcaktues, apo pasoj\u00eb e rregullimeve tjera institucionale. Aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr kur mir\u00ebbesimi matet p\u00ebrmes metod\u00ebs deklarative t\u00eb sondazhit.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

Putnam do t\u00eb thoshte se mosbesimi \u00ebsht\u00eb shenj\u00eb se k\u00ebto shoq\u00ebri vuajn\u00eb nga mungesa e lidhjeve qytetare, \u00e7far\u00eb rezulton n\u00eb demokraci t\u00eb brisht\u00eb dhe shtete jo-efektive. T\u00eb tjer\u00eb, si p.sh.\u00a0Charles Tilly<\/a>, mir\u00ebbesimin nuk e konsideron si shkak por pasoj\u00eb t\u00eb proceseve historike shoq\u00ebrore e institucionale t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb autoriteteve publike. P\u00ebrvojat historike me shtete autoritare e struktura shoq\u00ebrore represive b\u00ebjn\u00eb q\u00eb besimi n\u00eb autoritete publike dhe n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie private t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb i ul\u00ebt.<\/span><\/p>\n

Autor\u00eb q\u00eb ndjekin k\u00ebt\u00eb linj\u00eb p.sh. argumentojn\u00eb se mir\u00ebbesimi i ul\u00ebt shoq\u00ebror n\u00eb shtetet e Evrop\u00ebs lindore \u00ebsht\u00eb rezultat i natyr\u00ebs s\u00eb ish-regjimit. I bazuar n\u00eb represion politik p\u00ebrmes policive sekrete, ai shpesh mobilizonte lidhjet shoq\u00ebrore p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime spiunimi. N\u00eb k\u00ebto shoq\u00ebri, vet\u00ebmbrojtja detyronte q\u00eb dyshimi ndaj motiveve t\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve t\u00eb ishte gjithmon\u00eb i lart\u00eb. Autoritarizmi i regjimeve komuniste gjithashtu parandaloi zhvillimin e kapitalit shoq\u00ebror t\u00eb form\u00ebs s\u00eb Putnamit, sepse n\u00eb k\u00ebto regjime ndaloheshin organizimet shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb pavarura. Pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb komunizmit, futja e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb tregut, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb korrupsionin e lart\u00eb, b\u00ebri pak q\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb kjo situat\u00eb. Ndon\u00ebse nj\u00eb intepretim i till\u00eb mund t\u00eb vlej\u00eb p\u00ebr shumic\u00ebn e vendeve ish-komuniste, ajo vihet n\u00eb sprov\u00eb nga shtetet baltike, ku e kaluara e sundimit sovjetik nuk duket t\u00eb ket\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb shenja t\u00eb thella n\u00eb nivelet e mir\u00ebbesimit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Tilly preferon q\u00eb mir\u00ebbesimi t\u00eb mos merret si nj\u00eb variab\u00ebl e p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsuar, e shprehur n\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrimi deklarativ (attitude<\/em>), por e v\u00ebshtruar n\u00eb format e nd\u00ebrveprimit shoq\u00ebror. Prandaj Tilly preferon q\u00eb n\u00eb vend t\u00eb mir\u00ebbesimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsuar t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr rrjete t\u00eb mir\u00ebbesimit (trust networks<\/em>). N\u00eb rrjete t\u00eb mir\u00ebbesimit, besimi n\u00ebnkupton gatishm\u00ebrin\u00eb q\u00eb nj\u00ebri\/a t’ia besoj\u00eb tjetrit\/\u00ebs t\u00eb mirat, pasurin\u00eb, sh\u00ebndetin, fatin e vet apo t\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebve t\u00eb saj\/tij ndaj riskut t\u00eb keqp\u00ebrdorimit. Rrjetet e mir\u00ebbesimit mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb shum\u00ebllojshme dhe t\u00eb bazohen mbi lidhje familjare, etnike, fetare, komunitare, profesionale, regjionale etj.<\/span><\/p>\n

