{"id":4111,"date":"2016-09-26T11:41:33","date_gmt":"2016-09-26T09:41:33","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4111"},"modified":"2024-11-14T11:43:55","modified_gmt":"2024-11-14T09:43:55","slug":"kur-humbja-e-privilegjit-perjetohet-si-padrejtesi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/kur-humbja-e-privilegjit-perjetohet-si-padrejtesi\/","title":{"rendered":"Kur humbja e privilegjit p\u00ebrjetohet si padrejt\u00ebsi"},"content":{"rendered":"
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P\u00ebrse popujt per\u00ebndimor\u00eb jan\u00eb kaq t\u00eb mllefosur me elitat e tyre politike dhe po votojn\u00eb p\u00ebr ekstremist\u00eb popullist\u00eb?<\/p>\n

Shkaqet e k\u00ebtij fenomeni jan\u00eb t\u00eb shumta dhe dallojn\u00eb nga shteti n\u00eb shtet. Por ato e kan\u00eb nj\u00eb burim t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt: dob\u00ebsimin ekonomik dhe politik t\u00eb klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore dhe t\u00eb mesme.<\/p>\n

Por para se t\u00eb dalim te kjo pik\u00eb, nevojitet nj\u00eb shpjegim i kontekstit t\u00eb gjer\u00eb ekonomik. Kjo sepse vitet e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb trend q\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7do problem social dhe politik t\u00eb sulmohen \u201cpaushall\u201d globalizimi dhe politikat ekonomike liberale, pa u dh\u00ebn\u00eb ndonj\u00eb shpjegim i mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb shkak-pasoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Thuhet shpesh se ky proces tashm\u00eb rreth tridhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar i hapjes s\u00eb tregjeve ishte krejt\u00ebsisht i d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm. Por v\u00ebrtet\u00ebsia e k\u00ebtij konstatimi varet nga ajo se me \u00e7far\u00eb parametrash e masim suksesin apo d\u00ebshtimin.<\/p>\n

Sipas nj\u00eb parametri shum\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm – atij t\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb varf\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb nivel bot\u00ebror – globalizimi ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb sukses i jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebt\u00eb e ilustron grafiku i m\u00ebposht\u00ebm, i cili e tregon ndryshimin nd\u00ebr vite t\u00eb p\u00ebrqindjes s\u00eb popullsis\u00eb n\u00eb vendet me t\u00eb ardhura t\u00eb ul\u00ebta ose mesatare, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt jetojn\u00eb n\u00ebn pragun e varf\u00ebris\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Grafiku tregon sesi p\u00ebrqindja e varf\u00ebris\u00eb ka mbetur e pandryshuar p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb viteve 80 (rreth nivelit 70%), kur bota akoma ishte \u201ce mbyllur\u201d. Por pas vitit 1991, me r\u00ebnien e komunizmit dhe me hapjen e tregjeve globale, fillon nj\u00eb r\u00ebnie drastike e nivelit t\u00eb varf\u00ebris\u00eb, duke arritur n\u00eb rreth 30% n\u00eb vitin 2013 (p\u00ebrgjysmim). Asnj\u00eb periudh\u00eb tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb histori nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shoq\u00ebruar me rritje m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies n\u00eb nivel bot\u00ebror.<\/p>\n

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Burimi: William Easterly<\/p>\n

Parametri i dyt\u00eb i cili mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret p\u00ebr matje, dhe i cili shpesh p\u00ebrmendet si m\u00ebkati m\u00eb i madh i globalizimit, \u00ebsht\u00eb se ai ka \u00e7uar drejt rritjes s\u00eb pabarazis\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhura.<\/p>\n

