{"id":3881,"date":"2019-05-31T10:04:07","date_gmt":"2019-05-31T08:04:07","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3881"},"modified":"2024-10-17T10:39:08","modified_gmt":"2024-10-17T08:39:08","slug":"aktet-e-helsinkit-opinionet-e-badinterit-dhe-kufijt","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/opinion\/aktet-e-helsinkit-opinionet-e-badinterit-dhe-kufijt\/","title":{"rendered":"Aktet e Helsinkit, opinionet e Badinterit dhe kufijt?"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Aktet e Helsinkit, opinionet e Badinterit dhe kufijt?<\/h3>\n<\/div>\n
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Jan\u00eb dy argumente kryesore me t\u00eb cilat shtetet mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebse t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs justifikuan shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj nga Serbia. I pari \u00ebsht\u00eb argumenti se nuk ishte e mundur m\u00eb q\u00eb Kosova t\u00eb akomodohej dhe riintegrohej brenda Serbis\u00eb. Argumenti i dyt\u00eb bazohej n\u00eb pohimin se Kosova ishte nj\u00eb rast\u00a0sui generis.<\/em><\/p>\n

Argumenti i dyt\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb menaxhuar kaosin potencial q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb \u00e7lironte pavar\u00ebsia e Kosov\u00ebs. Sipas k\u00ebtij argumenti rasti i Kosov\u00ebs ishte unik n\u00eb politik\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe si i till\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb aplikohej n\u00eb t\u00eb tjera situata. Si pasoj\u00eb, rajone dhe popuj t\u00eb tjer\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb nuk mund t\u2019i arsyetojn\u00eb ambiciet e tyre p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsi duke u bazuar n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, jan\u00eb kat\u00ebr argumente ky\u00e7e n\u00eb narrativ\u00ebn e mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsve t\u00eb ides\u00eb se Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb rast\u00a0sui generis<\/em>. I pari \u00ebsht\u00eb statusi autonom q\u00eb Kosova e kishte n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb ish-Jugosllavis\u00eb. I dyti \u00ebsht\u00eb shkelja e r\u00ebnd\u00eb e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut q\u00eb Serbia dhe ish-Jugosllavia u shkaktuan kosovar\u00ebve. I treti \u00ebsht\u00eb periudha e administrimit t\u00eb UNMIK-ut. I kat\u00ebrti dhe i fundit nga argumentet dominante \u00ebsht\u00eb se p\u00ebrmbajtja e Rezolut\u00ebs 1244 nuk e p\u00ebrjashtonte pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb nga skenaret p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e statusit final t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Kjo rr\u00ebfenj\u00eb p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb kontestuar vazhdimisht nga kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt q\u00eb procesin e shk\u00ebputjes s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs nga Serbia e shohin si precedent t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm q\u00eb mund t\u00eb shkaktoj\u00eb shum\u00eb konflikte n\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb bot\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

ShBA-t\u00eb dhe vendet kryesore t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb mbrojt\u00ebn iden\u00eb se Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rast unik me t\u00eb cilin nuk mund t\u00eb barazohet asnj\u00eb rajon apo popull n\u00eb bot\u00eb. 5 vendet e BE-s\u00eb: Spanja, Greqia, Rumania, Sllovakia dhe Qipro e shohin Kosov\u00ebn si precedent q\u00eb mund t\u2019ua rrit\u00eb ambiciet secesioniste rajoneve t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb k\u00ebto vende.<\/p>\n

\u00c7\u00ebshtja e precedentit t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm po p\u00ebrmendet edhe n\u00eb debatin q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ngjallur rreth ndryshimit t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm t\u00eb kufijve mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje mes tyre.\u00a0\u00a0Ashtu sikur p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs, nuk ka konsensus as rreth ideve p\u00ebr ndryshim t\u00eb kufijve.<\/p>\n

Madje, k\u00ebsaj radhe kund\u00ebrshtit\u00eb jan\u00eb bartur brenda shteteve q\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb nj\u00ebz\u00ebri pro pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb. P\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit e k\u00ebsaj ideje besojn\u00eb se nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje e till\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb precedent negativ p\u00ebr vendet e rajonit, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt thon\u00eb se ndryshimi i kufijve \u00ebsht\u00eb i rreziksh\u00ebm dhe mund ta destabilizoj\u00eb gjith\u00eb rajonin.<\/p>\n

