{"id":4129,"date":"2017-10-30T12:45:50","date_gmt":"2017-10-30T10:45:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4129"},"modified":"2025-01-10T12:48:18","modified_gmt":"2025-01-10T10:48:18","slug":"te-fajesosh-popullin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/te-fajesosh-popullin\/","title":{"rendered":"T\u00eb faj\u00ebsosh popullin"},"content":{"rendered":"
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A \u00ebsht\u00eb demokracia v\u00ebrtet problemi?<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Sa rezultate bizarre zgjedhjesh do t\u00eb duhen p\u00ebr t\u00eb tundur besimin ton\u00eb n\u00eb demokraci? Me sa duket, nj\u00eb mjafton. Edhe para zgjedhjeve presidenciale [n\u00eb SHBA] n\u00ebntorin e kaluar, Andrew Sullivan nga revista New Yorker i druhej s\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebs \u201chiperdemokraci\u201d, ku njer\u00ebzit shp\u00ebrfaqin etje t\u00eb pashuar p\u00ebr barazi dhe refuzojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb pranojn\u00eb kufizime ndaj vullnetit popullor. K\u00ebt\u00eb ver\u00eb, duke shkruar p\u00ebr Los Angeles Times, James Kirchik, komentonte p\u00ebr vot\u00ebn Brexit dhe zgjedhjet e fundit n\u00eb Mbret\u00ebrin\u00eb e Bashkuar dhe konkludonte se \u201cp\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit tan\u00eb t\u00eb zgjedhur\u201d duhet t\u00eb ken\u00eb kurajon p\u00ebr t\u00eb injoruar \u201copinionin e paditur t\u00eb masave.\u201d<\/p>\n

Shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebt social\u00eb si dhe filozof\u00ebt politik\u00eb kan\u00eb shprehur gatishm\u00ebri p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur k\u00ebt\u00eb opinion: Q\u00eb prej studimeve fillestare t\u00eb Philip Converse-it n\u00eb vitet 1950, shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebt politik\u00eb amerikan\u00eb kan\u00eb grumbulluar fakte t\u00eb shumta q\u00eb konfirmojn\u00eb sesa pak din\u00eb votuesit \u2013 dhe sa jokoherente apo thjesht jologjike mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb zgjedhjet e tyre politike. K\u00ebto studime empirike kan\u00eb vajtur n\u00eb varg me at\u00eb t\u00eb teoricien\u00ebve politik\u00eb q\u00eb brengosen m\u00eb pak p\u00ebr padijen e votuesve sesa p\u00ebr jotoleranc\u00ebn e tyre. John Rawls, filozofi liberal m\u00eb me ndikim n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara, argumentonte se p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur nj\u00eb shtet liberal t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm, qytetar\u00ebt e \u201cpaarsyesh\u00ebm\u201d do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb \u201cfrenohen\u201d ashtu si \u201clufta dhe s\u00ebmundja.\u201d<\/p>\n

Do t\u00eb ishte e arsyeshme t\u00eb mendohet se p\u00ebrgjigjja e qart\u00eb ndaj padijes s\u00eb votuesve \u00ebsht\u00eb edukimi, dhe p\u00ebrgjigjja ndaj problemit t\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebm t\u00eb paarsyeshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb votuesve \u00ebsht\u00eb mbase nj\u00eb form\u00eb e riedukimit qytetar. Por filozofi politik Jason Brennan nuk do asnj\u00eb lidhje me k\u00ebt\u00eb argument. N\u00eb librin e tij Kund\u00ebr Demokracis\u00eb [Against Democracy], Brennan p\u00ebrmend faktin se ngritja e p\u00ebrgjithshme e nivelit t\u00eb edukimit n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara nuk i ka b\u00ebr\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt me t\u00eb ditur rreth politik\u00ebs. Si shum\u00eb shkenc\u00ebtar\u00eb social\u00eb, ai mendon se ka nj\u00eb shpjegim t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb pse amerikan\u00ebt mbesin kaq n\u00eb err\u00ebsir\u00eb: Padija \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjedhje e arsyeshme. Meq\u00eb nj\u00eb vot\u00eb individuale ka nj\u00eb shans pakufishm\u00ebrisht t\u00eb vog\u00ebl p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur v\u00ebrtet rezultatin e zgjedhjeve, nuk ia vlen barra qiran\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqesh q\u00eb t\u00eb edukohesh n\u00eb politik\u00eb \u2013 apo madje as t\u00eb lexosh Kushtetut\u00ebn. Si\u00e7 argumenton Brennani n\u00eb nj\u00eb shkrim tjet\u00ebr mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb tem\u00eb, \u201ce meta thelb\u00ebsore\u201d e demokracis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se e zgjeron gj\u00ebr\u00ebsisht pushtetin, duke hequr k\u00ebshtu \u00e7do incentiv\u00eb p\u00ebr votuesit individual\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin men\u00e7urisht pushtetin e tyre m\u00eb t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndar\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Natyrisht, pa marr\u00eb parasysh k\u00ebt\u00eb, disa votues duken t\u00eb lumtur t\u00eb marrin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto procese; ata megjithat\u00eb shp\u00ebrfaqin nj\u00eb interes t\u00eb zjarrt\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet politike, e madje edhe kushtetuese. Por shumica prej tyre, sipas Brennanit, e trajtojn\u00eb politik\u00ebn si nj\u00eb sport spektator\u00ebsh ose, madje edhe m\u00eb keq, nj\u00eb sport fizik brutal. T\u00ebr\u00ebsisht t\u00eb paditurit jan\u00eb ata q\u00eb ai i quan \u201chobit\u00eb\u201d [sh\u00ebn. i p\u00ebrkth: \u201chobbits\u201d, krijesa fiktive t\u00eb ngjashme me miniatura t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve]; p\u00ebr kontrast, ata q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb tifo p\u00ebr nj\u00eb skuad\u00ebr nd\u00ebrsa urrejn\u00eb tjetr\u00ebn jan\u00eb \u201chuligan\u00ebt.\u201d P\u00ebr huligan\u00ebt, pak dije \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e rrezikshme: Ata kuptojn\u00eb aq\u00a0p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb thell\u00ebsisht t\u00eb bindur se ekipi i tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb an\u00ebn e engj\u00ebjve dhe se n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr jan\u00eb djajt\u00eb (vini re sesi 40 p\u00ebrqind e p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsve t\u00eb Trumpit n\u00eb Florida mendonin se Hillary Clinton kishte ardhur drejt e prej ferrit). Por ata jan\u00eb t\u00eb paaft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb matur racionalisht opsioniet politike apo madje edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar interesat e veta m\u00eb bazike. P\u00ebr huligan\u00ebt, gjith\u00e7ka ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me identitetin.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb tipologjin\u00eb e pazakont\u00eb t\u00eb Brenannit, se\u00e7 ka edhe nj\u00eb lloj tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb votuesve, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ai i quan \u201cvullkan\u00ebt.\u201d Vullkan\u00ebt shqyrtojn\u00eb me ftoht\u00ebsi faktet dhe pastaj, p\u00ebrkitazi me to, formojn\u00eb gjykimet e tyre politike. S\u2019ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb thuhet, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pakic\u00eb e vock\u00ebl, dhe, ajo q\u00eb nuk duket sheshit \u00ebsht\u00eb se ata nuk mund t\u00eb konsiderohen as p\u00ebr af\u00ebr si modele q\u00eb duhen ndjekur: Mbi t\u00eb gjitha, shumica e njer\u00ebzve thjesht nuk e kan\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb vullkan\u00eb \u2013 si\u00e7 thoshte dikur Oscar Wilde p\u00ebr socializmin, se duhen shum\u00eb e shum\u00eb net\u00eb. Edhe m\u00eb brengos\u00ebse se kjo, hobit\u00ebt jan\u00eb aq injorant\u00eb dhe t\u00eb painformuar sa t\u00eb mos dallojn\u00eb arsyeshm\u00ebrin\u00eb superiore t\u00eb vullkan\u00ebve dhe t\u00eb marrin sugjerime nga ta. P\u00ebr k\u00ebta votues me informacion t\u00eb pakt\u00eb, pohon Brennan, kur vjen puna te reputacioni dhe besueshm\u00ebria, ekspert\u00ebt e v\u00ebrtetuar jan\u00eb pak a shum\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin nivel me prezantuesin e radios t\u00eb s\u00eb t\u00eb djath\u00ebs ekstreme dhe teoricienin konspirativ Alex Jones.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgjigjja e Brennanit ndaj k\u00ebsaj t\u00eb \u201cmete thelb\u00ebsore\u201d t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb po aq drastike sa edhe duksh\u00ebm logjike: Kufizo t\u00eb drejtat e votimit mbi baza t\u00eb ndonj\u00eb testi themelor t\u00eb dijes. Duke ndjekur filozofin David Estlund, Brennan e pag\u00ebzon k\u00ebt\u00eb me emrin \u201cepistokraci\u201d \u2013 sundimi i t\u00eb diturve \u2013 e cila ka nj\u00eb histori t\u00eb gjat\u00eb dhe t\u00eb dalluar n\u00eb mendimin politik Per\u00ebndimor: Platoni avokonte p\u00ebr t\u00eb, sikurse edhe, n\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb zbutur, nj\u00eb liberal i shekullit 19 si John Stuart Mill, i cili donte q\u00eb ata me shkollim universitar t\u00eb ken\u00eb nj\u00eb vot\u00eb shtes\u00eb. (Atij iu plot\u00ebsua d\u00ebshira: N\u00eb Mbret\u00ebrin\u00eb e Bashkuar, \u201czonat zgjedhore universitare\u201d \u2013 q\u00eb u lejonte t\u00eb diplomuarve nga Oxbridge q\u00eb t\u00eb hidhnin nga dy vota \u2013 u anuluan vet\u00ebm n\u00eb vitin 1950, nga nj\u00eb qeveri laboriste.)<\/p>\n

