{"id":4097,"date":"2017-08-07T11:37:21","date_gmt":"2017-08-07T09:37:21","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4097"},"modified":"2024-11-14T11:38:35","modified_gmt":"2024-11-14T09:38:35","slug":"ligjerata-jefferson-e-vitit-2017-ii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/ligjerata-jefferson-e-vitit-2017-ii\/","title":{"rendered":"Ligj\u00ebrata Jefferson e vitit 2017 (II)"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-up\"><\/div>\n<div class=\"news-down\">\n<div class=\"img-wrapper\"><\/div>\n<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>PJESA E DYT\u00cb<\/p>\n<p><strong>Tre gabime n\u00eb zem\u00ebrim<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Tash jemi gati q\u00eb t\u00eb shohim tri m\u00ebnyra ku zem\u00ebrimi mund t\u00eb na humb\u00eb rrug\u00ebn.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Gabimet e dukshme.<\/strong>\u00a0Zem\u00ebrimi mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb i devijuar, dhe t\u00eb na udh\u00ebzoj\u00eb keq, n\u00ebse bazohet n\u00eb informat\u00ebn e gabuar p\u00ebr at\u00eb se kush i b\u00ebri di\u00e7ka dikujt, p\u00ebr at\u00eb se a \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb padrejt\u00ebsisht vepra e keqe (me nj\u00ebfar\u00eb q\u00ebllimi t\u00eb keq) apo paq\u00ebllimsh\u00ebm, dhe po ashtu, n\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb e bazuar mbi ndonj\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb konfuze t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb. Aristoteli p\u00ebrmend njer\u00ebz q\u00eb zem\u00ebrohen kur dikush ua harron emrin, dhe ky shembull i njohur \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rast i mbivler\u00ebsimit t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb asaj \u00e7far\u00eb ka b\u00ebr\u00eb ai person. (Me gjas\u00eb po ashtu nj\u00eb rast i keqkuptimit t\u00eb q\u00ebllimit.) Meq\u00eb shpesh ngutemi kur jemi t\u00eb zem\u00ebruar, k\u00ebto gabime ndodhin shpesh.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Gabimi i statusit<\/strong>. Gabojm\u00eb po ashtu, them un\u00eb, n\u00ebse mendojm\u00eb q\u00eb statusi relativ \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm dhe kur fokusohemi n\u00eb t\u00eb, duke p\u00ebrjashtuar gj\u00ebrat e tjera. Ky gabim \u00ebsht\u00eb, n\u00eb fakt, nj\u00eb rast i keqkuptimit t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00eb vlere t\u00eb posa\u00e7me, por meq\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb aq e zakonshme dhe nj\u00eb burim aq madhor i zem\u00ebrimit, ne duhet ta ve\u00e7ojm\u00eb si nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Gabimi i shpagimit<\/strong>. N\u00eb fund, ne shpesh gabojm\u00eb kur lejojm\u00eb q\u00eb mendime retributive t\u00eb rr\u00ebnjosura thell\u00eb, t\u00eb na fshijn\u00eb p\u00ebrpara, duke na b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb se dhimbja eliminon dhimbjen, vdekja vrasjen, e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. Shkurt, kur mendojm\u00eb se n\u00ebse shkaktojm\u00eb dhun\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb tashmen, kjo do ta ndreq\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen. Ne gabojm\u00eb, sepse ai mendim \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj i mendimit t\u00eb paarsyesh\u00ebm e imagjinar, dhe sepse na shp\u00ebrqendron nga e ardhmja, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn mund ta ndryshojm\u00eb, dhe shpesh duhet ta ndryshojm\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Gabimi i kat\u00ebrt n\u00eb zem\u00ebrim: Pafuqia dhe \u201cBota e drejt\u00eb\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto gabime jan\u00eb t\u00eb zakonshme, dhe hi\u00e7 m\u00eb pak n\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike. Ne kapemi pas nj\u00eb storieje t\u00eb gabuar n\u00eb lidhje me at\u00eb se kush ka b\u00ebr\u00eb di\u00e7ka, apo faj\u00ebsojm\u00eb individ\u00eb dhe grupe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb problem t\u00eb madh sistemik t\u00eb cilin ata nuk e kan\u00eb shkaktuar. Ne mbivler\u00ebsojm\u00eb padrejt\u00ebsi t\u00eb vogla dhe, gjithashtu, nganj\u00ebher\u00eb, n\u00ebnvler\u00ebsojm\u00eb ato t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmet. Ne fiksohemi rreth statusit ton\u00eb relativ (apo atij t\u00eb grupit ton\u00eb). Ne mendojm\u00eb se shpagimi do t\u00eb zgjidh\u00eb problemet e krijuara nga keqb\u00ebrja fillestare, edhe pse kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ashtu.<\/p>\n<p>Por ka edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb. Ne mveshim faj, shpesh, madje edhe at\u00ebher\u00eb kur nuk ka faj p\u00ebr t\u2019u shp\u00ebrndar\u00eb. Bota \u00ebsht\u00eb plot me aksidente. Ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb, fatkeq\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht fatkeq\u00ebsi. Ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb, s\u00ebmundja dhe vuajtja jan\u00eb thjesht s\u00ebmundje dhe vuajtje. Profesioni i mjek\u00ebsis\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb na mbroj\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb nga s\u00ebmundja dhe vdekja, dhe politikat sociale m\u00eb t\u00eb men\u00e7ura dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb drejta, nuk do t\u00eb parandalojn\u00eb mjerimet ekonomike q\u00eb sjellin fatkeq\u00ebsit\u00eb natyrore. Por n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn ton\u00eb monarkike, ne presim q\u00eb bota t\u00eb na vihet n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimin ton\u00eb. Kjo na p\u00ebrmbush egon, dhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb thell\u00eb, kjo na b\u00ebn t\u00eb ndjehemi rehat, t\u00eb menduarit se \u00e7do ngjarje e keqe ndodh p\u00ebr faj t\u00eb tjet\u00ebrkujt. Vepra e mveshjes s\u00eb fajit dhe e ndjekjes s\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb keqit\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb thell\u00ebsisht ngush\u00eblluese. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb t\u00eb ndjerit t\u00eb pafuqish\u00ebm, na b\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb ndjejm\u00eb se i kemi gj\u00ebrat n\u00ebn kontroll.<\/p>\n<p>Psikolog\u00ebt kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb shum\u00eb hulumtime mbi pik\u00ebpamjet instinktive t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn sesi funksionon bota, dhe ata gjejn\u00eb se njer\u00ebzit kan\u00eb nevoja t\u00eb rr\u00ebnjosura thell\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb besuar se bota \u00ebsht\u00eb e drejt\u00eb. Nj\u00eb aspekt i k\u00ebsaj \u201chipoteze t\u00eb bot\u00ebs s\u00eb drejt\u00eb\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb prirja p\u00ebr t\u00eb besuar se njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb keqe, jan\u00eb vet\u00eb shkaktar t\u00eb mjerimit tyre p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb dembelis\u00eb dhe sjelljeve t\u00eb k\u00ebqija. Por nj\u00eb aspekt tjet\u00ebr i nd\u00ebrlidhur i k\u00ebtij besimi t\u00eb \u201cbot\u00ebs s\u00eb drejt\u00eb\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb nevoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb besuar se, kur ne p\u00ebrballemi me humbje dhe armiq\u00ebsi, ajo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm humbje, por \u00ebsht\u00eb keqb\u00ebrja e dikujt tjet\u00ebr, dhe se ne mund t\u00eb kompensojn\u00eb humbjen e tyre duke nd\u00ebshkuar \u201ct\u00eb keqin.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Prindi juaj vdes n\u00eb spital. \u00cbsht\u00eb shum\u00eb njer\u00ebzore t\u00eb besosh se \u201cdoktor\u00ebt e b\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb,\u201d dhe t\u00eb devijosh pik\u00ebllimin e t\u00eb ngresh padi p\u00ebr neglizhenc\u00eb. Martesa juaj shembet. Shpesh ka nj\u00eb faj diku, por ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb faji nuk mund t\u00eb identifikohet leht\u00eb. Gj\u00ebrat thjesht shemben. Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb njer\u00ebzore q\u00eb t\u00eb faj\u00ebsosh bashk\u00ebshortin \u201ce keq\u201d dhe t\u00eb provosh ta shkat\u00ebrrosh at\u00eb person me padi. Kjo e b\u00ebn jet\u00ebn t\u00eb ket\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb kuptim, e universin m\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Mjerimet ekonomike nganj\u00ebher\u00eb shkaktohen nga keqp\u00ebrdorimet e nj\u00eb personi ose personave t\u00eb caktuar, dhe nganj\u00ebher\u00eb nga politika duksh\u00ebm t\u00eb marra dhe t\u00eb padrejta; por m\u00eb shpesh shkaku i tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb i err\u00ebt dhe i paqart\u00eb. Ne ndjehemi keq kur e themi k\u00ebt\u00eb: e b\u00ebn bot\u00ebn ton\u00eb t\u00eb duket e \u00e7rregullt dhe e paqeverisshme. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb pse t\u00eb mos vihet faji \u2013 si\u00e7 b\u00ebnin grek\u00ebt \u2013 te grupet q\u00eb mund t\u00eb demonizohen leht\u00eb: n\u00eb vend t\u00eb kategoris\u00eb s\u00eb tyre retorike t\u00eb \u201cbarbar\u00ebve,\u201d ne do t\u00eb mund ta p\u00ebrqendronim fajin te imigrant\u00ebt, te grat\u00eb q\u00eb futen n\u00eb tregun e pun\u00ebs, ose te bankier\u00ebt apo t\u00eb pasurit. Dikur, rastet gjyq\u00ebsore t\u00eb shtrigave t\u00eb Salemit, u konsideruan t\u00eb ishin rezultat i histeris\u00eb grupore mes vajzave adoloshente. Por tash e dim\u00eb se nj\u00eb num\u00ebr i konsideruesh\u00ebm i akuzuesve t\u00eb shtrigave ishin djem t\u00eb rinj q\u00eb po arrinin mosh\u00ebn madhore, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ishin t\u00eb prekur nga mjerimet e zakonshme t\u00eb nj\u00eb kolonie t\u00eb pasigurt n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e re: paqart\u00ebsia ekonomike, klima e eg\u00ebr, jostabiliteti politik. Sa leht\u00eb, pra, t\u00eb faj\u00ebsosh shtrigat p\u00ebr gjith\u00e7ka, zakonisht plaka t\u00eb padashura, t\u00eb cilat mund t\u00eb piketohen leht\u00eb dhe vdekja e s\u00eb cilave i sjell mendjes p\u00ebrmbushje t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohshme.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebrrallat tona m\u00eb t\u00eb hershme e kan\u00eb po k\u00ebt\u00eb struktur\u00eb. Gjuetar\u00ebt e shtrigave, Hansel dhe Gretel, sh\u00ebtiten nep\u00ebr pyje duke k\u00ebrkuar ushqim. Problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb uria, i p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga fakti se prind\u00ebrit e tyre duhet t\u00eb punojn\u00eb si pastrues dhe nuk kan\u00eb koh\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb merren me f\u00ebmij\u00ebt e tyre. Por tregimi na thot\u00eb se k\u00ebto probleme shum\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta jan\u00eb jo t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta, dhe se problemi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shtriga q\u00eb jeton n\u00eb pyll, dhe q\u00eb i kthen f\u00ebmij\u00ebt e vegj\u00ebl n\u00eb kek me xhenxhefil. K\u00ebsulkuqja shkon p\u00ebr vizit\u00eb te gjyshja, duke ecur e vetme n\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb. Problemi n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb tregim \u00ebsht\u00eb plakja dhe mungesa e kujdesit. Familja jeton larg, dhe gjyshja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb mir\u00eb me sh\u00ebndet. Por shpejt tregimi e shp\u00ebrqendron v\u00ebmendjen ton\u00eb. Problemi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb fare te ky problem i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon zgjidhje strukturore. \u00cbsht\u00eb te nj\u00eb ujk i vetmuar q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb futur n\u00eb sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e gjyshes. N\u00eb t\u00eb dy tregimet, kur vritet keqb\u00ebr\u00ebsi i sh\u00ebmtuar, bota b\u00ebhet krejt n\u00eb rregull. Dashuria jon\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb univers t\u00eb rregullt i b\u00ebn shum\u00eb josh\u00ebse k\u00ebto zgjidhje t\u00eb thjeshta fiktive. \u00cbsht\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ngrakojm\u00eb mendjet tona me t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikuara, e \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb leht\u00eb ta djeg\u00ebsh shtrig\u00ebn sesa t\u00eb jetosh me shpres\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb bot\u00eb q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e krijuar p\u00ebr k\u00ebnaq\u00ebsin\u00eb njer\u00ebzore.