Ashtu sikur pavar\u00ebsia e Kosov\u00ebs, as marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebr ndryshimin e kufijve nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb precedent. \u00cbsht\u00eb\u00a0sui generis\u00a0<\/em>sikur marr\u00ebveshja. Por n\u00ebse domosdoshm\u00ebrisht \u00ebsht\u00eb precedent, at\u00ebher\u00eb kjo marr\u00ebveshje mes dy vendeve, n\u00ebse arrihet, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb precedent pozitiv q\u00eb potencialisht do t\u2019i jepte fund praktik\u00ebs s\u00eb ndryshimit t\u00eb kufijve vet\u00ebm n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet luft\u00ebrave dhe nj\u00ebansh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Deri m\u00eb tani kufijt\u00eb jan\u00eb ndryshuar p\u00ebrmes agresionit, konfliktit dhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb unilaterale. Ndryshimi i kufijve p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje q\u00eb ratifikohet n\u00eb dy kuvendet e shteteve dhe merr legjitimitet demokratik brenda tyre do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte nj\u00eb shk\u00ebputje nga kjo paradigm\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Madje n\u00ebse shikohet m\u00eb thell\u00eb, ideja p\u00ebr ndryshimin e kufijve nuk del p\u00ebrtej kornizave q\u00eb kan\u00eb rregulluar m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e t\u00eb menduarit mbi kufijt\u00eb dhe organizimin e tyre. Aktet e Helsinkit, nj\u00eb nga ngjarjet e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme rreth qasjes mbi kufijt\u00eb, nuk parandalojn\u00eb ndryshimin e kufijve n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb paq\u00ebsore.<\/p>\n

Diplomati i njohur britanik Robert Cooper, s\u00eb fundmi, e p\u00ebrmendi k\u00ebt\u00eb fakt dhe konstatoi se Akordet e Helsinkit lejojn\u00eb ndryshimin e kufijve me marr\u00ebveshje n\u00ebse respektohet ligji nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Pika e tret\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre akordeve u referohet direkt kufijve dhe siguron se \u201ckufijt\u00eb nuk duhet t\u00eb dhunohen\u201d. Pika e pest\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb kontestet duhet t\u00eb zgjidhen vet\u00ebm n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb paq\u00ebsore. Askund nuk ndalohet ndryshimi i kufijve n\u00eb vete. N\u00eb terma ligjor\u00eb, ajo q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e ndaluar, \u00ebsht\u00eb e lejuar.<\/p>\n

Marr\u00ebveshja potenciale mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte precedent p\u00ebr shtetet q\u00eb duan t\u2019i ndryshojn\u00eb kufijt\u00eb me marr\u00ebveshje paq\u00ebsore e demokratike dhe p\u00ebrmes respektimit t\u00eb ligjit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, e jo p\u00ebr l\u00ebvizjet e rajonet me aspirata separatiste q\u00eb duan t\u2019i l\u00ebvizin kufijt\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebanshme, t\u00eb dhunshme dhe kund\u00ebr ligjit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

E nj\u00ebjta vlen edhe p\u00ebr opinionet e Komisionit t\u00eb Badinterit q\u00eb ishte mbledhur p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur dilemat rreth shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes s\u00eb ish-Jugosllavis\u00eb. Komisioni n\u00eb opinionin e tret\u00eb q\u00eb adreson \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e kufijve p\u00ebr vendet e ish-Jugosllavis\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb kufijt\u00eb mund t\u00eb ndryshohen n\u00ebse republikat pajtohen p\u00ebr nj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto jan\u00eb fakte t\u00eb ligjit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe jan\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur nga Komisioni i Badinterit p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e kufijve t\u00eb shteteve q\u00eb po formoheshin nga shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrja e Jugosllavis\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, ndryshimi i kufijve n\u00eb vete nuk ka qen\u00eb problemi. \u00cbsht\u00eb ndryshimi i dhunsh\u00ebm dhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebanshme dhe njohja e tyre e m\u00ebpastajme ajo q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebn rrezik p\u00ebr stabilitetin rajonal dhe kontinental.<\/p>\n