Edhe pse Republikan\u00ebt vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb me pun\u00ebn e kufizimit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs s\u00eb vot\u00ebs n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara mbi bazat e pohimeve thelb\u00ebsisht t\u00eb pav\u00ebrteta rreth \u201cmashtrimit t\u00eb votuesve,\u201d as Republikan\u00ebt e as partia demokratike nuk ka avokuar haptas p\u00ebr p\u00ebrjashtimin e votuesve mbi baza t\u00eb jokompetenc\u00ebs \u2013 nj\u00eb nocion q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ende tabu p\u00ebr demokracit\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohore.<\/p>\n

Edhe k\u00ebshtu, p\u00ebrjashtimi i f\u00ebmij\u00ebve dhe i t\u00eb s\u00ebmur\u00ebve mendor\u00eb nga e drejta e vot\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb praktik\u00eb kryesisht e pakund\u00ebrshtueshme n\u00ebp\u00ebr po k\u00ebto demokraci; dhe n\u00eb shum\u00eb shtete amerikane, kriminel\u00ebve t\u00eb d\u00ebnuar u hiqet p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb e drejta e vot\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Sigurisht, Brennan \u00ebsht\u00eb i vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm se kufizimi i t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs s\u00eb vot\u00ebs p\u00ebrmes testit ka qen\u00eb i p\u00ebrdorur nj\u00eb koh\u00eb n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime t\u00eb diskriminit racor. Por ai do q\u00eb t\u00eb mos i v\u00eb\u00a0re p\u00ebrdorimet e kaluara dhe rendit nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb argumentesh abstrakte pse epistokracia meriton t\u00eb konsiderohet seriozisht. P\u00ebr nj\u00eb gj\u00eb, pohon ai, qytetaria demokratike nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb si tifozeri p\u00ebr nj\u00eb ekip sporti. Edhe n\u00ebse vota juaj personale nuk ka gjas\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb ndryshimin, t\u00eb l\u00ebsh njer\u00ebz t\u00eb paditur q\u00eb t\u00eb hedhin vot\u00ebn p\u00ebr \u201cekipin\u201d e tyre t\u00eb preferuar sjell pasoja dramatike: zgjedhjet e tyre fuqizojn\u00eb ligjv\u00ebn\u00ebsit q\u00eb t\u00eb kalojn\u00eb ligje t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrfundimisht autorizojn\u00eb zyrtar\u00ebt policor\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ushtrojn\u00eb dhun\u00eb ndaj kujtdo q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i gatsh\u00ebm t\u2019u bindet idealeve t\u00eb \u201cekipit.\u201d K\u00ebtu \u201ctifoz\u00ebria\u201d gjithsesi do t\u00eb rezultoj\u00eb me dhun\u00eb. Brenan poashtu ngulmon se shkall\u00ebt e ndryshme t\u00eb injoranc\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb paragjykimit q\u00eb shp\u00ebrfaqen nga qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb s\u00eb neutralizuari nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn. T\u00eb paditurit, thot\u00eb ai, nuk votojn\u00eb rast\u00ebsisht; p\u00ebrkundrazi, ata do t\u2019i fuqizojn\u00eb ata t\u00eb cil\u00ebt mb\u00ebshtesin poltika t\u00eb paarsyeshme ekonomike ose q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb t\u00eb shkelin lirit\u00eb tona civile. Dhe thua se kjo t\u00eb mos ishte boll keq, politikat e demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb masave i kthejn\u00eb njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb \u201carmiq civil\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb nj\u00ebri-tjetrit, kjo sipas pik\u00ebpamjes s\u00eb Brennanit. Duke refuzuar nocionin moralist se pjes\u00ebmarrja politike m\u00ebton t\u00eb \u201cedukoj\u00eb, ndri\u00e7oj\u00eb, dhe fisnik\u00ebroj\u00eb,\u201d Brennan argumenton se m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrfshirje politike ka gjas\u00eb t\u2019i kthej\u00eb hobit\u00ebt n\u00eb huligan\u00eb. Vet\u00ebm t\u00eb mendosh p\u00ebr polarizimin n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara sot, t\u00eb shoh\u00ebsh argumentin e tij se \u201cpolitika na jep baza t\u00eb qarta p\u00ebr t\u00eb urryer nj\u00ebri-tjetrin.\u201d Ose ashtu mund t\u00eb duket.