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Zem\u00ebrimi, f\u00ebmija i frik\u00ebs<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Zem\u00ebrimi \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb emocion i dalluar me mendime t\u00eb dalluara. Ai duket burrnor dhe i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, e aspak i ndrojtur. Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, ai \u00ebsht\u00eb pasardh\u00ebs i frik\u00ebs. E si k\u00ebshtu?<\/p>\n<p>S\u00eb pari, po t\u00eb mos ishim t\u00eb pllakosur nga vulnerabilitete t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, me siguri se ne nuk do t\u00eb zem\u00ebroheshim asnj\u00ebher\u00eb. Lukreci i imagjinonte zotat si qenie t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrsosura dhe t\u00eb kompletuara, p\u00ebrtej bot\u00ebs son\u00eb, dhe ai thoshte, \u201cAta nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb skllav\u00ebruar nga mir\u00ebnjohja, e as t\u00eb prishur nga zem\u00ebrimi.\u201d N\u00ebse zem\u00ebrimi \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje ndaj nj\u00eb d\u00ebmi dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs, t\u00eb shkaktuar prej dikujt tjet\u00ebr mbi ty apo di\u00e7kaje t\u00eb dashur p\u00ebr ju, at\u00ebher\u00eb personi i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb i kompletuar, i cili nuk mund t\u00eb d\u00ebmtohet, nuk ka vend p\u00ebr zem\u00ebrim. (Pikturat Judeo-Kristiane t\u00eb zem\u00ebrimit hyjnor imagjinojn\u00eb Zotin si dashurues i njer\u00ebzve dhe si jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb preksh\u00ebm ndaj prap\u00ebsive t\u00eb tyre.)<\/p>\n<p>Disa reformator\u00eb moral\u00eb, na kan\u00eb inkurajuar q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi si zotat e Lukrecit. Stoik\u00ebt grek\u00eb mendonin se ne do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb m\u00ebsojm\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mos brengosemi fare p\u00ebr \u201ct\u00eb mirat e fatit,\u201d q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb, p\u00ebr \u00e7kado q\u00eb mund t\u00eb d\u00ebmtohet prej \u00e7far\u00ebdo gj\u00ebje q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrtej kontrollit ton\u00eb. At\u00ebher\u00eb do t\u00eb humbnim frik\u00ebn, dhe me k\u00ebt\u00eb Pazar, do t\u00eb humbnim edhe zem\u00ebrimin. Filozofi Richard Sorabji ka shpjeguar qart\u00eb sesi pik\u00ebpamjet e Gandhit ishin shum\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrta me ato t\u00eb stoik\u00ebve.<\/p>\n<p>Problemi, megjithat\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb se t\u00eb humb\u00ebsh frik\u00ebsh do t\u00eb thot\u00eb gjithashtu t\u00eb humb\u00ebsh dashurin\u00eb. Themeli p\u00ebr t\u00eb dyja \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhje e fort\u00eb me dik\u00eb ose di\u00e7ka jasht\u00eb kontrollit ton\u00eb. Nuk ka asgj\u00eb q\u00eb na b\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb preksh\u00ebm sesa dashuria ndaj tjer\u00ebve, apo dashuria ndaj nj\u00eb vendi. Shum\u00eb\u00e7ka mund t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb keq. Brenda nj\u00eb gjysm\u00ebviti, filozofi dhe politikani romak Ciceroni humbi dy gj\u00ebrat q\u00eb ai i donte m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti, kur e bija e tij Tullia vdiq gjat\u00eb lindjes dhe kur Republika Romake kolapsoi n\u00eb tirani. Edhe pse shok\u00ebt e tij e shihnin pik\u00ebllimin tij si t\u00eb tepruar dhe e nxit\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb stoik i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, ai i tha shokut t\u00eb tij t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb Atik\u00ebs, se ai nuk mund t\u00eb ndalej s\u00eb mbajturi zi, dhe, p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ai nuk mendonte se duhej. T\u00eb marr\u00ebsh pesh\u00ebn e dashuris\u00eb n\u00eb plot\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb vuash. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb zgjidhja q\u00eb asgj\u00ebson me nj\u00eb goditje edhe frik\u00ebn edhe zem\u00ebrimin, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ne duhet ta pranojm\u00eb. T\u00eb mbash dashurin\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb mbash frik\u00ebn.<\/p>\n<p>E meq\u00eb kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrisht t\u00eb mbash zem\u00ebrimin, kjo e b\u00ebn shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb fitosh betej\u00ebn me zem\u00ebrimin. Frika nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm parakusht i domosdosh\u00ebm p\u00ebr zem\u00ebrimin, ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe helm p\u00ebr zem\u00ebrimin, duke i ushqyer ato kat\u00ebr gabimet p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat fol\u00ebm. Kur kemi frik\u00eb, ne kap\u00ebrcejm\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundime, duke u gjuajtur para se t\u00eb kemi menduar me kujdes rreth kujt dhe \u00e7kafit. Kur problemet jan\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikuara dhe shkaqet e tyre t\u00eb keqkuptuara, si\u00e7 priren t\u00eb jen\u00eb problemet ekonomike, frika shpesh \u00e7on n\u00eb v\u00ebnien e fajit te individ\u00ebt ose grupet, duke na shtyr\u00eb drejt gjuetis\u00eb s\u00eb shtrigave, n\u00eb vend se drejt ndaljes p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar thelbin e gj\u00ebrave.<\/p>\n<p>Frika po ashtu ushqen fiksimin me statusin relativ: kur njer\u00ebzit ndjehen si m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj se t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, ata mendojn\u00eb se nuk mund t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrohen. Por kur njer\u00ebzit mbrojn\u00eb egot e tyre t\u00eb brishta me mendime p\u00ebr statusin, ata shtyhen shum\u00eb leht\u00eb drejt zem\u00ebrimit, meq\u00eb bota \u00ebsht\u00eb plot me fyerje dhe shp\u00ebrfillje. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, Lukreci gjurmon t\u00eb gjitha garat p\u00ebr status te frika, duke argumentuar se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb qet\u00ebsuar vetveten: duke i vendosur t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt m\u00eb posht\u00eb ne e b\u00ebjm\u00eb veten t\u00eb ndjehemi m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm.<\/p>\n<p>Dhe frika po ashtu ushqen fokusin te shpagimi, meq\u00eb njer\u00ebzit e brisht\u00eb mendojn\u00eb se t\u2019i kthesh hakun keqb\u00ebr\u00ebsve, madje edhe t\u2019i asgj\u00ebsosh ata, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb rivendosur kontrollin dhe dinjitetin e humbur. Lukreci madje i gjurmon t\u00eb gjitha luftat te frika: Duke u ndjer\u00eb t\u00eb pasigurt, ne t\u00ebrbohemi kund\u00ebr asaj q\u00eb na k\u00ebrc\u00ebnon, dhe mundohemi ta asgj\u00ebsojm\u00eb. Ai l\u00eb jasht\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e dukshme q\u00eb lufta mund t\u00eb shkaktohet nga nj\u00eb reagim i arsyesh\u00ebm kundrejt nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb ndaj siguris\u00eb dhe vlerave tona. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb nuk duhet q\u00eb ta pranojm\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht analiz\u00ebn e tij. Un\u00eb nuk jam pacifiste, e as nuk qen\u00eb ashtu heronjt\u00eb e mi t\u00eb moszem\u00ebrimit, Martin Luther King, Jr. dhe Nelson Mandela. Gandhi, mendoj un\u00eb, b\u00ebri nj\u00eb gabim t\u00eb madh kur p\u00ebrqafoi pacifizmin total. Por madje edhe luft\u00ebrat e drejta, si\u00e7 mendoj se ka qen\u00eb Lufta e Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, jan\u00eb shpesh t\u00eb shtremb\u00ebruara nga zelli p\u00ebr gjakun e agresorit, dhe mund t\u00eb argumentohet me plot goj\u00ebn se episode t\u00eb tilla si bombardimi i Dresdenit qen\u00eb t\u00eb motivuara nga shpagimi, m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa nga ndonj\u00eb politik\u00eb e logjikshme. Udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e m\u00ebdhenj e kuptojn\u00eb se ne duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajm\u00eb dhe fortifikojm\u00eb shpirtin e protest\u00ebs s\u00eb vendosur kundrejt padrejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, pa e ngush\u00eblluar vetveten me mendime retributive. Fjalimi i shk\u00eblqyesh\u00ebm n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin Winston Churchill tha: \u201cNuk kam asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr t\u00eb ofruar pos gjakut, mundit, lot\u00ebve dhe djers\u00ebs\u201d i referohet rrezikut, betej\u00ebs, dhe gatishm\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb pranuar dhimbje t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ruhen vlerat demokratike. Fjalimi \u00ebsht\u00eb i dalluesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb munges\u00ebs s\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb retributivizmit. Churchilli NUK thot\u00eb se t\u2019u kthesh borxhin nazist\u00ebve do t\u00eb eliminoj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin ndaj liris\u00eb. Liria \u00ebsht\u00eb e bukur, dhe ne duhet t\u00eb jemi t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur p\u00ebr t\u00eb vuajtur p\u00ebr t\u00eb, por ne duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohemi n\u00eb t\u00eb mbrojturit e asaj q\u00eb duam n\u00eb vend se te \u201cvjellja e helmit mbi tok\u00eb\u201d, si\u00e7 thon\u00eb Eriniet e Eskilit.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb fund, pafuqia, dhe frika q\u00eb e shoq\u00ebron at\u00eb, \u00e7on drejt refleksit t\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebnit faj te dikush, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ndjehemi m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00ebn kontroll dhe m\u00eb pak t\u00eb goditur nga fati. Edhe nj\u00eb luft\u00eb e gjat\u00eb dhe e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb (nj\u00eb padi p\u00ebr abuzim, nj\u00eb padi p\u00ebr divorc q\u00eb zgjat shum\u00eb vjet) shpesh \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e parap\u00eblqyeshme psikologjikisht, sesa t\u00eb pranuarit e humbjes.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Protesta pa shpagim<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Cila \u00ebsht\u00eb alternativa? Ne mund ta mbajm\u00eb shpirtin e protest\u00ebs s\u00eb vendosur kundrejt padrejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, p\u00ebrderisa heqim dor\u00eb nga fantazia e zbraz\u00ebt e shpagimit. Kjo strategji q\u00eb sheh p\u00ebrpara, p\u00ebrfshin protestimin ndaj keqb\u00ebrjes, kur ajo ndodh, por jo edhe mbivendosjen e keqb\u00ebrjes aty ku n\u00eb fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshtimi i ekonomis\u00eb globale p\u00ebr t\u00eb menaxhuar, outsourcing dhe automatizimin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb ta pajtoj\u00eb me mir\u00ebqenien e qytetar\u00ebve ton\u00eb. Edhe at\u00ebher\u00eb kur ne jemi konfident\u00eb n\u00eb mveshjen e keqb\u00ebrj\u00ebs nj\u00eb individi apo grupi, ne ende mund t\u00eb refuzojm\u00eb me vendosm\u00ebri shpagimin, por duke par\u00eb drejt s\u00eb ardhmes me shpres\u00eb, duke zgjedhur strategji q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb dizajnuara p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar gj\u00ebrat, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb shkaktimit t\u00eb dhimbjes maksimale.