{"id":3925,"date":"2019-11-22T14:26:50","date_gmt":"2019-11-22T12:26:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3925"},"modified":"2024-11-14T14:28:39","modified_gmt":"2024-11-14T12:28:39","slug":"reforma-kushtetuese-e-munguar-si-peng-qe-trashegojme-prej-legjislatures-se-kaluar","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/reforma-kushtetuese-e-munguar-si-peng-qe-trashegojme-prej-legjislatures-se-kaluar\/","title":{"rendered":"Reforma Kushtetuese e munguar si peng q\u00eb trash\u00ebgojm\u00eb prej legjislatur\u00ebs s\u00eb kaluar"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Zvarritja e procesit zgjedhor sivjet dhe problemet e shumta q\u00eb kan\u00eb \u00e7uar n\u00eb rinum\u00ebrim d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb se reforma zgjedhore \u00ebsht\u00eb goxha e vonuar. S\u00ebrish Kosova u fut n\u00eb zgjedhje me sistemin e m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm pavar\u00ebsisht se p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrmendur ideja e nj\u00eb reforme elektorale por pa ndonj\u00eb epilog t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj teme. Vendimet e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese t\u00eb kontenstuara nga pal\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme e b\u00ebjn\u00eb akoma m\u00eb delikate e t\u00eb koklavitur \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e sistemit ton\u00eb zgjedhor dhe p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb nevojshme riparimin e sistemit aktual me nj\u00eb reform\u00eb cil\u00ebsore rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsore kushtetuese. Me sa duket konjuktura institucionale dhe ligjore e sistemit politik kosovar t\u00eb viteve t\u00eb para t\u00eb liris\u00eb nuk duket e p\u00ebrshtatshme dy dekada m\u00eb pas kur ka filluar t\u00eb konsolidohet demokracia. Zhvillimet e vrullshme politike t\u00eb muajve t\u00eb fundit si dhe debati shterp\u00eb mbi taks\u00ebn dhe mosvazhdimin e dialogut q\u00eb mbizot\u00ebroi p\u00ebr muaj me radh\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike n\u00eb vend, kan\u00eb eklipsuar disa tema t\u00eb m\u00ebdha e t\u00eb nevojshme p\u00ebr vendin q\u00eb kan\u00eb koh\u00eb q\u00eb rrin\u00eb pezull prej shum\u00eb koh\u00ebsh.\u00a0 Idealja do t\u00eb ishte q\u00eb kjo reform\u00eb kushtetuese t\u00eb kishte synim t\u00eb trefisht\u00eb, jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb ndryshonte sistemin zgjedhor por edhe t\u00eb sqaronte e t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsonte baz\u00ebn ligjore q\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me funksionin e partive politike si dhe me rolin e qeverisjes.<\/p>\n

Reforma elektorale e b\u00ebr\u00eb mbi 12 vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb nuk ishte e dobishme por e ka deformuar sistemin politik dhe ka sjell\u00eb d\u00ebme t\u00eb shumta t\u00eb pallogaritshme. Po ashtu p\u00ebrvoja politike prej dy dekadash lirie e demokracie n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ka nxjerr\u00eb s\u00ebrish n\u00eb pah disa nevoja q\u00eb do duhet t\u00eb ishin p\u00ebrmbushur prej koh\u00ebsh. Kur b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr reform\u00ebn e gabuar t\u00eb kaluar duhet v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dukje se hapja e listave ka krijuar motive t\u00eb reja p\u00ebr t\u00eb nxitur korrupsionin e politik\u00ebs. N\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet hapjes s\u00eb listave \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebmtuar puna e legjislativit sepse deputet\u00ebt jan\u00eb t\u00eb detyruar q\u00eb t\u00eb kultivojn\u00eb nj\u00eb elektorat t\u00eb tyrin personal p\u00ebr t’u rizgjedhur her\u00ebs s\u00eb ardhshme. P\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb angazhohen n\u00eb klienteliz\u00ebm duke u p\u00ebrpjekur q\u00eb t\u00eb fusin njer\u00ebz n\u00eb pun\u00eb apo b\u00ebjn\u00eb ndere e favore. Po ashtu kandidat\u00ebt p\u00ebr deputet\u00eb kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb gjat\u00eb zgjedhjeve p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb fushat\u00eb personale q\u00eb ka kosto goxha t\u00eb madhe prandaj detyrohen q\u00eb personalisht t\u00eb b\u00ebhen borxhlinj tek biznesmen\u00ebt apo kriminel\u00ebt p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar financim duke e shp\u00ebrblyer k\u00ebt\u00eb sponsorizim n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb dyt\u00eb me favore politike. P\u00ebrpos k\u00ebsaj listat e hapura kan\u00eb shtyr\u00eb lider\u00ebt e partis\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb fusin kandidat\u00eb individ\u00eb q\u00eb s’kan\u00eb detyrimisht lidhje me partin\u00eb por kan\u00eb para p\u00ebr t\u00eb bler\u00eb vota apo autoritet n\u00eb terren p\u00ebr t\u00eb shantazhuar votuesit. S\u00eb fundmi listat e hapura ushqejn\u00eb akoma manipulimin elektoral i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb deri diku i zgjidhur p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket num\u00ebrimit t\u00eb votave mes listave zgjedhore, mir\u00ebpo \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb problematik p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket kandidat\u00ebve t\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs list\u00eb zgjedhore.<\/p>\n