Tilly thot\u00eb se regjimet dallojn\u00eb p\u00ebr nga m\u00ebnyra se si historikisht i kan\u00eb integruar rrjetet e mir\u00ebbesimit, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb struktur\u00eb dhe funksion t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm. P.sh., n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri ku mir\u00ebbesimi n\u00eb institucione publike \u00ebsht\u00eb i ul\u00ebt, rrjetet e mir\u00ebbesimit mund t\u00eb funksionojn\u00eb p\u00ebrmes lidhjeve familjare ose t\u00eb patronazhit. P.sh.,\u00a0n\u00eb nj\u00eb regjim klientelist<\/a>, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se mungon mir\u00ebbesimi n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi, por se lidhjet e mir\u00ebbesimit funksionojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mirat materiale e simbolike n\u00ebn kontroll t\u00eb pushtetit politik t’i shp\u00ebrndahen njer\u00ebzve brenda rrjeteve ku mir\u00ebbesimi midis pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve funksionon si mekaniz\u00ebm p\u00ebrjashtimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, si\u00e7 funksionon p.sh. nj\u00eb klik\u00eb ose taraf.\u00a0E dim\u00eb q\u00eb rrjetet korruptive shpesh funksionojn\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb<\/a>. Brenda rrjeteve korruptive mir\u00ebbesimi midis pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve duhet medoemos t\u00eb jet\u00eb i lart\u00eb, por ai \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb q\u00ebllimeve perverse.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, Tilly puqet me Putnam n\u00eb iden\u00eb se nj\u00eb demokraci nuk mund t\u00eb funksioj\u00eb pa nj\u00eb integrim t\u00eb pjessh\u00ebm t\u00eb rrjeteve t\u00eb mir\u00ebbesimit n\u00eb zhvillimin e politikave publike dhe n\u00eb mir\u00ebbesimin e qytetar\u00ebve se pushteti \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb nj\u00eb interesi publik. N\u00eb shoq\u00ebri ku rrjetet e mir\u00ebbesimit jan\u00eb t\u00eb organizuara n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me synimet e autoriteteve publike, k\u00ebto t\u00eb fundit gjithmon\u00eb do t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb pak legjitime e m\u00eb pak efektive.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dosido, fakti q\u00eb mir\u00ebbesimi nd\u00ebrqytetar \u00ebsht\u00eb kaq i ul\u00ebt n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb shqiptare nuk mund t\u00eb merret si indikator i mir\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Sondazhi Shoq\u00ebror Evropian (European Social Survey \u2013 ESS) \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga sondazhet m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha q\u00eb organizohen n\u00eb kontinentin evropian. Sondazhi zhvillohet periodikisht n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e shteteve evropiane dhe n\u00eb Izrael dhe p\u00ebrfshin aspekte t\u00eb shumta t\u00eb jet\u00ebs shoq\u00ebrore e politike t\u00eb evropian\u00ebve. Kemi fatin q\u00eb vala e ESS-s\u00eb p\u00ebr vitin 2012 p\u00ebrfshiu Kosov\u00ebn dhe […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":49,"featured_media":10688,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[664],"ppma_author":[59],"class_list":["post-3723","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kosovo"],"authors":[{"term_id":59,"user_id":49,"is_guest":0,"slug":"besnik-pula","display_name":"Besnik Pula","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1516241920287.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1516241920287.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Pula","first_name":"Besnik","description":"Besnik Pula specializon n\u00eb Ekonomi Politike dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb profesor-asistent n\u00eb Departamentin e Shkenc\u00ebs Politike n\u00eb Universitetin Virginia Tech n\u00eb ShBA. Besniku ka doktoruar n\u00eb Sociologji n\u00eb Universitetin e Mi\u00e7igenit. Shkruan kryesisht p\u00ebr politikat zhvillimore, \u00e7\u00ebshtjet sociale dhe ekonomike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3723","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/49"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3723"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3723\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10845,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3723\/revisions\/10845"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10688"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3723"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3723"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3723"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3723"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}