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr t\u00eb konkluduar, un\u00eb dua t\u00eb studioj vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb shembull t\u00eb protest\u00ebs pa shpagim: idet\u00eb e Martin Luther King, Jr., i cili kontribuoi aq shum\u00eb p\u00ebr betej\u00ebn e vazhdueshme t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb ton\u00eb me racizmin dhe k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn e saj p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsi. Kingu gjithmon\u00eb thoshte se zem\u00ebrimi kishte nj\u00eb dobi t\u00eb limituar, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se i b\u00ebnte njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb t\u00eb vinin n\u00eb protest\u00eb, n\u00eb vend se t\u2019i mbante t\u00eb stagnuar n\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebrim. Por me t\u00eb ardhur aty, zem\u00ebrimi duhej q\u00eb t\u00eb \u201cspastrohej\u201d dhe t\u00eb \u201ckanalizohej.\u201d Ajo q\u00eb ai ka n\u00eb mendje \u00ebsht\u00eb se njer\u00ebzit duhet t\u00eb heqin dor\u00eb nga d\u00ebshira p\u00ebr shpagim dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht t\u00eb ruajn\u00eb shpirtin e protest\u00ebs s\u00eb justifikuar. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb retribucionit, atyre u nevojitet shpresa, dhe besimi te mundshm\u00ebria e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb ese t\u00eb vitit 1959, ai thot\u00eb se beteja p\u00ebr integrim do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me pengesa, dhe se k\u00ebto pengesa do t\u00eb shfaqen n\u00eb dy m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb ndryshme:<\/p>\n<p><em>Nj\u00ebra \u00ebsht\u00eb zhvillimi i nj\u00eb organizate sociale gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse p\u00ebr t\u2019i rezistuar me masa efektive dhe t\u00eb vendosura \u00e7do p\u00ebrpjekjeje p\u00ebr t\u00eb penguar progresin. Tjetra \u00ebsht\u00eb motivi i hutuar dhe i nxitur nga zem\u00ebrimi p\u00ebr t\u2019u hakmarr\u00eb me dhun\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb d\u00ebm. Kryesisht, ajo k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb l\u00ebndoj\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00eb hak p\u00ebr vuajtjet e padrejta. . . . Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebshkuese \u2013 e joradikale a konstruktive.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Kingu, natyrisht, po karakterizonte jo vet\u00ebm prirjen njer\u00ebzore t\u00eb rr\u00ebnjosur thell\u00eb, por n\u00eb fakt, idet\u00eb dhe sentimentet e Malcolm X, ashtu si\u00e7 i kuptonte ai.<\/p>\n<p>Kingu ngulmonte vazhdimisht se qasja e tij nuk do t\u00eb thoshte t\u00eb pajtoheshe me padrejt\u00ebsin\u00eb: ende ka nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb urgjente, ende ka protest\u00eb kund\u00ebr kushteve t\u00eb padrejta, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat protestuesi nd\u00ebrmerr rreziqe t\u00eb m\u00ebdha me trupin e tij apo t\u00eb saj, n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb Kingu e quante \u201caksion i drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb.\u201d Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, fokusi i protestuesit duhet t\u00eb kthehet drejt s\u00eb ardhmes, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn t\u00eb gjith\u00eb duhet t\u00eb punojn\u00eb p\u00ebr ta krijuar s\u00eb bashku, me shpres\u00ebn dhe besimin n\u00eb mundshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Shkurt, Kingu favorizon dhe sh\u00ebmb\u00ebllen at\u00eb q\u00eb un\u00eb e kam quajtur Zem\u00ebrim-Tranzitiv: pjes\u00ebn protestuese t\u00eb zem\u00ebrimit, pa shpagimin. P\u00ebr ta par\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb, le t\u00eb studiojm\u00eb sekuenc\u00ebn e emocioneve n\u00eb fjalimin e tij \u201cUn\u00eb kam nj\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrr.\u201d Kingu fillon, n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, me at\u00eb q\u00eb duket si thirrje p\u00ebr zem\u00ebrim: ai v\u00eb gishtin te dhuna e padrejt\u00eb e racizmit, q\u00eb ka d\u00ebshtuar s\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushuri premtimet implicite t\u00eb kombit p\u00ebr barazi. Nj\u00ebqind vjet pas\u00a0<em>Proklamimit t\u00eb Empancipimit [The Emancipation Proclamation]<\/em>, \u201cjeta e Zezakut \u00ebsht\u00eb fatkeq\u00ebsisht ende e gjymtuar nga t\u00eb zezat e segregimit dhe nga zinxhir\u00ebt e diskriminimit.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>L\u00ebvizja tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb b\u00ebn Kingu \u00ebsht\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse: se n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb demonizonte amerikan\u00ebt e bardh\u00eb, ai qet\u00ebsisht i krahason ata me njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kan\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar t\u00eb plot\u00ebsojn\u00eb obligimet financiare: \u201cAmerika u ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb Zezak\u00ebve nj\u00eb \u00e7ek t\u00eb keq, nj\u00eb \u00e7ek q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer pas me sh\u00ebnimin \u2018fonde t\u00eb pamjaftueshme.\u2019\u201d Kjo nis ndryshimin drejt asaj q\u00eb e kam quajtur Zem\u00ebrim-Tranzitiv: meq\u00eb na b\u00ebn t\u00eb shohim p\u00ebrpara n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra joretributive. Thelb\u00ebsorja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb sesi mund t\u00eb turp\u00ebrohen t\u00eb bardh\u00ebt, por sesi mund t\u00eb paguhet ky borxh, dhe duke vazhduar metafor\u00ebn financiare, mendimi q\u00eb t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrohet broxhliu nuk ka shum\u00eb gjas\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb qendror.<\/p>\n<p>E ardhmja tash i merr gj\u00ebrat n\u00eb dor\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb Kingu p\u00ebrqendrohet te nj\u00eb koh\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn t\u00eb gjith\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebheshin bashk\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsi dhe n\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajturit e obligimeve: \u201cPor ne refuzojm\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb besojm\u00eb se banka e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb ka bankrotuar. Ne refuzojm\u00eb t\u00eb besojm\u00eb se nuk ka fond t\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm n\u00eb kubet e m\u00ebdha t\u00eb mund\u00ebsive q\u00eb ky komb ka.