Efekt degradues e d\u00ebmtues p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb e vendit ka pasur edhe vendosja e nj\u00eb pragu t\u00eb panatyrsh\u00ebm t\u00eb lart\u00eb elektoral n\u00eb 5%. Rreziku p\u00ebr t\u00eb ngelur jasht\u00eb parlamentit e Nism\u00ebs sivjet p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb moskalimit t\u00eb pragut t\u00eb ekzagjeruar \u00ebsht\u00eb qartazi nj\u00eb d\u00ebm i madh p\u00ebr pluralizmin dhe p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimin demokratik n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb mund t\u00eb thuhet p\u00ebr daljen nga loja politike t\u00eb Or\u00ebs dhe FER-it vite m\u00eb p\u00ebrpara t\u00eb cilat duke mos kaluar pragun e kan\u00eb varf\u00ebruar jet\u00ebn politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsia e kalimit t\u00eb pragut ka pasur nj\u00eb d\u00ebm t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm n\u00eb demokracin\u00eb e brendshme t\u00eb partive tradicionale. Mund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur nj\u00eb skizm\u00eb t\u00eb suksesshme \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr garantuesit e demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb brendshme tek partit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha. Fraksionet e ndryshme t\u00eb neglizhuara apo censuruara brenda partive e kan\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb presion ndaj lidershipit aktual t\u00eb partive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha sepse e din\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00ebse do dalin prej tyre e kan\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb q\u00eb kalon pragun. K\u00ebt\u00eb e kemi par\u00eb m\u00eb zhdukjen nga loja politike t\u00eb LDD-s\u00eb q\u00eb ishte dikur skizm\u00eb e LDK-s\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo m\u00eb keq akoma ky prag pamund\u00ebson pasurimin e ofert\u00ebs politike me iniciativa t\u00eb reja partiake sepse e shohin t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb kap\u00ebrcimin e pragut n\u00eb gar\u00ebn e par\u00eb. Prandaj shum\u00eb figura me potencial t\u00eb konsideruesh\u00ebm politik hezitojn\u00eb t\u00eb formojn\u00eb di\u00e7ka vet\u00eb nga e para por detyrohen t\u00eb ulin kok\u00ebn e t\u00eb vihen n\u00eb rresht t\u00eb partive ekzistuese.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr mang\u00ebsi q\u00eb po trash\u00ebgohet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb legjislatur\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb mungesa e nj\u00eb ligji t\u00eb qart\u00eb t\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebm p\u00ebr partit\u00eb politike. K\u00ebto organizata duke qen\u00eb shtyll\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme e demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb vendit dhe t\u00eb financuara nga parat\u00eb e taksapaguesve meritojn\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb nj\u00eb baz\u00eb ligjore m\u00eb t\u00eb sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb e t\u00eb holl\u00ebsishme. Pavar\u00ebsisht skepticizmit kolektiv q\u00eb mbizot\u00ebron sot p\u00ebr institucionet tradicionale t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb sikurse jan\u00eb partit\u00eb politike, roli i tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb i paz\u00ebvend\u00ebsuesh\u00ebm n\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike t\u00eb nj\u00eb vendit. Studiuesit e shkencave politike identifikojn\u00eb pak a shum\u00eb rolet n\u00eb vijim p\u00ebr partit\u00eb politike n\u00eb sistemin demokratik t\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi: ato sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb si instrumentet kryesore t\u00eb mobilizimit t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur pjes\u00ebmarrje politike; p\u00ebrmbledhin e sintetizojn\u00eb interesat, k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimet, bindjet e opinionet e qytetar\u00ebve duke i shnd\u00ebrruar ato n\u00eb politika e reforma; p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb mjetin kryesor ligjor organizativ me an\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb cilit zhvillohet gara politike dhe garantohet pluralizmi politik; jan\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr shkollat kryesore t\u00eb lidershipit politik duke fark\u00ebtuar breza aktivist\u00ebsh q\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb do t\u00eb marrin pozicione udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse dhe jan\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr kanalet kryesore t\u00eb presionit publik dhe transparenc\u00ebs n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet rolit llogarik\u00ebrkues q\u00eb kan\u00eb n\u00eb parlament apo fushat\u00eb zgjedhore.<\/p>\n