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje e qart\u00eb ndaj thirrjes s\u00eb Brennanit p\u00ebr heqje t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs s\u00eb vot\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb se \u00e7do koncept kuptimplot\u00eb i demokracis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i predikuar jo vet\u00ebm mbi nj\u00eb ideal t\u00eb liris\u00eb, por mbi nj\u00eb nocion t\u00eb barazis\u00eb politike. Epistokrat\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrballen me faktin se ata po avokojn\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb pabarazi themelore n\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat tona fundamentale. Brennan mendon se kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebrtet ndonj\u00eb problem: Ato q\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb quhen funksionet \u201cshprehimore\u201d t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, thot\u00eb ai, jan\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb mbivler\u00ebsuara. Po t\u00eb duan njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb shprehen, ata do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb shkruanin poezi n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb turren drejt vendvotimit; dhe po deshi shteti q\u00eb t\u2019iu komunikoj\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve se brengoset p\u00ebr ta, ai duhet t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb rezultate t\u00eb denja politike \u2013 e jo barazi formale politike t\u00eb kombinuar me pabarazi t\u00eb tmerrshme sociale, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb puna me demokracit\u00eb e sotme. Epistokracia, me fjal\u00eb tjera, do t\u00eb ishte paternaliste \u2013 por, k\u00ebshtu pohon Brennan, edhe ata q\u00eb sot jan\u00eb n\u00eb situat\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb keqe do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitonin nga praktikimi i saj.<\/p>\n

Ashtu si\u00e7 kan\u00eb v\u00ebrejtur kritik\u00ebt, Brennani zgjatet n\u00eb identifikimin e t\u00eb metave t\u00eb demokracive ekzistuese sot dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb i mang\u00ebt n\u00eb detajet institucionale t\u00eb nj\u00eb epistokracie madje edhe ideale. Kush do t\u00eb p\u00ebrpilonte testin p\u00ebr t\u00eb vler\u00ebsuar se kush voton e kush jo? Kush do t\u00eb ishte v\u00ebrtet kompetent p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjykuar kompetenc\u00ebn e njer\u00ebzve \u2013 dhe, p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, si matet kompetenca? Si do t\u00eb projektohej dhe justifikohej tranzicioni p\u00ebr n\u00eb epistokraci? A do t\u00eb duhej q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb votonin p\u00ebr t\u2019i hequr vetes t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vot\u00ebs? E n\u00eb rast se politikat rezultuese do t\u00eb gjykoheshin si pamjaftuesh\u00ebm racionale, a do t\u00eb duhej q\u00eb e drejta e vot\u00ebs t\u00eb kufizohej edhe m\u00eb tej? A do t\u00eb ishte pika p\u00ebrfundimtare ajo \u00e7far\u00eb shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebt social\u00eb i referohen si \u201cautoritariz\u00ebm burokratik\u201d \u2013 q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb, sundimi i disave, me pretendimin se b\u00ebhet n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies kolektive?<\/p>\n

L\u00ebn\u00eb anash pyetjet praktike, k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe pyetja se a i b\u00ebhet shenj\u00eb me dor\u00eb kaq leht\u00eb nj\u00ebrit prej kushteve themelore t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb \u2013 t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs universale t\u00eb vot\u00ebs. A mundet q\u00eb heqja e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs s\u00eb vot\u00ebs t\u00eb b\u00ebhet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb past\u00ebr\u201d q\u00eb nuk v\u00eb n\u00eb rrezik trajtimin e barabart\u00eb dhe statusin n\u00eb sfera t\u00eb tjera? Po t\u00eb hynte n\u00eb efekt, epistokracia do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundonte si nj\u00eb lloj i karantin\u00ebs politike: Ne, bart\u00ebsit e dijes, duhet t\u00eb mbrojm\u00eb vendin prej \u201ctyre.