A \u00ebsht\u00eb kjo e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb? Parimisht po. Por edhe matja e k\u00ebtij parametri \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje perspektive dhe p\u00ebrgjigja dallon n\u00ebse flasim p\u00ebr pabarazin\u00eb n\u00eb nivel shteti, apo n\u00eb nivel bot\u00ebror.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb se n\u00ebse shikohet n\u00eb nivel shtetesh individuale, globalizimi ka \u00e7uar drejt rritjes s\u00eb madhe t\u00eb pabarazis\u00eb. Ai u mund\u00ebsoi pronar\u00ebve t\u00eb kapitalit nga vendet e zhvilluara q\u00eb ta zhvendosin prodhimin n\u00eb vende me fuqi pun\u00ebtore t\u00eb lir\u00eb dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht t\u00eb rrisin tregun p\u00ebr shitje.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht klasa e mesme dhe pun\u00ebtore e per\u00ebndimit humbi vende t\u00eb pun\u00ebs dhe nuk pa rritje rrogash, meq\u00eb tani konkurronte me pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt e lir\u00eb t\u00eb vendeve n\u00eb zhvillim. Ky proces u nd\u00ebrthur edhe me procesin e zhvillimit t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb t\u00eb teknologjis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb automatizimit t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb pun\u00ebs, i cili b\u00ebri q\u00eb ata t\u00eb konkurronin edhe me \u201crobot\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto dy procese paralele \u2013 q\u00eb soll\u00ebn fitime marramend\u00ebse p\u00ebr elit\u00ebn dhe stagnim apo humbje p\u00ebr t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt \u2013 e rrit\u00ebn pabarazin\u00eb brenda shteteve per\u00ebndimore. Pra elitat per\u00ebndimore, bashk\u00eb me elitat n\u00eb vendet n\u00eb zhvillim, t\u00eb cilat e kan\u00eb kapur pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb pasuris\u00eb s\u00eb re t\u00eb krijuar n\u00eb vendet e tyre, jan\u00eb fituese nga globalizimi.<\/p>\n

Por ka edhe nj\u00eb fitues tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb madh nga procesi i globalizimit: klasat e mesme t\u00eb vendeve n\u00eb zhvillim.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse pabarazia shikohet n\u00eb nivel bot\u00ebror dhe jo n\u00eb nivel shtetesh, at\u00ebher\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00ebt e fundit kemi par\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm rritje t\u00eb pabarazis\u00eb n\u00eb mes t\u00eb elitave dhe t\u00eb tj\u00ebr\u00ebve, por edhe nj\u00eb p\u00ebrafrim n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhura n\u00eb mes t\u00eb klasave t\u00eb mesme t\u00eb vendeve n\u00eb zhvillim me ato t\u00eb vendeve per\u00ebndimore.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebt\u00eb e ilustron n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb mrekullueshme\u00a0grafiku i prodhuar nga ekonomisti Branko Milanovic<\/a>, i cili e tregon rritjen kumulative t\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurave individuale n\u00eb nivel bot\u00ebror gjat\u00eb periudh\u00ebs 1988-2008.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb boshtin horizontal grafiku e paraqet shp\u00ebrndarjen e popullsis\u00eb bot\u00ebrore sipas nivelit t\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurave, ku n\u00eb pik\u00ebn ekstreme 1 jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebrit dhe n\u00eb pik\u00ebn ekstreme 100 m\u00eb t\u00eb pasurit. \u00c7do njeri n\u00eb bot\u00eb ndodhet n\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij boshti var\u00ebsisht nga niveli i tij\/saj i t\u00eb ardhurave. Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb boshtin vertikal grafiku tregon se p\u00ebr sa p\u00ebrqind jan\u00eb rritur gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj periudhe t\u00eb ardhurat p\u00ebr individ\u00ebt n\u00eb secil\u00ebn pik\u00eb t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarjes bot\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n

Grafiku tregon se rritjen duksh\u00ebm m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurave e kan\u00eb pasur ata q\u00eb ndodhen n\u00eb nivelin e mes\u00ebm t\u00eb ardhurave bot\u00ebrore \u2013 nga pika 30 e deri n\u00eb pik\u00ebn 70. K\u00ebta jan\u00eb banor\u00ebt e vendeve n\u00eb zhvillim q\u00eb kan\u00eb sh\u00ebnuar rritje t\u00eb madhe ekonomike (p. sh. n\u00eb Kin\u00eb dhe Indi). Rritje mbi mesataren e t\u00eb ardhurave kan\u00eb pasur edhe elitat (pika 100) por edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebrit e bot\u00ebs (ata q\u00eb ndodhen nga pika 0 deri n\u00eb 30).<\/p>\n

Por ajo q\u00eb bie n\u00eb sy \u00ebsht\u00eb se rritje duksh\u00ebm m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl t\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurave, n\u00ebn mesataren bot\u00ebrore, kan\u00eb p\u00ebsuar banor\u00ebt e bot\u00ebs q\u00eb ndodhen nga pika 75 deri n\u00eb pik\u00ebn 90 p\u00ebr nga niveli i t\u00eb ardhurave. K\u00ebtu ndodhen klasa pun\u00ebtore dhe e mesme per\u00ebndimore!<\/p>\n

