{"id":4057,"date":"2017-05-16T12:09:43","date_gmt":"2017-05-16T10:09:43","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4057"},"modified":"2024-11-18T12:12:00","modified_gmt":"2024-11-18T10:12:00","slug":"huqja-e-madhe-pse-sulmi-ndaj-arbana-xharres-nuk-ka-ndodhur-kurr","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/uncategorized\/huqja-e-madhe-pse-sulmi-ndaj-arbana-xharres-nuk-ka-ndodhur-kurr\/","title":{"rendered":"Huqja e madhe! Pse sulmi ndaj Arbana Xharr\u00ebs nuk ka ndodhur kurr?"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Ngjarjet q\u00eb e p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb sot realitetin shoq\u00ebror ndodhin \u00e7do dit\u00eb e m\u00eb shpejt. Ende pa u procesuar nj\u00eb ngjarje, ende pa u kuptuar n\u00eb esenc\u00eb t\u00eb saj, ndodhin ngjarje tjera, t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhura ose t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhshme me t\u00eb. N\u00ebs\u00eb marrim ve\u00e7 ngjarjet politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, p\u00ebr shembull, mes vitit 2014 dhe sot, aq shum\u00eb gj\u00ebra kan\u00eb ndodhur sa q\u00eb zor se mund t\u00eb krijohet nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhje logjike a sistematike mes tyre. Prej interpretimeve kushtetuese t\u00eb paszgjedhjeve, express koalicioneve paszgjedhore dhe koh\u00ebzgjatjes rekorde t\u00eb tyre, deri te nj\u00eb qeverisje hibride, p\u00ebrplasje agjendash partiake e abuzime diskursesh nacionaliste, e deri te zgjedhjet e jasht\u00ebzakonshme, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se mund t’i spjegojm\u00eb me nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb t\u00eb vetme.<\/p>\n

Ve\u00e7 gjat\u00eb jav\u00ebs q\u00eb lam\u00eb pas, Kryeministri Mustafa u nis p\u00ebr n\u00eb Kuvend p\u00ebr t\u00eb miratuar demarkacionin, nj\u00eb politik\u00eb q\u00eb u b\u00eb problematike pa pik\u00eb nevoje, dhe u kthye n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi i papun\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebta tre vjet ishin p\u00ebrplot me skandale si ai pronto, arrestime, sabotazh\u00eb, lot\u00ebsjell\u00ebs e vdekje t\u00eb dyshimta. T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto ngjarje shkuan aq shpejt sa q\u00eb nuk i kuptuam. Sqarimet p\u00ebr to mbet\u00ebn t\u00eb mang\u00ebta, e mos t\u00eb flas k\u00ebtu p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrlidhje a raporte shkak-pasoj\u00eb, t\u00eb cilave raporte, gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb, po i ikin edhe studiuesit shkencor\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse nuk ka logjik\u00eb t\u00eb sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb n\u00eb klasifikimin e ngjarjeve, si ta kuptojm\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb nj\u00eb vrull t\u00eb ngjarjeve me t\u00eb cilat bombardohemi or\u00eb e \u00e7ast, nj\u00eb furi fenomenologjike, n\u00eb nj\u00eb epok\u00eb sociale ku shkaku dhe pasoja nuk jan\u00eb mjet i perceptimit t\u00eb gjith\u00e7kaje? Filozofi postmodern francez Jean Baudrillard realitetin bashk\u00ebkohor e quan hiperrealitet. Ngjarjet ndodhin aq shpejt, ligj\u00ebronte Baudrillard qysh n\u00eb vitin 1984, sa q\u00eb nuk p\u00ebr\u00e7ojn\u00eb m\u00eb, n\u00eb vete, d\u00ebshmin\u00eb e nj\u00eb kuptimi. \u00cbsht\u00eb kuptimi q\u00eb iu nd\u00ebrtohet atyre paraprakisht ai q\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7on d\u00ebshmin\u00eb e vet\u00eb ekzistimit t\u00eb ngjarjeve. Pra, n\u00eb vend s\u00eb ndodhia t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb kuptimin, \u00ebsht\u00eb kuptimi i nd\u00ebrtuar ai p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cil\u00ebs di\u00e7ka mund t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb. Ndryshe, ngjarja nuk ndodh\u00eb fare.<\/p>\n