Me pak fjal\u00eb kan\u00eb role vendimtare p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb e p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye meritojn\u00eb shum\u00eb v\u00ebmendje e p\u00ebrkujdesje. Aktualisht veprimtaria e partive politike mbulohet ligj\u00ebrisht kryesisht n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet Ligjit pe\u0308r Financimin e Subjekteve Politike dhe atij p\u00ebr Zgjedhjet duke l\u00ebn\u00eb shum\u00eb boshll\u00ebqe e mang\u00ebsi. Partit\u00eb politike kosovare p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb nga vakuumi ligjor dhe nuk japin llogari e nuk ofrojn\u00eb transparenc\u00ebn q\u00eb duhet p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb brendshme, m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs s\u00eb funksionimit, m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs s\u00eb financimit dhe veprimeve politike q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu p\u00ebr shembull gjat\u00eb periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb tensionit t\u00eb viteve 2015-17 dhe sidomos pas gjetjes s\u00eb mjeteve t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs e arm\u00ebve t\u00eb ftohta n\u00eb selin\u00eb qendrore t\u00eb L\u00ebvizjes Vet\u00ebvendosje, u ngrit\u00ebn pik\u00ebpyetje n\u00ebse do duhej apo jo t\u00eb \u00e7regjistrohej kjo organizat\u00eb politike. N\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera demokratike dhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje edhe me rekomandimet e Komisionit t\u00eb Venecias s\u00eb K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs ka pasur raste t\u00eb ngjashme t\u00eb partive sikurse ishin Herri Batasuna p\u00ebr p\u00ebrkrahjen q\u00eb i b\u00ebnte ETA-s n\u00eb Spanj\u00eb apo Agimi i Art\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrdorimin e dhun\u00ebs, gjuh\u00ebs s\u00eb urrejtjes dhe grupeve paramilitare p\u00ebr q\u00ebllimet e veta politike. Mir\u00ebpo n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb ligji konkret p\u00ebr partit\u00eb politike kjo \u00e7\u00ebshtje nuk mund t\u00eb trajtohej dhe realiteti juridik nuk mund t\u00eb krahasohej me vendet e tjera demokratike.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr defekt i sistemit ton\u00eb politik q\u00eb meriton t\u00eb reformohet ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me fuqit\u00eb e tepruara institucionale t\u00eb kryeministrit. Kryeministri i Kosov\u00ebs si askund tjet\u00ebr mund ta heq\u00eb apo em\u00ebroj\u00eb nj\u00eb minist\u00ebr t\u00eb kabinetit qeveritar pa patur nevoj\u00eb as p\u00ebr dekret t\u00eb presidentit dhe as p\u00ebr votim t\u00eb parlamentit. K\u00ebtu duhet shtuar se nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr deformimi nga sistemi tipik parlamentar i westminster-it q\u00eb kemi ne \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe detyrimi q\u00eb ministrat t\u00eb heq\u00eb dor\u00eb nga mandati parlamentar p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin jan\u00eb votuar. Kjo gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb absurde n\u00eb vetvete sepse n\u00eb nj\u00eb rast hipotetik brenda nj\u00eb legjislature mund t\u00eb formohen 3-4 qeveri nj\u00ebra pas tjetr\u00ebs dhe i bie q\u00eb parlamenti t\u00eb humbas\u00eb legjitimitetin sepse njer\u00ebzit m\u00eb t\u00eb votuar do ngeleshin jasht\u00eb tij. Ose n\u00eb nj\u00eb rast tjet\u00ebr hipotetik kryeministri em\u00ebron minist\u00ebr nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr njer\u00ebzit m\u00eb t\u00eb votuar n\u00eb parlament dhe menj\u00ebher\u00eb pasi ky heq dor\u00eb nga mandati i deputetit dhe z\u00ebvend\u00ebsohet, kryeministri e shkarkon (pa patur nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr dekret presidencial apo vot\u00eb parlamentare) duke e l\u00ebn\u00eb jasht\u00eb parlamentit p\u00ebr gjith\u00eb legjislatur\u00ebn. Prandaj kjo ndarje artificiale e sforcuar mes postit ekzekutiv dhe mandatit t\u00eb votuar t\u00eb deputetit do duhej t\u00eb eleminohej.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket forc\u00ebs s\u00eb pozit\u00ebs s\u00eb kryeministrit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb duhet rishikuar \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe mocioni i vot\u00ebbesimit. N\u00eb sistemet demokratike dyshimi q\u00ebndron tek qeveria, pra tek ajo bie barra e prov\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebshmoj\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb duke qeverisur me legjitimitet sa her\u00eb q\u00eb sfidohet opozita. Ndryshe nga k\u00ebto demokraci tradicionale, n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb i duhet opozit\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebshmoj\u00eb se ka shumic\u00eb alternative ose s\u00eb paku 61 deputet\u00eb n\u00eb kuvend p\u00ebr t\u00eb rr\u00ebzuar qeverin\u00eb gj\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shpesh pothuaj e pamundshme duke patur parasysh p\u00ebrfshirjen e pashmangshme n\u00eb qeverisje t\u00eb 20 deputet\u00ebve t\u00eb pakicave. P\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e leht\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebr vite me radh\u00eb