\u201d \u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb shihet sesi nuk do t\u00eb stigmatizoheshin njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb hyn\u00eb n\u00eb kategorin\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj t\u00eb fundit, edhe po t\u00eb realizohej me dashamir\u00ebsi heqja e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs s\u00eb vot\u00ebs. Politika simbolike nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb asnj\u00ebher\u00eb thjesht simbolike; perceptimet kan\u00eb pasoja. T\u00eb trajtosh heqjen e t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs s\u00eb vot\u00ebs sikur t\u00eb ishte fillimisht \u00e7\u00ebshtje e \u201cvet\u00ebvler\u00ebsimit,\u201d apo e l\u00ebndimit t\u00eb ndjenjave t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve, \u00ebsht\u00eb bukur si mendjeleht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Vet\u00eb Brennani duket i parehatsh\u00ebm me k\u00ebt\u00eb mund\u00ebsi dhe prandaj ai ndihet i cytur q\u00eb t\u00eb propozoj\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb afirmojn\u00eb epistokracin\u00eb dhe k\u00ebshtu t\u00eb kontrabandoj\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebri n\u00eb sistem nj\u00eb nocion t\u00eb barazis\u00eb. Ai shkruan se \u201cnuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb imagjinohet nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri epistokratike ku secili e konsideron nj\u00ebri-tjetrin se ka t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin status. Mbase ata e p\u00ebrkrahin epistokracin\u00eb sepse ata mendojn\u00eb se ajo m\u00ebton t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb rezultate t\u00eb paanshme, dhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye mendojn\u00eb se zotimi i tyre ndaj epistokracis\u00eb shpreh nj\u00eb zotim p\u00ebr barazin\u00eb.\u201d Por miratimi i vullnetsh\u00ebm i epistokracis\u00eb me gjas\u00eb do t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrronte pik\u00eb s\u00eb pari vet\u00eb shkakun themelor t\u00eb k\u00ebrkimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb skeme t\u00eb till\u00eb elitiste: po t\u00eb ishin qytetar\u00ebt mjaftuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb sofistikuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar arsyet e p\u00ebrjashtimit t\u00eb tyre prej proceseve zgjedhore dhe po t\u00eb jepnin p\u00eblqimin e tyre ndaj nj\u00eb p\u00ebruljeje t\u00eb till\u00eb, ata me gjas\u00eb do t\u00eb kuptonin poashtu prot\u00eb dhe kontrat e kandidat\u00ebve dhe politikave, gj\u00ebra t\u00eb cilat edhe do t\u2019i kualifikonin ata si votues.<\/p>\n

Pra epistokracia nuk duket se p\u00ebrputhet me vler\u00ebn e brendshme t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb n\u00eb afirmimin e barazis\u00eb dhe n\u00eb dh\u00ebnien e shansit q\u00eb secili t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb p\u00ebrpara interesat e tij apo t\u00eb saj, sado i idealizuar q\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb ai term. Por avokimi i Brennanit bazohet gjithashtu mbi nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb bukur si jorealiste t\u00eb t\u00eb kuptuarit sesi d\u00ebshtojn\u00eb demokracit\u00eb n\u00eb nivelin instrumental. Sipas tij, demokracit\u00eb moderne jan\u00eb t\u00eb gjymtuara, sepse ato nuk p\u00ebrmbushin q\u00ebllime racionale. Por procesi demokratik nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me votuesit individual\u00eb q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb arsyeshme a t\u00eb paarsyeshme \u2013 nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb e cila s\u2019mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pos prodhimit t\u00eb variacioneve mbi thumbat e H.L. Menckenit se \u201cdemokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb besim patetik n\u00eb men\u00e7urin\u00eb kolektive t\u00eb injoranc\u00ebs individuale.\u201d As nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb demokracia me arsyeshm\u00ebrin\u00eb a paarsyeshm\u00ebrin\u00eb; vet\u00ebm teknokrat\u00ebt mendojn\u00eb asisoj p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn. N\u00eb fakt, ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem q\u00eb i lejon udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve t\u00eb fitojn\u00eb pushtet mbi bazat e pohimeve t\u00eb tyre t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb ideve, interesave dhe identiteteve t\u00eb ndryshme. \u00cbsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se k\u00ebto t\u00eb fundit jan\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimisht individuale, por ato p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb s\u00eb kombinuari n\u00eb forca m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha politike. K\u00ebto nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebqena objektivisht; ato formohen n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces dinamik dhe t\u00eb hapur t\u00eb betej\u00ebs lidhur me at\u00eb se kush dhe \u00e7ka do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsohet, si