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\u00cbsht\u00eb e kuptueshme q\u00eb ajo e cila lejohet legalisht nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrisht e rekomandueshme politikisht, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pasojave q\u00eb mund t\u00eb prodhohen n\u00eb terren. Mir\u00ebpo meqen\u00ebse rrethanat politike ndryshojn\u00eb, ndodh q\u00eb konventat ta humbin taktin dhe t\u00eb mos arrijn\u00eb ta mbajn\u00eb hapin me dinamikat e realitetit politik.<\/p>\n

Aktet e Helsinkit n\u00eb prapavij\u00eb kan\u00eb pasur nj\u00eb sistem bipolar nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb tejkaluar me r\u00ebnien e Bashkimit Sovjetik. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, as opinionet e Badinterit nuk rezonojn\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht me rrethanor\u00ebt e sot\u00ebm. Ato opinione jan\u00eb artikuluar n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur ish-Jugosllavia ishte n\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrje e sip\u00ebr, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb tashm\u00eb Jugosllavia nuk ekziston m\u00eb. Madje, po t\u2019u q\u00ebndronim besnik\u00eb opinioneve t\u00eb Badinterit, Kosova nuk do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb shpallte pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj. Vet\u00eb ekzistenca e Kosov\u00ebs si shtet i pavarur, \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshmi se opinionet e Badinterit nuk jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb vjetra, por edhe t\u00eb vjetruara.<\/p>\n

Pra jemi n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst post-jugosllav ku matrica q\u00eb rregulloi dekompozimin e ish-entitetit jugosllav nuk mund ta p\u00ebrmbajtjesoj\u00eb horizontin e tanish\u00ebm. Standardet q\u00eb organizonin rendin politik n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb jan\u00eb pothuajse t\u00eb skaduara. Ato sot sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb si resurse konceptuale n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat mund t\u00eb grimcohet p\u00ebr t\u00eb justifikuar procese t\u00eb sotme sesa si ide koherente.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb artikull u n\u00ebnvizuan konventa t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar se ato nuk jan\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm potente p\u00ebr t\u2019u imponuar si korniza konceptuale p\u00ebr t\u00eb artikuluar sfidat aktuale. Andaj derisa duhet t\u00eb referohemi n\u00eb to \u00ebsht\u00eb poashtu e domosdoshme t\u00eb dilet p\u00ebrtej tyre n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb zgjidhje kreative p\u00ebr problemet me t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrballemi.<\/p>\n

Kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb marr\u00ebveshja duhet t\u00eb arrihet dosido n\u00eb k\u00ebto linja, por q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr fleksibilitet p\u00ebrball\u00eb propozimeve t\u00eb reja dhe m\u00eb pak dogmatiz\u00ebm n\u00eb raport me idet\u00eb e pap\u00ebrdit\u00ebsuara. Vet\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb debat racional rreth k\u00ebsaj \u00e7\u00ebshtjeje jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Aktet e Helsinkit, opinionet e Badinterit dhe kufijt? Jan\u00eb dy argumente kryesore me t\u00eb cilat shtetet mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebse t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs justifikuan shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj nga Serbia. I pari \u00ebsht\u00eb argumenti se nuk ishte e mundur m\u00eb q\u00eb Kosova t\u00eb akomodohej dhe riintegrohej brenda Serbis\u00eb. Argumenti i dyt\u00eb bazohej n\u00eb pohimin se Kosova […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":415,"featured_media":8392,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[664],"ppma_author":[778],"class_list":["post-3881","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-kosovo"],"authors":[{"term_id":778,"user_id":415,"is_guest":0,"slug":"shkodran-ramadani","display_name":"Shkodran Ramadani","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/shkodran-e1729253403162.jpeg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/shkodran-e1729253403162.jpeg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ramadani","first_name":"Shkodran","description":"Shkodran Ramadani \u00ebsht\u00eb hulumtues n\u00eb Institutin \u201cCompass\u201d n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb. Ai ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet Bachelor n\u00eb Shkenca Politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb dhe studimet Master n\u00eb Sociologji n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Shkodrani \u00ebsht\u00eb aktiv n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e hulumtimeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb tranzicionale, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, populizmit, sekularizmit, demokracis\u00eb konsociacionale dhe autonomis\u00eb."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3881","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/415"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3881"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3881\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8464,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3881\/revisions\/8464"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8392"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3881"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3881"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3881"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3881"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}