\u201d P\u00ebrs\u00ebri, nuk ka p\u00ebrmendje t\u00eb mundimit apo shpagimit, por vet\u00ebm t\u00eb vendosm\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar m\u00eb n\u00eb fund mbrojtjen e t\u00eb drejtave civile. Kingu e p\u00ebrkujton audienc\u00ebn e tij se koha \u00ebsht\u00eb urgjente, dhe se ka rrezik q\u00eb t\u00ebrbimi t\u00eb shp\u00ebrthej\u00eb: por paraprakisht, ai e kund\u00ebrshton at\u00eb sjellje. \u201cP\u00ebrgjat\u00eb procesit e p\u00ebrfitimit t\u00eb vendit q\u00eb na takon, ne nuk duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi fajtor\u00eb p\u00ebr vepra t\u00eb padrejta. Le t\u00eb mos k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqim etjen ton\u00eb p\u00ebr liri duke pir\u00eb nga gota e inatit dhe urrejtjes. . . . P\u00ebrs\u00ebri dhe p\u00ebrs\u00ebri, ne duhet t\u00eb ngrihemi n\u00eb lart\u00ebsi madh\u00ebshtore t\u00eb p\u00ebrballimit t\u00eb forc\u00ebs fizike me forc\u00eb shpirt\u00ebrore.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Pra, \u201cshpagimi\u201d rikonceptohet si p\u00ebrligjje e t\u00eb drejtave civile, nj\u00eb proces q\u00eb bashkon t\u00eb zinjt\u00eb e t\u00eb bardh\u00ebt n\u00eb betej\u00ebn p\u00ebr liri e drejt\u00ebsi. Gjithsecili p\u00ebrfiton: si\u00e7 pajtohen shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz t\u00eb bardh\u00eb, \u201cliria e tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb pazgjidhshm\u00ebrisht e lidhur me lirin\u00eb ton\u00eb.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb vazhdim Kingu kund\u00ebrshton d\u00ebshp\u00ebrimin q\u00eb mund t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb te braktisja e p\u00ebrpjekjes. \u00cbsht\u00eb tek kjo pik\u00eb q\u00eb pjesa m\u00eb e famshme e fjalimit t\u00eb tij, \u201cUn\u00eb kam nj\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrr\u201d, merr jet\u00eb. Natyrisht, kjo \u00ebnd\u00ebrr, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrr e nd\u00ebshkimit retributive, por e barazis\u00eb, liris\u00eb dhe v\u00ebllaz\u00ebris\u00eb. N\u00eb terma t\u00eb spikatura, Kingu fton an\u00ebtar\u00ebt afrikano-amerikan\u00eb t\u00eb audienc\u00ebs s\u00eb tij, q\u00eb t\u00eb imagjinojn\u00eb nj\u00eb v\u00ebllaz\u00ebri edhe, madje, me ish torturuesit e tyre:<\/p>\n<p><em>Un\u00eb kam nj\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrr, se nj\u00eb dit\u00eb n\u00eb kodrat e kuqe t\u00eb Georgias, bijt\u00eb e skllev\u00ebrve t\u00eb dikursh\u00ebm dhe bijt\u00eb e skllavopronar\u00ebve t\u00eb dikursh\u00ebm, do t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb t\u00eb ulen s\u00eb bashk\u00eb n\u00eb tavolin\u00ebn e v\u00ebllaz\u00ebris\u00eb.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Un\u00eb kam nj\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrr, se nj\u00eb dit\u00eb, madje edhe shteti i Mississippit, nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb po digjet nga nxeht\u00ebsia e padrejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, q\u00eb po digjet nga nxeht\u00ebsia e shtypjes, do t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb oaz\u00eb t\u00eb liris\u00eb dhe drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. . . .<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Un\u00eb kam nj\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrr se nj\u00eb dit\u00eb, posht\u00eb n\u00eb Alabama, me racist\u00ebt e saj t\u00eb lig, me guvernatorin e saj t\u00eb cilit buz\u00ebt po i pikojn\u00eb me fjal\u00ebt \u201cnd\u00ebrpozicion\u201d dhe \u201cnullifikim\u201d \u2013 nj\u00eb dit\u00eb, mu aty n\u00eb Alabama, djem e vajza t\u00eb reja zezake do t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb t\u00eb bashkojn\u00eb duart me djem e vajza t\u00eb bardha, si t\u00eb jen\u00eb motra dhe v\u00ebllez\u00ebr.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>V\u00ebrtet se ka shqet\u00ebsim t\u00eb madh n\u00eb fjalimin e tij, dhe ky shqet\u00ebsim mbledh fuqit\u00eb e nj\u00eb vizioni t\u00eb korrigjimit, i cili mundet q\u00eb shum\u00eb leht\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00eb form\u00eb retributive. Por Kingu rreket menj\u00ebher\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb riform\u00ebsoj\u00eb retributivizmin n\u00eb pun\u00eb dhe shpres\u00eb. Sesi mundet q\u00eb padrejt\u00ebsia, me mend n\u00eb kok\u00eb dhe n\u00eb realitet, t\u00eb rregullohet p\u00ebrmes shpagimit retributiv? Dhimbja dhe p\u00ebrulja e shtyp\u00ebsit nuk e b\u00ebn viktim\u00ebn t\u00eb lir\u00eb. Vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje inteligjente dhe imagjinative drejt drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb mund ta b\u00ebj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Mund t\u00eb duket e \u00e7uditshme q\u00eb t\u00eb krahasohet Kingu me Eskilin, edhe pse kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aspak e \u00e7uditshme, duke marr\u00eb parasysh njohurin\u00eb e thell\u00eb q\u00eb Kingu kishte n\u00eb let\u00ebrsi dhe filozofi. Ai n\u00eb fakt po thot\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gj\u00eb: demokracia duhet t\u00eb heq\u00eb dor\u00eb nga mendimi i zbraz\u00ebt dhe destruktiv i shpagimit dhe t\u00eb kthehet drejt nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmeje t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb ligjore dhe mir\u00ebqenies njer\u00ebzore. Kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e Kingut e portretizuan q\u00ebndrimin e tij si t\u00eb dob\u00ebt. Malcom X thoshte me ciniz\u00ebm se kjo ishte si kafeja q\u00eb kishte aq shum\u00eb qum\u00ebsht n\u00eb t\u00eb, sa q\u00eb ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb e bardh\u00eb dhe e ftoht\u00eb, dhe q\u00eb nuk kishte m\u00eb shijen e kafes\u00eb. Por kjo ishte gabim. Q\u00ebndrimi i Kingut \u00ebsht\u00eb i fort\u00eb, jo i dob\u00ebt. P\u00ebr hir