dhe nga kush. P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi demokratik pra, nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me gjetjen e p\u00ebrgjigjeve politike e as me riprodhimin mekanik t\u00eb identiteteve e interesave q\u00eb tashm\u00eb ekzistojn\u00eb. Blloqe t\u00eb reja t\u00eb interesit dhe format e identifikimit jan\u00eb vet\u00eb rezultat i politik\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb trajtosh demokracin\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb terma t\u00eb votuesit individual dhe kompetenc\u00ebs s\u00eb tij a t\u00eb saj \u00ebsht\u00eb sikur t\u00eb kesh mikroekonomi pa pasur makro. Nj\u00eb qasje e till\u00eb d\u00ebshton t\u00eb v\u00ebrej\u00eb se cil\u00ebsia e demokracis\u00eb varet \u00e7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja nga hap\u00ebsira mes votuesve individual\u00eb dhe vendimeve politike q\u00eb i lidh ngusht\u00eb ata s\u00eb bashku. Institucione t\u00eb ndryshme \u2013 q\u00eb prej gjykatave, te mediat e deri te rregullat e fushatave zgjedhore \u2013 b\u00ebjn\u00eb ndryshim t\u00eb madh k\u00ebtu. Si\u00e7 e ka th\u00ebn\u00eb shkenc\u00ebtari politik amerikan E.E. Schattschneider, \u201cproblemi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb sesi mund t\u00eb udh\u00ebheqin 180 milion\u00eb Aristotel\u00eb nj\u00eb demokraci, por sesi mund t\u00eb organizojm\u00eb nj\u00eb komunitet t\u00eb 180 milion\u00eb njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb ndjeshm\u00ebrin\u00eb ndaj nevojave tona. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb problem i lidershipit, i organizimit, i alternativave, dhe i sistemeve t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe i konfidenc\u00ebs.\u201d<\/p>\n

Termat \u201clidership\u201d dhe \u201cp\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi\u201d – sado tmerr\u00ebsisht elitist\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u2019u ting\u00ebllojn\u00eb disave \u2013 duhet t\u00eb na p\u00ebrkujtojn\u00eb se padija dhe keqinformimi nuk jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm fakte t\u00eb jet\u00ebs; ato shpesh jan\u00eb poashtu rezultat i vendimeve t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijshme t\u00eb elitave politike t\u00eb cilat do t\u00eb donin q\u00eb t\u00eb mbrojn\u00eb dhe t\u00eb zgjerojn\u00eb edhe m\u00eb tej interesat e tyre. P\u00ebr shembull, amerikan\u00ebt jan\u00eb t\u00eb polarizuar dhe shpesh i trajtojn\u00eb bashk\u00ebqytetar\u00ebt e tyre si \u201carmiq civil\u00eb\u201d, jo sepse demokracia ka n\u00eb vetvete nj\u00eb natyr\u00eb \u201cgladiatoriale\u201d dhe nxjerr m\u00eb t\u00eb keqen prej nesh; as pse vendi \u00ebsht\u00eb natyrsh\u00ebm i ndar\u00eb n\u00eb shtete t\u00eb kuqe dhe shtete blu. Polarizimi \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt q\u00eb sjell p\u00ebrfitime t\u00eb m\u00ebdha politike dhe ekonomike; paarsyeshm\u00ebria mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb biznes i madh.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vend se t\u00eb faj\u00ebsosh popullin p\u00ebr paarsyeshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e tyre, ne mund t\u00eb qesim n\u00eb pyetje \u201clidershipin\u201d e nj\u00eb figure si David Cameron, i cili thirri referendumin mbi an\u00ebtar\u00ebsin\u00eb e Britanis\u00eb n\u00eb Bashkimin Europian thjesht p\u00ebr t\u00eb paq\u00ebsuar kritik\u00ebt e partis\u00eb s\u00eb tij. N\u00eb vend se t\u00eb p\u00ebrmenden statistika t\u00eb pafundme rreth asaj se sa tmerr\u00ebsisht pak din\u00eb amerikan\u00ebt p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn, ne do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb pyesnim p\u00ebr \u201cp\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb\u2019 e nj\u00eb figure si udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi i shumic\u00ebs n\u00eb Senat, Mitch McConnell, i cili mund t\u00eb riformatoj\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb loj\u00ebn politike duke vendosur se interesat e tij dhe partis\u00eb s\u00eb tij do t\u00eb ruhen m\u00eb s\u00eb miri duke mbajtur nj\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb konfliktit t\u00eb p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm, dhe asnj\u00ebher\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit, me demokrat\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

