{"id":3973,"date":"2019-07-04T15:57:34","date_gmt":"2019-07-04T13:57:34","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=3973"},"modified":"2024-10-31T15:59:04","modified_gmt":"2024-10-31T13:59:04","slug":"te-zotet-e-kaluar-te-se-ardhmes-dhe-ndryshimi-qe-nuk-eshte-ndryshim","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/te-zotet-e-kaluar-te-se-ardhmes-dhe-ndryshimi-qe-nuk-eshte-ndryshim\/","title":{"rendered":"T\u00eb zot\u00ebt e kaluar t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhmes dhe ndryshimi q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ndryshim"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Gati tre dekada q\u00eb prej fillimit t\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes s\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb dhe dy dekada q\u00eb prej fundit t\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe r\u00ebnies nga pushteti n\u00eb Serbi t\u00eb Sllobodan Miloshevi\u00e7-it, rajoni ka kaluar nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrimit shum\u00ebshtresor. Shtat\u00eb shtete t\u00eb reja jan\u00eb ngritur mbi g\u00ebrmadhat e ish federat\u00ebs socialiste, ku q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha jan\u00eb n\u00eb faza t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb demokratizimit dhe evropianizimit. Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, historia e Jugosllavis\u00eb socialiste, shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrja e saj, si dhe gjysma e shteteve q\u00eb dol\u00ebn prej saj, sot e k\u00ebsaj dite mbesin t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuara dhe jan\u00eb objekt grindjeje. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, duket sikur n\u00eb rajonin post-jugosllav, sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb gj\u00ebrat, aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb qendrojn\u00eb si\u00e7 jan\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr rastin e Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, nj\u00eb ngat\u00ebrres\u00eb e vazhdueshme politike n\u00eb rajon. Tre dekada pas fjalimit t\u00eb famsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Miloshevi\u00e7-it n\u00eb Gazimestan, duket se shum\u00eb pak ka ndryshuar n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet mes dy vendeve e popujve. Ndarja etnike mbetet m\u00eb e thell\u00eb se kurr\u00eb, kryesisht p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb pasojave t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejta t\u00eb luft\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit, shkat\u00ebrrimit, zhvendosjes dhe posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb paaft\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe mosvullnetit t\u00eb elitave n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja an\u00ebt, q\u00eb t\u00eb zhvillojn\u00eb nj\u00eb vizion t\u00eb bashkimit e jo t\u00eb ndarjes, q\u00eb ka n\u00eb qend\u00ebr popullin dhe q\u00eb shtron rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebr progres socio-ekonomik.<\/p>\n

V\u00ebrtet q\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e nd\u00ebrlikuar p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb nj\u00eb numri faktor\u00ebsh q\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me historin\u00eb, nacionalizmin dhe, \u00e7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja, mosmarr\u00ebveshjen rreth statusit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebrtej faktor\u00ebve historik\u00eb dhe mosmarr\u00ebveshje politike t\u00eb koh\u00ebs, problemi ky\u00e7 i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve mes dy vendeve mbetet ajo t\u00eb cil\u00ebn Charles Taylor-i e quan \u2018mos-njohje\u2019 dhe \u2018keqnjohje\u2019. Procesi i njohjes dhe keqnjohjes \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor n\u00eb procesin e formimit t\u00eb identitetit, i cili nga ana e tij luan rol t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb proceset shoq\u00ebrore e politike, p\u00ebrfshi shtetnd\u00ebrtimin dhe krijimin e politikave. Sipas Taylor-it, \u2018identiteti yn\u00eb form\u00ebsohet pjes\u00ebrisht nga njohja ose mungesa e saj, shpesh nga keqnjohja e t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve, dhe k\u00ebshtu nj\u00eb person a grup njer\u00ebzish mund t\u00eb vuajn\u00eb d\u00ebme e shtremb\u00ebrime t\u00eb konsiderueshme, n\u00ebse populli ose shoq\u00ebria q\u00eb i rrethon reflekton nj\u00eb tablo t\u00eb kufizuar ose posht\u00ebruese ose p\u00ebr\u00e7muese t\u00eb tyre. Mosnjohja ose keqnjohja mund t\u00eb shkaktoj\u00eb d\u00ebm, mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb form\u00eb e shtypjes, q\u00eb burgos dik\u00eb p\u00ebrbrenda nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb rreme, t\u00eb shtremb\u00ebruar e t\u00eb n\u00ebnshtruar t\u00eb t\u00eb qenit\u2019.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rastin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve Kosov\u00eb-Serbi, \u2018tjetri\u2019 \u00ebsht\u00eb burgosur vazhdimisht, e n\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00ebnyra, n\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb rreme, t\u00eb shtremb\u00ebruar e t\u00eb n\u00ebnshtruar t\u00eb t\u00eb qenit. Q\u00eb prej shekullit 19, kornizat narrative dhe mjetet diskursive n\u00eb rajon jan\u00eb orvatur q\u00eb, n\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme, t\u00eb riprodhojn\u00eb imazhe t\u00eb tilla t\u00eb rreme e t\u00eb shtremb\u00ebruara p\u00ebr \u2018tjetrin\u2019. P\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, nj\u00ebzet vite q\u00eb prej p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, k\u00ebto imazhe t\u00eb shtremb\u00ebruara vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb riprodhohen prej elitave dhe mediave t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja an\u00ebt, edhepse n\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme.<\/p>\n