\"Image\"<\/div>\n

Burimi: Branko Milanovic<\/p>\n

Milanovic e quan k\u00ebt\u00eb proces \u201criorganizimi m\u00eb i madh i t\u00eb ardhurave individuale n\u00eb histori\u201d. Banor\u00ebt e vendeve n\u00eb zhvillim kan\u00eb par\u00eb rritje t\u00eb konsiderueshme t\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurave, por e kan\u00eb arritur k\u00ebt\u00eb deri-diku n\u00eb kurriz t\u00eb klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore dhe t\u00eb mesme per\u00ebndimore, si dhe n\u00eb \u201cbashk\u00ebpunim\u201d me elit\u00ebn per\u00ebndimore zot\u00ebruese t\u00eb kapitalit.<\/p>\n

Klasa pun\u00ebtore dhe ajo e mesme per\u00ebndimore akoma mbetet shum\u00eb her\u00eb m\u00eb e pasur se ajo e vendeve t\u00eb tjera. Por ajo ka sh\u00ebnuar\u00a0r\u00ebnie t\u00eb dukshme relative<\/strong>\u00a0\u2013 qoft\u00eb n\u00eb raport me vendet e tjera n\u00eb bot\u00eb, qoft\u00eb n\u00eb raport me elit\u00ebn e vendit t\u00eb vet.<\/p>\n

R\u00ebnia relative e statusit ekonomik dhe social t\u00eb nj\u00eb grupi gjithmon\u00eb shoq\u00ebrohet me tensione politike. Kjo sepse njeriu e vler\u00ebson pozit\u00ebn e tij n\u00eb krahasim me t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt dhe n\u00eb dimension kohor. Ajo i hap rrug\u00eb ndjenj\u00ebs s\u00eb viktimizimit dhe nostalgjis\u00eb p\u00ebr \u201ckoh\u00eb t\u00eb arta\u201d, q\u00eb jan\u00eb ushqim p\u00ebr ideologjit\u00eb ekstreme.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ekonomia \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb bot\u00ebrore, institucionet politike kan\u00eb mbetur komb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb nivel komb\u00ebtar n\u00eb per\u00ebndim po shfryhet dufi ndaj elitave q\u00eb shihen si \u201cglobaliste\u201d dhe si tradh\u00ebtare t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb klas\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme dhe pun\u00ebtore komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgjigja politike ndaj k\u00ebsaj krize n\u00eb per\u00ebndim ka marr\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb tipare fashiste se t\u00eb majta, p\u00ebr kat\u00ebr arsye kryesore.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb pari, sepse gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtij procesi t\u00eb \u201cbalancimit global\u201d, klasa pun\u00ebtore dhe ajo e mesme per\u00ebndimore \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrballur edhe me fluks emigrant\u00ebsh nga vendet n\u00eb zhvillim. Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e emigrant\u00ebve vijn\u00eb nga kultura krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb ndryshme. Nga ky \u201ctjetri\u201d e djathta ekstreme historikisht ka krijuar panik dhe objekt kurbani. Emigrant\u00ebt p\u00ebrve\u00e7se shihen si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim ekonomik, p\u00ebrjetohen edhe si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim kulturor.\u00a0Ekonomisti Dani Rodrik n\u00eb fakt argumenton<\/a>\u00a0se prezenca ose jo e emigrant\u00ebve n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet \u00ebsht\u00eb faktor p\u00ebrcaktues n\u00ebse p\u00ebrgjigja populiste kund\u00ebr elitave ka qen\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb e majt\u00eb apo e djatht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti, rol t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb karakterin fashist t\u00eb reaksionit luan elementi gjeografik dhe hap\u00ebsinor. Te libri\u00a0\u201cIdentitetet Kryengrit\u00ebse\u201d<\/a>, sociologu Roger Gould argumentonte se identiteti i l\u00ebvizjeve protestuese \u00ebsht\u00eb produkt rast\u00ebsor dhe rrethanor. Ai varet nga m\u00ebnyra sesi njer\u00ebzit socializohen me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin dhe si i artikulojn\u00eb shqet\u00ebsimet e tyre (si klas\u00eb, si komb apo si pjes\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb feje).<\/p>\n