V\u00ebrtet\u00eb, at\u00eb q\u00eb analist\u00ebt e kan\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruar si nj\u00eb \u201cval\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb vonshme, e disi t\u00eb pandalshme t\u00eb popullizmit mund t\u00eb miratoj\u00eb ato brengat p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb t\u00eb cilat i artikulon Brennani e shum\u00eb gazetar\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb. Por \u00ebsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb kujtojm\u00eb se nj\u00eb figur\u00eb si Nigel Farage, ish udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi i Partis\u00eb s\u00eb Pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb Mbret\u00ebrin\u00eb e Bashkuar, nuk e solli vet Brexitin; atij iu desh mb\u00ebshtetja e figurave t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme si Michael Gove nga Partia Konservatore. Ishte Gove, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, i cili, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr v\u00ebrejtjeve t\u00eb shum\u00eb ekspert\u00ebve p\u00ebr Brexitin, paralajm\u00ebroi se \u201cnjer\u00ebzit e k\u00ebtij vendi boll i kan\u00eb duruar ekspert\u00ebt.\u201d Ironia k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb se vet\u00eb Gove foli qartazi me autoritetin e ekspertit: Ai gjithmon\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb konsideruar si nj\u00ebri prej \u201cintelektual\u00ebve\u201d m\u00eb me nam t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Konservatore. U desh hi\u00e7 m\u00eb pak se nj\u00eb ekspert p\u00ebr t\u00eb bindur popullin se ekspertiza nuk vlen shum\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Fitorja e Trumpit, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, nuk duhet t\u00eb kuptohet si nj\u00eb \u201crevolt\u00eb e masave\u201d e shtyr\u00eb kryesisht nga nj\u00eb klas\u00eb pun\u00ebtore e paedukuar, raciste dhe e bardh\u00eb. N\u00eb fakt, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ngadh\u00ebnjim i hiperpartishm\u00ebris\u00eb: Trumpit i duhej bekimi i figurave populliste si guvernatori i Nju Xhersit Christ Christie, ish kryetari i Nju Jork Sitit Rudy Guliani, dhe ish udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit t\u00eb Senatit, Newt Gingrich. Kur ky i fundit i tha CNN-it ver\u00ebn e kaluar se nuk i besonte statistikave mbi krimet por n\u00eb vend t\u00eb tyre i besonte asaj se \u00e7far\u00eb ndjenin njer\u00ebzit, ai luajti t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin truk si Gove q\u00eb kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb MB: \u00c7far\u00ebdo q\u00eb mund t\u00eb mendosh p\u00ebr Gingrichin, ai konsiderohet si nj\u00eb intelektual mes konservator\u00ebve amerikan\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu, si n\u00eb Britani, u desh nj\u00eb ekspert i njohur p\u00ebr t\u00eb zhvler\u00ebsuar r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb\u00a0e ekspertiz\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Me t\u00eb marr\u00eb bekimin e republikan\u00ebve t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, Trumpi u b\u00eb, mbi t\u00eb gjitha, kandidat i vet\u00eb partis\u00eb \u2013 dhe 90 p\u00ebrqind e republikan\u00ebve i dhan\u00eb vot\u00ebn. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, shum\u00eb prej tyre i shpreh\u00ebn haptas dyshimet e tyre lidhur me komptenc\u00ebn e kandidatit \u2013 por n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb polarizuar ku nj\u00ebra an\u00eb refuzon t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb legjitimitetin e an\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr, ishte e pakonceptueshme p\u00ebr k\u00ebta votues q\u00eb t\u00eb hedhin vot\u00ebn p\u00ebr Hillary Clintonin. \u00c7\u00ebshtja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se, si\u00e7 thot\u00eb Brennani, t\u00eb urresh \u00ebsht\u00eb arg\u00ebtim, por m\u00eb shum\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se m\u00eb t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00ebher\u00eb demonizimi, \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshosh mendjet e qytetar\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Politika demokratike mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb spektak\u00ebl i pahijsh\u00ebm. Edhe idealist\u00ebt ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb priren t\u00eb pajtohen se argumenti m\u00eb i mir\u00eb kund\u00ebr saj \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebbisedim pes\u00ebminut\u00ebsh me nj\u00eb votues mesatar. Por nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rast\u00ebsi q\u00eb demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb poashtu sistemi i cili ofron me s\u00eb shumti hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr liri, sado t\u00eb pap\u00ebrsosur, dhe i mbron m\u00eb s\u00eb miri t\u00eb drejtat themelore. Si\u00e7 ka demonstruar ekonomisti Amartya Sen, demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb regjimi i cili shmang urin\u00eb; dhe si\u00e7 thekson filozofi politik Thomas Christiano, institucionet demokratike ende ofrojn\u00eb mjetet m\u00eb t\u00eb mira p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb brisht\u00eb t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb shtyr\u00eb p\u00ebrpara interesat e tyre.<\/p>\n