Progresi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb i kufizuar. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr negociatave shum\u00ebvje\u00e7are dypal\u00ebshe n\u00eb Bruksel t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuara nga BE, pjes\u00ebmarrjes s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt n\u00eb Procesin e Berlinit (t\u00eb nisur nga kancelarja gjermane n\u00eb gusht 2014) dhe Procesit t\u00eb Bashk\u00ebpunimit t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Juglindore (SEECP), ka shum\u00eb pak bashk\u00ebpunim dhe komunikim t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. P\u00ebrkundrazi, p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur v\u00ebmendjen prej problemeve t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019u mbrojtur prej kritik\u00ebs n\u00eb rritje kur vjen puna te korupsioni, kapja e shtetit dhe jokompetenca politike, elitat e sotme n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja an\u00ebt, mb\u00ebshteten gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb te mobilizimi nacionalist.<\/p>\n

Luft\u00ebrat jugosllave lan\u00eb pas trash\u00ebgimi tragjike me qindra mij\u00ebra t\u00eb vrar\u00eb, miliona refugjat\u00eb, jet\u00eb t\u00eb rr\u00ebnuara e ekonomi t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruara. U shkat\u00ebrrua edhe vet\u00eb struktura shoq\u00ebrore e rajonit. Sikur t\u00eb mos mjaftonte kjo, p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb tranzicionit t\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs, q\u00eb duket sikur s\u2019ka fund, nj\u00eb brez i t\u00ebr\u00eb nuk ia ka dal\u00eb t\u00eb rikthej\u00eb nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebshirueshme t\u00eb normalitetit, q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebris\u00eb politike, progresit ekonimik dhe p\u00ebrmbushjes personale. Shpresat p\u00ebr demokratizim t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb, pajtim nd\u00ebretnik dhe bashk\u00ebpunim rajonal u d\u00ebshmuan t\u00eb rreme. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, popujve t\u00eb rajonit iu duhet t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqen me nj\u00eb tip t\u00eb holluar t\u00eb shtetit dhe nj\u00eb demokraci q\u00eb as garanton t\u00eb drejta t\u00eb plota civile dhe bashk\u00ebpunim nd\u00ebretnik, as mir\u00ebq\u00ebnie socio-ekonomike dhe prosperitet. Pashmangsh\u00ebm, kjo ka ushqyer ndjelljen e sensit t\u00eb apatis\u00eb politike dhe ndjenj\u00ebs gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb pranishme t\u00eb \u00e7magjepjes me vet shtetin. Mospjes\u00ebmarrja n\u00eb votime dhe procesi i ngadalsh\u00ebm, por i vazhduesh\u00ebm i migrimit t\u00eb rregullt e jo t\u00eb rregull t\u00eb t\u00eb rinjve (shumica t\u00eb arsimuar), t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kan\u00eb humbur besimin n\u00eb ndryshim, mbase e ilustron m\u00eb s\u00eb miri \u00e7magjepsjen e gj\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb popujve n\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn dhe Serbin\u00eb e pasluft\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Sot Serbia qeveriset prej nj\u00eb koalicioni t\u00eb partive e udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve q\u00eb luajt\u00ebn rol t\u00eb madh n\u00eb \u00e7mendurin\u00eb nacionaliste t\u00eb viteve 1990 q\u00eb prodhoi shkat\u00ebrrim dhe tragjedi n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb. Ky akt i dyt\u00eb politik i tyre, v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se ndryshon prej t\u00eb parit. T\u00eb trim\u00ebruar nga pranimi i gj\u00ebr\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe mb\u00ebshtetja e fort\u00eb zgjedhore n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi, Vu\u00e7i\u00e7\u00a0dhe Da\u00e7i\u00e7\u00a0e kan\u00eb ringjallur me sukses k\u00ebt\u00eb ide shkat\u00ebrrimtare politike \u2013 rishikimin e kufijve administrativ\u00eb n\u00eb vija etnike \u2013 30 vite pas ngritjes s\u00eb Miloshevi\u00e7-it n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb Serbi, si dhe kan\u00eb rigjall\u00ebruar termin denigrues \u0160iptari\u2019 n\u00eb publikun serb.<\/p>\n