Shumica e humb\u00ebsve t\u00eb globalizimit sot jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb mjedise periferike dhe t\u00eb deindustrializuara\u00a0<\/a>(qytete t\u00eb vogla dhe qyteza) larg foleve t\u00eb elitave (kryesisht kryeqytetet). K\u00ebto \u201czona t\u00eb harruara\u201d jan\u00eb etnikisht dhe kulturalisht m\u00eb homogjene, prandaj dhe reagimi ndaj kryeqendrave, q\u00eb shihen si fole e elitave dhe e emigrant\u00ebve, ka marr\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb karakter etnik sesa klasor. Thellimi i ndarjes hap\u00ebsinore mes fituesve dhe humb\u00ebsve t\u00eb globalizimit \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe arsyeja p\u00ebrse nj\u00eb gjeograf si Christophe Guilluy, i cili ka v\u00ebrejtur trendet e ndarjes gjat\u00eb pun\u00ebs s\u00eb tij,\u00a0papritmas \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr inelektual\u00ebt publik\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb njohur n\u00eb Franc\u00eb.<\/a><\/p>\n

S\u00eb treti, reaksioni po vjen nga e djathta ekstreme sepse elitat politike per\u00ebndimore, p\u00ebrfshi ato t\u00eb majta, gjat\u00eb dekadave t\u00eb fundit i dhan\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi dimensionit identitar t\u00eb pabarazis\u00eb n\u00eb vendet e tyre se dimensionit klasor. Shum\u00eb votues nga klasa tradicionale pun\u00ebtore dhe e mesme, q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb shumic\u00eb t\u00eb bardh\u00eb, u larguan nga partit\u00eb e majta kur pan\u00eb se atyre m\u00eb shum\u00eb po u intereson p\u00ebrparimi dhe integrimi n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri i grupeve t\u00eb margjinalizuara (grave, pakicave etnike, imigrant\u00ebve, komunitetit LGBTI, etj.) sesa r\u00ebnia e tyre ekonomike.<\/p>\n

Kjo te nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e t\u00eb bardh\u00ebve konservator\u00eb, sidomos nga \u201czonat e harruara\u201d, ka shkaktuar nj\u00eb \u201czili identitare\u201d, impulse nativiste dhe e ka rritur urrejtjen ndaj pakicave. I ka b\u00ebr\u00eb edhe t\u00eb bardh\u00ebt q\u00eb t\u00eb identifikohen me rac\u00ebn e tyre, duke e nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb pah ndjenj\u00ebn se \u201cata\u201d, si banor\u00ebt origjinal\u00eb, duhej t\u00eb ishin m\u00eb t\u00eb privilegjuar.<\/p>\n

Dob\u00ebsimi i statusit t\u00eb privilegjuar madje p\u00ebrjetohet si padrejt\u00ebsi. Nuk ka sesi t\u00eb shpjegohet ndryshe\u00a0rezultati i nj\u00eb ankete n\u00eb SHBA<\/a>\u00a0n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn 30% e t\u00eb anketuarve u pajtuan me konstatimin se \u201ct\u00eb bardh\u00ebt n\u00eb SHBA p\u00ebrjetojn\u00eb shum\u00eb diskriminim\u201d \u2013 bindje kjo q\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrkon me asnj\u00eb statistik\u00eb objektive!<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb diskutim t\u00eb dit\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb Stanford<\/a>, Francis Fukuyama e tha mjaft sakt\u00eb: \u201cKlasa m\u00eb e rrezikshme shpesh nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebrit, por njer\u00ebzit e klas\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme q\u00eb po humbin status!\u201d Dhe klasa e mesme per\u00ebndimore, kryesisht e bardh\u00eb, dikur zilia e bot\u00ebs n\u00eb zhvillim me fuqin\u00eb e vet konsumuese, po zbret nga froni i t\u00eb privilegjuarit ekonomik t\u00eb bot\u00ebs, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb politikisht i duhet t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb barazin\u00eb me pakicat etnike.<\/p>\n

Njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb humbasin status ekonomik dhe politik jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb ankth dhe rr\u00ebshqasin leht\u00eb n\u00eb ideologji p\u00ebrjashtuese ndaj atyre q\u00eb i shohin si k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim.<\/p>\n

Ne n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb e njohim shum\u00eb mir\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fenomen. E kemi par\u00eb n\u00eb ish-Jugosllavi gjat\u00eb viteve \u201970, kur rritja e t\u00eb drejtave politike, ngritja e klas\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme shqiptare u p\u00ebrjetuan\u00a0si shok nga serb\u00ebt q\u00eb deri at\u00ebher\u00eb kishin monopol ekonomik dhe politik, sidomos n\u00eb profesionet \u201cm\u00eb t\u00eb larta\u201d. R\u00ebnia e tyre relative dhe humbja e statusit t\u00eb privilegjuar e prodhoi histerin\u00eb nacionaliste serbe\u00a0t\u00eb viteve 80.<\/p>\n