Duke e v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb funksion pun\u00ebn teorike t\u00eb Baudrillard dhe p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebrin\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, e shohim se sulmi i dhunsh\u00ebm ndaj Arbana Xharr\u00ebs nuk ka ndodhur fare. Mos m\u00eb keqkuptoni, Arban\u00ebn e kan\u00eb rrahur dhe e kan\u00eb rrahur fort. Por kjo rrahje, ky manifestim fizik i shfrenimit, ndaj nj\u00eb personi q\u00eb nuk paraqet kurrfar\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi fizik p\u00ebr ask\u00eb, nuk p\u00ebr\u00e7oi kuptim n\u00eb vete. Kuptimet, pra plot sosh, i kishim t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuara, t\u00eb gatshme, n\u00eb momentin kur ndodhi ngjarja. Ato ve\u00e7 v\u00ebrshuan tregun e sfer\u00ebs publike dhe secili nga ne mundi ta zgjedhte nj\u00eb nga to, si n\u00eb supermarket, q\u00eb ta mbaj\u00eb p\u00ebr vete, si kuptim tonin.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto ‘kuptime’ p\u00ebr ngjarjet, nuk vijn\u00eb si rrjedhoj\u00eb e nj\u00eb debati a fiqirimi, nuk na dalin si interpretime t\u00eb kujdesshme p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb ka ndodhur. Ato na sh\u00ebrbehen, t\u00eb gatshme, n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn m\u00ebnyr\u00eb si\u00e7 sh\u00ebrbehen ngjarjet, pra p\u00ebrmes lajm\u00ebzimit t\u00eb tyre. Dhe nuk sh\u00ebrbehen si nj\u00eb em\u00ebrues m\u00eb i vog\u00ebl i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt p\u00ebr ngjarjen, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin em\u00ebrues nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebsi njer\u00ebzish\u00a0n\u00eb nj\u00eb sfer\u00eb publike mund ta ken\u00eb arritur dakordim. Sh\u00ebrbehet si informat\u00eb kuptimplot\u00eb, si fjal\u00eb e fundit, si e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb absolute.<\/p>\n

Dhe k\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron huqja m\u00eb e madhe. Huqje e s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs, q\u00eb n\u00eb form\u00eb hakmarr\u00ebse e zhb\u00ebn vet\u00eb ngjarjen. P\u00ebrmes strukturave t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb (pushtetit) t\u00eb manifestuara n\u00eb diskurs, pavar\u00ebsisht se kah cila an\u00eb ngrehin dhe tek cili mulli \u00e7ojn\u00eb uj\u00eb ato struktura, ngjarja e sulmit ndaj Arbana Xharr\u00ebs po zhb\u00ebhet n\u00eb vet\u00eb ndodhin\u00eb e saj.<\/p>\n

Diskurse t\u00eb tilla ka shum\u00eb. Sfera publike nuk duhet t\u00eb perceptohet si nj\u00eb gar\u00eb diskursesh ku nj\u00ebri patjet\u00ebr se do t\u00eb dal\u00eb ngadhnjimtar, por, m\u00eb shum\u00eb si nj\u00eb sfer\u00eb shum\u00ebdimensionale, ku diskurset bashk\u00ebjetojn\u00eb nj\u00ebri me tjetrin, duke e form\u00ebsuar k\u00ebshtu realitetin social.<\/p>\n