t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhmes, ai i reziston nj\u00ebrit prej impulseve m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme njer\u00ebzore, impulsit retributiv. Nj\u00ebri prej problemeve m\u00eb delikate n\u00eb politik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb ngulurit k\u00ebmb\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebrkimin e vendosur p\u00ebr zgjidhje, pa l\u00ebn\u00eb frik\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb na devijoj\u00eb drejt rrug\u00ebs s\u00eb gabimeve t\u00eb zem\u00ebrimit. Ideja q\u00eb ndajn\u00eb s\u00eb bashku Eskili dhe Kingu \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt demokratik\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej q\u00eb me kuraj\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrballeshin me problemet dhe, po, padrejt\u00ebsit\u00eb e papranueshme t\u00eb cilat i p\u00ebrjetojm\u00eb n\u00eb jet\u00ebn politike dhe sociale. T\u00eb jepesh pas zem\u00ebrimit dhe frik\u00ebs nuk zgjidh problemin; p\u00ebrkundrazi, kjo \u00e7on, sikurse kishte \u00e7uar si Athin\u00ebn ashtu edhe Rom\u00ebn, n\u00eb nj\u00eb spirale t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs retributive.<\/p>\n<p>Lukreci tregon nj\u00eb tregim t\u00eb zymt\u00eb p\u00ebr shfrenimin e zem\u00ebrimit dhe frik\u00ebs njer\u00ebzore. Ai imagjinon nj\u00eb bot\u00eb jo ndryshe nga e tija, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn pasiguria \u00e7on n\u00eb vepra t\u00eb agresionit, t\u00eb cilat nuk e qet\u00ebsojn\u00eb pasigurin\u00eb. (N\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur ai shkruante, Republika Romake po ziente, dhe pasiguria, q\u00eb po ndjehej kudo, shum\u00eb shpejt do t\u00eb sillte tiranin\u00eb.) Duke u p\u00ebrpjekjur q\u00eb t\u00eb qet\u00ebsojn\u00eb frik\u00ebn, imagjinon ai, njer\u00ebzit b\u00ebhen gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb agresiv\u00eb \u2013 deri at\u00ebher\u00eb kur ata zbulojn\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb re p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkaktuar d\u00ebm maksimal mbi armiqt\u00eb e tyre: duke i inkuadruar bishat e egra n\u00eb ushtri.<\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0Ata madje testuan demat n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb luft\u00ebs.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0Ata ushtronin duke i l\u00ebshuar\u00a0derrat e eg\u00ebr kund\u00ebr armiqve.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Ata madje p\u00ebrdor\u00ebn luan\u00eb t\u00eb friksh\u00ebm n\u00eb vij\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb frontit, t\u00eb pajisur me nj\u00eb forc\u00eb speciale t\u00eb \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 trajnuesve t\u00eb armatosur e mizor\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i mbajn\u00eb n\u00eb zinxhir\u00eb e n\u00ebn kontroll.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 Kjo qe e kot\u00eb.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 Luan\u00ebt, t\u00eb etur p\u00ebr gjak, u zgjidh\u00ebn me eg\u00ebrsi.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 Shkel\u00ebn trupat, duke i tundur jelet.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb nj\u00eb tour de force poetik, Lukreci tash imagjinon gjakderdhjen q\u00eb sjellin kafsh\u00ebt. Pastaj ai t\u00ebrhiqet. A ndodhi kjo v\u00ebrtet?, thot\u00eb ai. Ndoshta kjo ndodhi n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb bot\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, jasht\u00eb n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb. Dhe \u00e7far\u00eb desh\u00ebn t\u00eb arrijn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb njer\u00ebz fiktiv\u00eb, thot\u00eb ai? Q\u00eb t\u2019i shkaktojn\u00eb armikut dhimbje t\u00eb m\u00ebdha \u2013 edhe n\u00ebse kjo n\u00ebnkuptonte tretjen e vetvetes!<\/p>\n<p>Argumenti i Lukrecit \u00ebsht\u00eb se ato bisha t\u00eb egra jan\u00eb emocionet tona retributive. Njer\u00ebzit mund t\u00eb mendojn\u00eb se zem\u00ebrimi \u00ebsht\u00eb i fuqish\u00ebm, por ai gjithmon\u00eb rr\u00ebshqet jasht\u00eb kontrollit dhe kthehet kund\u00ebr nesh. Dhe, edhe m\u00eb keq, gjysm\u00ebn e koh\u00ebs njer\u00ebzve nuk u b\u00ebhet von\u00eb. Ata jan\u00eb aq thell\u00eb t\u00eb zhytur n\u00eb fantazira shpagimi saq\u00eb do t\u00eb parap\u00eblqenin q\u00eb t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrmbushin asgj\u00eb, derisa<u>\u00a0t\u2019i ken\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb ata njer\u00ebz t\u00eb vuajn\u00eb<\/u>. Fantazia e tij e zymt\u00eb fantashkencore na p\u00ebrkujton q\u00eb ne gjithmon\u00eb mposhtim vetveten, p\u00ebr aq sa e l\u00ebm\u00eb vetveten t\u00eb qeveriset nga frika, zem\u00ebrimi dhe politika e faj\u00ebsimit.<\/p>\n<p>Ka nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. Eskili e dinte k\u00ebt\u00eb, dhe Kingu sa e dinte edhe e jetonte. T\u00eb b\u00ebsh nj\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi dhe mir\u00ebqenie t\u00eb ardhme \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. Kjo k\u00ebrkon vetekzaminim, nd\u00ebrmarrje t\u00eb rrezikut, k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb argumenteve kritike, dhe nisma t\u00eb pasigurta p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhur te kauzat e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta me kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt \u2013 n\u00eb shpirtin e shpres\u00ebs dhe asaj q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund ta quanim besim racional. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, por \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim t\u00eb cilin po e rekomandoj, si p\u00ebr individ\u00ebt, ashtu edhe p\u00ebr institucionet.<\/p>\n<p>Argumenti im \u00ebsht\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb tri fusha prominente t\u00eb shkencave humane. P\u00ebr imazhe evokative q\u00eb ndri\u00e7ojn\u00eb probleme politike dhe udh\u00ebn drejt q\u00ebllimeve politike, i jam kthyer let\u00ebrsis\u00eb. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb tregoj sesi jan\u00eb ndjekur k\u00ebto q\u00ebllime n\u00eb koh\u00ebn dhe vendin ton\u00eb, i jam kthyer historis\u00eb. Por mbi t\u00eb gjitha, meq\u00eb jam filozofe, i jam kthyer filozofis\u00eb p\u00ebr analiz\u00eb kritike dhe argumente strukturore lidhur me drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe mir\u00ebqenien. Filozofia nuk nxit, k\u00ebrc\u00ebnon, a p\u00ebrqesh. Ajo nuk b\u00ebn supozime t\u00eb thata, por, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, ngre nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb t\u00eb mendimit n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn p\u00ebrfundimi rrjedh nga premisat, t\u00eb cilat d\u00ebgjuesi \u00ebsht\u00eb i lir\u00eb t\u2019i kund\u00ebrshtoj\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb ajo fton p\u00ebr dialog, dhe respekton d\u00ebgjuesin. Ndryshe nga politikan\u00ebt me vet\u00ebbesim t\u00eb tepruar t\u00eb cil\u00ebt i intervistonte Sokrati (Euthiproja, Kritia, Meletusi), fol\u00ebsi filozofik \u00ebsht\u00eb i p\u00ebrulur dhe i zhveshur: pozicioni i tij ose i saj \u00ebsht\u00eb transparent, dhe prandaj i ndjesh\u00ebm ndaj kritik\u00ebs. (I tij ose i saj, meq\u00eb Sokrati thot\u00eb se ai do t\u00eb kishte pasur d\u00ebshir\u00eb t\u2019i intervistonte grat\u00eb, edhe po t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb jet\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, dhe Platoni n\u00eb fakt u jepte m\u00ebsim grave n\u00eb shkoll\u00ebn e tij!)<\/p>\n<p>OK: Ju i\u00a0pat\u00eb hapat n\u00eb argumentin tim: tash, kushdo prej jush mund t\u00eb ky\u00e7et dhe t\u00eb m\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtoj\u00eb, si\u00e7 rekomandonte Sokrati. K\u00ebshtu m\u00ebson demokracia, dhe k\u00ebshtu b\u00ebn progres. Un\u00eb besoj se demokracis\u00eb i duhen urgjentisht t\u00eb tri fushat e shkencave humane q\u00eb i p\u00ebrmenda, t\u00eb cilat e p\u00ebrmbushin nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn. Q\u00eb t\u00eb tria ofrojn\u00eb ushtrime n\u00eb aft\u00ebsi t\u00eb mendjes dhe t\u00eb zemr\u00ebs, q\u00eb jan\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore, po t\u00eb duam q\u00eb bashk\u00ebbisedimi t\u00eb jet\u00eb argumentim i respektuesh\u00ebm, posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht n\u00eb koh\u00ebrat tona t\u00eb frik\u00ebs, inatit, dhe ndarjes. Por mbi t\u00eb gjitha, p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur problemin politik t\u00eb zem\u00ebrimit, demokracis\u00eb i nevojitet q\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebsoj\u00eb dhe t\u00eb praktikoj\u00eb dialogun filozofik, nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb bashk\u00ebbiseduarit \u2013 dhe t\u00eb mospajtuarit \u2013 p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, q\u00eb e z\u00ebvend\u00ebson respektin p\u00ebr arroganc\u00ebn, dhe t\u00eb praktikoj\u00eb hetim t\u00eb duruesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr mburrjet me vet\u00ebbesim t\u00eb tepruar. N\u00ebse arsyeja filozofike \u2013 dhe partneri i saj eskilian, arsyetimi ligjor dhe sundimi i ligjit \u2013 triumfojn\u00eb mbi zem\u00ebrimin, ne mund fitojm\u00eb rezultate t\u00eb cilat Eskili i paramendon n\u00eb konkluzion t\u00eb dram\u00ebs s\u00eb tij:<\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0Q\u00eb me boll\u00ebk bekimet<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0Q\u00eb e b\u00ebjn\u00eb jet\u00ebn t\u00eb begat\u00eb<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0T\u00eb mund t\u00eb lul\u00ebzojn\u00eb nga toka<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0Prej rrezeve vezulluese t\u00eb Diellit.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>_______________<\/p>\n<p>*Ligj\u00ebrata Jefferson n\u00eb Shkencat Humane \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb 1 maj 2017, n\u00eb Qendr\u00ebn p\u00ebr Arte Performative John F. Kennedy.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebrktheu: Bardhi Bakija<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>PJESA E DYT\u00cb Tre gabime n\u00eb zem\u00ebrim Tash jemi gati q\u00eb t\u00eb shohim tri m\u00ebnyra ku zem\u00ebrimi mund t\u00eb na humb\u00eb rrug\u00ebn. Gabimet e dukshme.\u00a0Zem\u00ebrimi mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb i devijuar, dhe t\u00eb na udh\u00ebzoj\u00eb keq, n\u00ebse bazohet n\u00eb informat\u00ebn e gabuar p\u00ebr at\u00eb se kush i b\u00ebri di\u00e7ka dikujt, p\u00ebr at\u00eb se a \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":298,"featured_media":10273,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1822,1821],"ppma_author":[309],"class_list":["post-4097","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-jefferson","tag-ligjerata"],"authors":[{"term_id":309,"user_id":298,"is_guest":0,"slug":"martha-naussbaum","display_name":"Martha Nussbaum","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Martha_Nussbaum_2010_cropped.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Martha_Nussbaum_2010_cropped.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Nussbaum","first_name":"Martha","description":"Martha Craven Nussbaum \u00ebsht\u00eb filozofe amerikane, aktualisht Profesoresha e Dalluar e Ernst Freund p\u00ebr Ligj dhe Etik\u00eb, n\u00eb University of Chicago."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4097","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/298"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4097"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4097\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10278,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4097\/revisions\/10278"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10273"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4097"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4097"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4097"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4097"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}