Mbi t\u00eb gjitha, kur gj\u00ebrat shkojn\u00eb ters, demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb sistem q\u00eb i lejon njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb flakin bastardin \u2013 dhe ndryshe nga propozimi i Brennanit, \u201ct\u00eb dish se a po b\u00ebjn\u00eb pun\u00eb t\u00eb keqe bastard\u00ebt\u201d nuk k\u00ebrkon \u201cnj\u00eb sasi t\u00eb pamas\u00eb t\u00eb dijes s\u00eb shkencave sociale.\u201d Si\u00e7 ka v\u00ebrejtur shkenc\u00ebtari politik Martin Gilens, shum\u00eb votues kan\u00eb nj\u00eb sens mjaft t\u00eb mir\u00eb lidhur me at\u00eb sesi kan\u00eb performuar politikan\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar dhe, n\u00eb fakt, jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb t\u2019u kushtojn\u00eb v\u00ebmendje k\u00ebshillave q\u00eb u ofrojn\u00eb zyrtar\u00ebt e zgjedhur \u2013 sikurse edhe analist\u00ebt e kandidat\u00ebt rival\u00eb. Natyrisht, kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se problemet e identifikuara nga Brennani jan\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht t\u00eb trilluara; por shum\u00eb prej tyre kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb me sjelljen e elitave t\u00eb caktuara sesa me popullin injorant e t\u00eb paedukuar. T\u2019u jap\u00ebsh njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb pushtetsh\u00ebm edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb pushtet duke kufizuar ndikimin e m\u00eb t\u00eb brisht\u00ebve nuk duket si m\u00ebnyra m\u00eb e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019iu qasur problemit.<\/p>\n

__________<\/p>\n

Jan-Werner M\u00fcller ligj\u00ebron politik\u00eb n\u00eb Universitetin Princeton. Libri i tij \u00c7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb Popullizmi?[What is Populism?] doli vitin e kaluar.<\/em><\/p>\n

Recension i librit Against Democracy nga Jason Brennan<\/a><\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal<\/a><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrktheu: Bardhi Bakija<\/p>\n

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A \u00ebsht\u00eb demokracia v\u00ebrtet problemi? Sa rezultate bizarre zgjedhjesh do t\u00eb duhen p\u00ebr t\u00eb tundur besimin ton\u00eb n\u00eb demokraci? Me sa duket, nj\u00eb mjafton. Edhe para zgjedhjeve presidenciale [n\u00eb SHBA] n\u00ebntorin e kaluar, Andrew Sullivan nga revista New Yorker i druhej s\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebs \u201chiperdemokraci\u201d, ku njer\u00ebzit shp\u00ebrfaqin etje t\u00eb pashuar p\u00ebr barazi dhe refuzojn\u00eb q\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":114,"featured_media":11882,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1047,2063],"ppma_author":[134],"class_list":["post-4129","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-demokracia","tag-populli"],"authors":[{"term_id":134,"user_id":114,"is_guest":0,"slug":"janverner-muller","display_name":"Jan Werner Muller","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-6-5.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-6-5.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Muller","first_name":"Jan Werner","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4129","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/114"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4129"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4129\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11883,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4129\/revisions\/11883"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11882"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4129"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4129"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4129"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4129"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}