Diskursi i par\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb leht\u00eb t\u00eb identifikohet \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i promovuar nga koleg\u00ebt e rinj t\u00eb Arban\u00ebs, bashk\u00ebpartiak\u00ebt e saj brenda PDK-s\u00eb dhe megafon\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre. Sipas k\u00ebtij diskursi, Arbana \u00ebsht\u00eb rrahur ve\u00e7 pse rishtazi u an\u00ebtar\u00ebsua n\u00eb PDK dhe kjo gj\u00eb merret si e qen\u00eb. Gjurm\u00ebt q\u00eb godit\u00ebsit kan\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb mbi trupin e Arbana Xharr\u00ebs, p\u00ebrnj\u00ebher\u00ebsh, marrin ngjyrat e partis\u00eb dhe tiparet e strukturimit feudal t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. Ato ndal\u00ebn s\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7uari qytetaren Arban\u00eb. Arbana, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb diskurs, ekziston ve\u00e7 pse \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtare e partis\u00eb. Dhuna ndaj saj, po ashtu, ndodhi p\u00ebr t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn arsye. Jasht\u00eb relmit t\u00eb partis\u00eb, as Arbana si qytetare, e as dhuna e manifestuar ndaj saj si dhun\u00eb kund\u00ebr guximit qytetar, nuk ekzistojn\u00eb m\u00eb. Ekziston ve\u00e7 agjenda partiake, agjenda e zgjedhjeve.<\/p>\n

Diskursi tjet\u00ebr, po aq i tmerrsh\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, \u00ebsht\u00eb diskursi i \u00e7k\u00ebrdhierjes s\u00eb liris\u00eb s\u00eb internetit. Edhe ky diskurs e zhb\u00ebn Arban\u00ebn si individ, duke e l\u00ebn\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb ekzistoj\u00eb ve\u00e7 n\u00eb p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj politike. Dhun\u00ebn ndaj saj e mohon p\u00ebrmes injorimit, p\u00ebrmes leksikonit t\u00eb fyerjes dhe p\u00ebrmes ideve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. Secili kuptim q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund ta krijonte ajo q\u00eb i ndodhi Arban\u00ebs, pra dhuna si ngjarje, p\u00ebrjashtohet q\u00eb n\u00eb start. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb ngjarjes, n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn p\u00ebrfundimtare hyjn\u00eb shum\u00eb ide e koncepte madhore. Kryesisht morali dhe etika. Ideolog\u00ebt e k\u00ebtij diskursi mediok\u00ebr, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt\u00a0Agon Maliqi po i quan policia etike e internetit<\/a>, ka vite q\u00eb kan\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb p\u00ebrshtypje morbide p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, ky vend ku nuk ndodh\u00eb asgj\u00eb e mir\u00eb. Fuqia e k\u00ebtij diskursi shkon aq larg sa q\u00eb edhe ato pak ngjarje t\u00eb mira q\u00eb i pat\u00ebm, kurdoher\u00eb, arrijn\u00eb t’i interpretojn\u00eb, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn p\u00ebr idhtar\u00ebt e tyre, si fallse, si t\u00eb paqena, ose, n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, si t\u00eb par\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. Arbana Xharra, q\u00eb ishte vet\u00eb pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj policie etike deri sa hyri n\u00eb politik\u00eb, si\u00e7 kam shkruar\u00a0m\u00eb par\u00eb,<\/a>\u00a0po bjen viktim\u00eb e vet\u00eb grackave t\u00eb saj diskursive. K\u00ebsisoj, Arbana sipas k\u00ebtij diskursi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb sulmuar, por edhe n\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb sulmuar e ‘ka k\u00ebrkuar’ nj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb, sepse ka ‘tradhtuar’ diskursin moral t\u00eb cilin vet\u00eb e promovonte.<\/p>\n

Sikur k\u00ebto dy diskurse konkurruese do shfaqeshin t\u00eb vetme n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn publike, mbase e v\u00ebrteta nuk do humbej krejt\u00ebsisht. Mbase ajo do mbijetonte diku n\u00eb mes, si zakonisht. Por k\u00ebto makrodiskurse nuk ndalen n\u00eb mohimin e ngjarjeve. Ato, n\u00eb fakt, kan\u00eb krijuar shabllonin se si form\u00ebsohet realiteti shoq\u00ebror, pra realiteti i p\u00ebrditsh\u00ebm, duke l\u00ebn\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb secili mikrodiskurs tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb krijohet brenda sistemit t\u00eb tyre diskursiv, t\u00eb jet\u00eb po aq hegjemon ndaj s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs sa vet\u00eb to, po aq mohues.<\/p>\n