Kur \u00ebsht\u00eb fjala p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, dy dekada pas luft\u00ebs dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb q\u00eb prej shpalljes s\u00eb pavarasis\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr problemeve kronike me situat\u00ebn ekonomike dhe mir\u00ebqenien sociale, agjenda politike e vendit vazhdon t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mbizot\u00ebruar nga \u00e7\u00ebshtja e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me pakic\u00ebn serbe dhe Serbin\u00eb. Grindjet e brendshme politike, shtrirja e gj\u00ebr\u00eb e korupsionit dhe paaft\u00ebsia insitucionale, si dhe mungesa e vizionit politik dhe konsensusit mes partive politike, q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha kan\u00eb ndikuar n\u00eb performanc\u00ebn e dob\u00ebt t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e shtetit. Tash p\u00ebr tash, Kosova qeveriset prej nj\u00eb koalicion \u2018komandant\u00ebsh t\u00eb luft\u00ebs, pjes\u00eb e elit\u00ebs s\u00eb konsoliduar politike e ekonomike q\u00eb pengon reform\u00ebn dhe gar\u00ebn e hapur politike dhe ekonomike. Sa m\u00eb e madhe pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsia popullore p\u00ebr munges\u00ebn e progresit t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm socio-ekonomik, aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb i kthehen ata b\u00ebmave t\u00eb luft\u00ebs, heronjve, statujave, p\u00ebfitimeve p\u00ebr veteran\u00ebt e luft\u00ebs si dhe loj\u00ebs sekush e ka fajin, me Serbin\u00eb n\u00eb epiqend\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebta jan\u00eb t\u00eb zot\u00ebt e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb e t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb na sigurojn\u00eb se atyre dhe vet\u00ebm atyre mund t\u2019iu besohet q\u00eb t\u00eb zgjidhin \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e Kosov\u00ebs. K\u00ebshtu na thon\u00eb, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht, shum\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb e Serbi, po aq sa edhe n\u00eb komunitetin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, duan t\u00eb besojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb. E megjithat\u00eb, k\u00ebto elita i sh\u00ebmb\u00ebllejn\u00eb Tancredi Falconeri-t, personazhit t\u00eb Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa-s te\u00a0Leopardi<\/em>, i cili deklaronte se \u201cn\u00ebse duam q\u00eb gj\u00ebrat t\u00eb mbesin k\u00ebshtu si\u00e7 jan\u00eb, gj\u00ebrat do duhet t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb.\u201d Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, me k\u00ebto elita nuk ka ndryshim.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb t\u00eb ngjaj\u00eb ndryshimi kuptimplot\u00eb n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet mes dy popujve e vendeve, do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushet nj\u00eb parakusht i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm: njohja e nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb si t\u00eb barabart\u00eb. N\u00eb terma praktik\u00eb, kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb heqje dor\u00eb prej ides\u00eb s\u00eb hegjemonis\u00eb rajonale p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit rajonal, superioritetit etnik dhe\/ose kulturor p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebn e dialogut, dhe t\u00eb kupuarit etnocentrik t\u00eb shtetit p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebn e t\u00eb kuptuarit q\u00eb e pozicionon shtetin si mjet arritjen e mir\u00ebqenies dhe prosperitetit p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt e lir\u00eb dhe t\u00eb barabart\u00eb. Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, q\u00eb t\u00eb ngjaj\u00eb ky ndryshim, \u00ebsht\u00eb i domosdosh\u00ebm nj\u00eb ndryshim rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsor i elitave.<\/p>\n

——<\/p>\n

Ky artikull\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb projekti bashk\u00ebpunues me\u00a0remarker.media<\/a> nga Beogradi.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Gati tre dekada q\u00eb prej fillimit t\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes s\u00eb Jugosllavis\u00eb dhe dy dekada q\u00eb prej fundit t\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe r\u00ebnies nga pushteti n\u00eb Serbi t\u00eb Sllobodan Miloshevi\u00e7-it, rajoni ka kaluar nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrimit shum\u00ebshtresor. Shtat\u00eb shtete t\u00eb reja jan\u00eb ngritur mbi g\u00ebrmadhat e ish federat\u00ebs socialiste, ku q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha jan\u00eb n\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":195,"featured_media":9349,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[224],"class_list":["post-3973","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize"],"authors":[{"term_id":224,"user_id":195,"is_guest":0,"slug":"gezim-krasniqi","display_name":"G\u00ebzim Krasniqi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-9-4.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-9-4.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Krasniqi","first_name":"G\u00ebzim Krasniqi","description":"G\u00ebzim Krasniqi \u00ebsht\u00eb sociolog politik i lindur n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb q\u00eb jeton dhe punon n\u00eb Skoci. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues dhe Bashk\u00ebdrejtues i Programit Master p\u00ebr Studime t\u00eb Nacionalizmit n\u00eb Universitetin e Edinburgut. Interesat e tij kryesore k\u00ebrkimore p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb nacionalizmin, konfliktin etnik dhe shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb, shpesh me fokus n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Juglindore."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3973","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/195"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3973"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3973\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9350,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3973\/revisions\/9350"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9349"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3973"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3973"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3973"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=3973"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}