Gjithashtu, a nuk po e shohim sot gjuh\u00ebn p\u00ebrjashtuese dhe mend\u00ebsin\u00eb fashiste m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti prezente pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb mesin e ish-klas\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme dhe asaj pun\u00ebtore q\u00eb ishte m\u00eb e\u00a0privilegjuar n\u00eb ish-Jugosllavi? P\u00ebrjashtuese jo vet\u00ebm ndaj serb\u00ebve, ndaj t\u00eb cil\u00ebve legjitimohet edhe gjuha e urrejtjes, por edhe ndaj prurjeve t\u00eb reja n\u00eb klas\u00ebn e mesme shqiptare, fshatar\u00ebve t\u00eb cil\u00ebt gjat\u00eb ish-Jugosllavis\u00eb ishin shtresat shoq\u00ebrore m\u00eb t\u00eb diskriminuara.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt, n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur t\u00eb gjith\u00eb gishtat jan\u00eb drejtuar tek globalizimi dhe liberalizmi, vlen t\u00eb kujtohemi se fashizmi di t\u00eb jet\u00eb po aq produkt i rritjes s\u00eb pabarazis\u00eb ekonomike mes klasave sa edhe i balancimit t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb mes etnive dhe shteteve.<\/p>\n

Humbja e privilegjit dhemb. Dhe dhimbja synon t\u00eb shkaktoj\u00eb dhimbje.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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P\u00ebrse popujt per\u00ebndimor\u00eb jan\u00eb kaq t\u00eb mllefosur me elitat e tyre politike dhe po votojn\u00eb p\u00ebr ekstremist\u00eb popullist\u00eb? Shkaqet e k\u00ebtij fenomeni jan\u00eb t\u00eb shumta dhe dallojn\u00eb nga shteti n\u00eb shtet. Por ato e kan\u00eb nj\u00eb burim t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt: dob\u00ebsimin ekonomik dhe politik t\u00eb klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore dhe t\u00eb mesme. Por para se t\u00eb dalim te […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":438,"featured_media":10285,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1366,868,1048],"ppma_author":[985],"class_list":["post-4111","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-ekonomia","tag-politika","tag-populizmi"],"authors":[{"term_id":985,"user_id":438,"is_guest":0,"slug":"agon-maliqi","display_name":"Agon Maliqi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Headshot-copy-3-1-scaled-e1721289936673.jpeg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/Headshot-copy-3-1-scaled-e1721289936673.jpeg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Maliqi","first_name":"Agon","description":"Agon Maliqi \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, analist dhe aktivist i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile nga Prishtina, me banim n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb. Prej disa vitesh ai punon si k\u00ebshill\u00ebtar dhe studies i pavarur i \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, paqes dhe demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mori institutesh, organizatash dhe mediash vendase dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00eb\u00ebtare. Si aktivist i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr thuajse 20 vite, zt. Maliqi mes tjerash ka qen\u00eb bashk\u00ebthemelues dhe drejtues per disa vite i platform\u00ebs sbunker. N\u00eb vitin 2019 ai q\u00ebndroi p\u00ebr gjysm\u00eb viti n\u00eb Uashington D.C si p\u00ebrfitues i Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fello\u00ebship n\u00eb Fondin Komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Demokracis\u00eb (NED) n\u00eb SHBA. Sot ai \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e Grupit Strategjik p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb Fondacionit Heinrich B\u00f6ll (HBS) me baz\u00eb n\u00eb Berlin; pjes\u00eb e Task Forc\u00ebs rajonale t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb Institutit Republikan Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar (IRI) dhe an\u00ebtar i Koalicionit Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr Rip\u00ebrt\u00ebritje Demokratike (ICDR) t\u00eb Forumit 2000 n\u00eb Prag\u00eb. Zt. Maliqi ka mbaruar studimet master p\u00ebr politikat e zhvillimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb Duke University (SHBA) dhe ato bachelor p\u00ebr shkenca politike dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin Amerikan n\u00eb Bullgari."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4111","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/438"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4111"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4111\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10286,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4111\/revisions\/10286"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10285"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4111"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4111"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4111"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4111"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}