Merrni ‘liberal\u00ebt’ si shembull, pra, ata q\u00eb dhun\u00ebn ndaj Arbana Xharr\u00ebs pretendojn\u00eb se e shohin p\u00ebrmes vlerave t\u00eb liris\u00eb individuale. Interpretimi i k\u00ebtij diskursi p\u00ebr ngjarjen ishte krejt\u00ebsisht i \u00e7uditsh\u00ebm. I madh e i vog\u00ebl, nga kampi ‘liberal’, u \u00e7uan pesh\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebnojn\u00eb ‘dhun\u00ebn verbale’ e cila, sipas tyre, e solli ‘dhun\u00ebn fizike’ ndaj Arban\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Ka kuptim ky argumentim, apo jo? Po \u00e7far\u00eb kuptimi ore? As edhe hi\u00e7! N\u00eb fakt, kuptimi i vet\u00ebm q\u00eb i jepet, \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i mohimit t\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdo kuptimi tjet\u00ebr. P\u00ebrmes k\u00ebsaj analize, hudhen posht\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha faktet, e gjith\u00eb fenomenologjia, pra, gjith\u00e7ka q\u00eb ndodhi, secila ngjarje. Hudhet posht\u00eb fakti se ndaj Arban\u00ebs, p\u00ebr shembull, pati m\u00eb shum\u00eb ‘dhun\u00eb verbale’ gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb koh\u00ebs sa ajo ishte z\u00eb disident dhe kritikuese e regjimit t\u00eb PDK-s\u00eb. N\u00eb fakt, pos disa komentuesve p\u00ebrher\u00eb banal\u00eb t\u00eb rrjeteve sociale t\u00eb cil\u00ebt u l\u00ebshuan n\u00eb ofendime t\u00eb zakonshme, shumica e ‘dhun\u00ebs verbale’ ndaj Arban\u00ebs p\u00ebrb\u00ebhej nga fjali t\u00eb shkruara nga vet\u00eb Arbana, p\u00ebr vet\u00eb partin\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn aderoi. Shum\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se ‘dhun\u00eb verbale’ ndaj Arban\u00ebs pati tregim gishtash p\u00ebr hipokrizi, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn, edhe n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se kan\u00eb dalur nga binar\u00ebt, jan\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb pak t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm sesa k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet q\u00eb p\u00ebrher\u00eb merrte Arbana, e t\u00eb cilat u harruan k\u00ebto dit\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Hudhen posht\u00eb, pra, t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet qe Arbana i mori, qoft\u00eb nga esktremist\u00ebt fetar\u00eb, qoft\u00eb nga neokomunist\u00ebt enverian\u00eb, qoft\u00eb nga n\u00ebntoka e partis\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn aderoi. Hudhet posht\u00eb, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, gjith\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb nuk i rri besnik k\u00ebtij interpretimi p\u00ebr ngjarjen. Th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe, hudhet posht\u00eb ngjarja si e till\u00eb, meq\u00eb, asaj i jepet kuptim vet\u00ebm n\u00eb pajtueshm\u00ebri t\u00eb plot\u00eb me diskursin q\u00eb e interpreton.<\/p>\n

Z\u00ebri i sharlatan\u00ebve q\u00eb besojn\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb kuptuar barazin\u00eb gjinore apo teorit\u00eb feministe, po ashtu e mohon dhun\u00ebn ndaj Arban\u00ebs si ngjarje. K\u00ebta ‘idiot\u00eb’ q\u00eb shiten feminist\u00eb, biejn\u00eb pre e dy makrodiskurseve hegjemone duke e vajtuar se si ‘nj\u00eb grua’ dhe ‘nj\u00eb n\u00ebn\u00eb’ na qenka sulmuar. K\u00ebt\u00eb e b\u00ebn\u00eb shum\u00eb individ\u00eb q\u00eb promovojn\u00eb makrodiskurset e elaboruara m\u00eb lart, por edhe shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, kinse t\u00eb pavarur.<\/p>\n

Ky diskurs, n\u00eb fakt, pos q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shembulltyr\u00eb e mendimit t\u00eb mykur patriarkal ku gruaja p\u00ebrceptohet si e dob\u00ebt, e mjer\u00eb, e pazoja, e mohon m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti Arban\u00ebn si person. E mohon gjith\u00eb pun\u00ebn e saj, r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri sado relative q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb ajo, e mohon qenien e Arban\u00ebs duke e zhveshur at\u00eb nga gjith\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr pos identitetit t\u00eb saj t\u00eb lindur gjinor. K\u00ebsisoj,\u00a0si\u00e7 e pati \u00e7montuar p\u00ebr mrekulli n\u00eb sbunker Ardiana Prishtina<\/a>, gruaja m\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb subjekt, ajo margjinalizohet n\u00eb organin e saj gjenital.<\/p>\n