t\u00eb qeverisemi nga pakica gj\u00eb q\u00eb bie ndesh me parimet baz\u00eb t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb fundmi n\u00ebse do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej nj\u00eb reform\u00eb, do duhej t\u00eb mbahej parasysh nevoja a minimizimit t\u00eb fragmentimit politik dhe t\u00eb krijimit t\u00eb mazhorancave solide n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb pas zgjedhjeve t\u00eb b\u00ebhej nj\u00eb ndarje sa m\u00eb e qart\u00eb mes fituesit dhe humb\u00ebsit, dhe partit\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar t\u00eb mund t\u00eb penalizoheshin nga votuesit sikurse ato q\u00eb kan\u00eb pasur sukses t\u00eb mund t\u00eb shp\u00ebrbleheshin. Aktualisht p\u00ebrve\u00e7 Hashim Tha\u00e7it, asnj\u00ebher\u00eb deri m\u00eb tani nuk ka pasur nj\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr t\u00eb votuar drejtp\u00ebrdrejt nga populli, por vet\u00ebm produkte t\u00eb tryezave t\u00eb negociimit. LDK-ja nuk ka fituar asnj\u00eb pal\u00eb zgjedhje prej vitit 2004 por gjithsesi ka qen\u00eb dy her\u00eb n\u00eb qeverisje, nj\u00ebher\u00eb ka pasur kryeministrin e po pret t\u00eb futet s\u00ebrish p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb tret\u00eb n\u00eb qeverisje edhe pse \u00ebsht\u00eb humb\u00ebse. Po ashtu votuesi e ka t\u00eb pamundur q\u00eb t\u00eb penalizoj\u00eb partit\u00eb e vogla p\u00ebr abuzime, gabime apo d\u00ebshtime n\u00eb qeverisje sepse pavar\u00ebsisht numrit t\u00eb votave q\u00eb marrin ato parti b\u00ebhen s\u00ebrish aktor\u00eb vendimtar\u00eb n\u00eb formimin e qeverive. Rasti m\u00eb flagrant ishte ai i AKR-s\u00eb q\u00eb me dy deputet\u00eb mori 4 ministri n\u00eb legjislatur\u00ebn e kaluar. Ka m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb ndryshme p\u00ebr ta zgjidhur k\u00ebt\u00eb problem ose duke ndryshuar t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht sistemin elektoral ose duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb si Greqia apo Italia (n\u00eb sistemin e m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm zgjedhor t\u00eb quajtur porcellum) q\u00eb n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb proporcionalit komb\u00ebtar parashikojn\u00eb nj\u00eb bonus p\u00ebr partin\u00eb e par\u00eb vet\u00ebm e vet\u00ebm q\u00eb mos t\u00eb detyrohet t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb qeveri laramane, pa boshte ideologjike e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi konkrete.<\/p>\n

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Zvarritja e procesit zgjedhor sivjet dhe problemet e shumta q\u00eb kan\u00eb \u00e7uar n\u00eb rinum\u00ebrim d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb se reforma zgjedhore \u00ebsht\u00eb goxha e vonuar. S\u00ebrish Kosova u fut n\u00eb zgjedhje me sistemin e m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm pavar\u00ebsisht se p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrmendur ideja e nj\u00eb reforme elektorale por pa ndonj\u00eb epilog t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj teme. Vendimet […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":373,"featured_media":10335,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[11,1368,1839],"ppma_author":[367],"class_list":["post-3925","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kosova","tag-kushtetuta","tag-legjislatura"],"authors":[{"term_id":367,"user_id":373,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adri-nurellari","display_name":"Adri Nurellari","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Nurellari","first_name":"Adri","description":"Adri Nurellari \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, k\u00ebshilltar dhe kolumnist i angazhuar kryesisht n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs dhe medias. Ai ka vijuar studimet universitare n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe ato pasuniversitare n\u00eb Cambridge, London School of Economics dhe University College London. Adri \u00ebsht\u00eb ish-k\u00ebshilltar i kryeministrit Sali Berisha dhe ish-sekretar i PDIU-s\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ka punuar si pedagog n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb. Ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar si analist dhe konsulent nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb prej vitit 2013 punon si k\u00ebshilltar i Hashim Tha\u00e7it."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3925","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/373"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3925"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3925\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10336,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3925\/revisions\/10336"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10335"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3925"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3925"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3925"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3925"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}