Diskurset e regjimit dhe t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs ndaj regjimit, bashk\u00eb me nj\u00eb grusht liberal\u00ebsh e feminist\u00ebsh q\u00eb dominojn\u00eb sfer\u00ebn publike sot, pra, po e mohojn\u00eb, n\u00eb ekzistenc\u00eb t\u00eb tij, sulmin fizik ndaj Arbana Xharr\u00ebs. N\u00eb realitetin e krijuar nga k\u00ebto diskurse, Arbana nuk u sulmua kurr\u00eb. Gjith\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr ndodhi, pos sulmit, pos nj\u00eb akti t\u00eb tmerrsh\u00ebm, nj\u00eb dhune \u00e7njer\u00ebzore, nj\u00eb turpi kolektiv p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin edhe un\u00eb, edhe ti q\u00eb po lexon, jemi nj\u00ebsoj p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs. Nj\u00ebjt\u00eb si\u00e7 jemi p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs p\u00ebr Lavdrim Muhaxherin, p\u00ebr shembull.<\/p>\n

Dhuna m\u00eb e madhe ndaj Arban\u00ebs, n\u00eb mendimin tim, b\u00ebhet pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebrmes k\u00ebtij mohimi t\u00eb rastit t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs ndaj saj. Kjo shoq\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb e gatshme q\u00eb Arban\u00ebn ta trajtoj\u00eb si grua, n\u00ebn\u00eb, gazetare\u00a0t\u00eb guximshme dhe politikane hipokrite, duke e mohuar, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb perfide, dhun\u00ebn e ushtruar ndaj njeriut, ndaj qytetares Arban\u00eb. K\u00ebsisoj, gjurm\u00ebt e shfrenimit fizik, sulmi ndaj personit, cenimi i integritetit trupor t\u00eb nj\u00eb qenie, nga dikush q\u00eb vet\u00eb e kemi pjell\u00eb si shoq\u00ebri, kaloi pa p\u00ebr\u00e7uar dhe pa krijuar kuptim. Kuptimet, i pat\u00ebm t\u00eb gatshme p\u00ebr ngjarjen. Andaj edhe ngjarja \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb sikur t\u00eb mos kishte ndodhur fare.<\/p>\n

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  Ngjarjet q\u00eb e p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb sot realitetin shoq\u00ebror ndodhin \u00e7do dit\u00eb e m\u00eb shpejt. Ende pa u procesuar nj\u00eb ngjarje, ende pa u kuptuar n\u00eb esenc\u00eb t\u00eb saj, ndodhin ngjarje tjera, t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhura ose t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhshme me t\u00eb. N\u00ebs\u00eb marrim ve\u00e7 ngjarjet politike n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, p\u00ebr shembull, mes vitit 2014 dhe sot, aq shum\u00eb gj\u00ebra […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":277,"featured_media":10436,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[1867,1868],"ppma_author":[275],"class_list":["post-4057","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-albana-xharra","tag-sulmi"],"authors":[{"term_id":275,"user_id":277,"is_guest":0,"slug":"krenar-gashi","display_name":"Krenar Gashi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1562950980845.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/1562950980845.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Gashi","first_name":"Krenar","description":"Krenar Gashi \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues i shkenc\u00ebs sociale, aktualisht doktorant n\u00eb shkenc\u00eb politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Gentit n\u00eb Belgjik\u00eb. Fokus i studimeve t\u00eb tij jan\u00eb diskursi, pushteti dhe demokracia, mir\u00ebpo si ish aktivist dhe ekspert i medias, ai poashtu kontribuon n\u00eb studimet e medias dhe kritik\u00ebn e sfer\u00ebs publike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4057","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/277"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4057"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4057\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10437,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4057\/revisions\/10437"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10436"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4057"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4057"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4057"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4057"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}