{"id":4167,"date":"2018-01-19T12:35:46","date_gmt":"2018-01-19T10:35:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4167"},"modified":"2024-11-20T12:38:48","modified_gmt":"2024-11-20T10:38:48","slug":"rreziqet-dhe-premtimet-e-vetevendosjes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/uncategorized\/rreziqet-dhe-premtimet-e-vetevendosjes\/","title":{"rendered":"Rreziqet dhe premtimet e vet\u00ebvendosjes"},"content":{"rendered":"
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A mund t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb konfederalizmi demokratik i \u00e7alanit nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb revolucionare ndaj rezultateve shterp\u00eb t\u00eb referendumeve katalane dhe kurde p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsi?<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Dhun\u00eb policore ndaj demonstruesve paq\u00ebsor\u00eb n\u00eb Barcelon\u00eb. Okupim ushtarak i forcave ushtarake irakiane n\u00eb Kirkuk. Institucione t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb dhe vet\u00ebqeverisjes t\u00eb d\u00ebmtuara r\u00ebnd\u00eb nga Katalonia dhe Kurdistani. Pamjet jan\u00eb trondit\u00ebse, shtypja shtet\u00ebrore gjithsesi e neveritshme. Si u polarizuan kaq shum\u00eb k\u00ebto konflikte komb\u00ebtare? \u00c7far\u00eb ishte ajo q\u00eb nxiti p\u00ebrgjigje kaq agresive shtet\u00ebrore? \u00c7far\u00eb kan\u00eb gjas\u00eb t\u00eb zhvillojn\u00eb k\u00ebto konflikte t\u00eb vazhdueshme? Dhe cilat jan\u00eb prospektet p\u00ebr zgjerimin e t\u00eb drejtave dhe zgjidhjeve emancipuese p\u00ebr secilin rast?<\/p>\n

Ka kaluar m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb shekull q\u00eb kur Rosa Luxemburg ngulmonte me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb n\u00eb nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr vler\u00ebsim kritik t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha pohimeve rreth parimeve abstrakte dhe utopike \u2013 si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00a0parimi p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje \u2013 n\u00eb aspekt t\u00eb ndikimit t\u00eb tyre konkret n\u00eb konstelacionet lokale dhe globale t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb pushtetit. Sidoqoft\u00eb, v\u00ebrejtjet parashikuese t\u00eb Luxemburgut ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb mbytur nga ngadh\u00ebnjimi i marksiz\u00ebm-leninizmit dhe i ndikimit t\u00eb tij mbi termat dhe horizontet e aq shum\u00eb betejave antikolonialiste.<\/p>\n

Gati nj\u00eb gjenerat\u00eb pas vdekjes s\u00eb shtetit komunist, dhe gati gjasht\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vjet q\u00eb prej tranzicionit nga kolonializmi te neokolonializmi, \u00ebsht\u00eb koha e duhur p\u00ebr ne q\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebgjojm\u00eb k\u00ebshill\u00ebn e urt\u00eb t\u00eb Roz\u00ebs s\u00eb Kuqe, p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb sa m\u00eb konsistent n\u00eb favor t\u00eb idealeve revolucionare internacionaliste. Shtrirja globale e problemeve urgjente q\u00eb e prekin njer\u00ebzimin, q\u00eb e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnojn\u00eb vet\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen e tij, k\u00ebrkon formave t\u00eb rezistenc\u00ebs t\u00eb koordinuara globalisht. Shtrirja globale e hierarkive \u201ct\u00eb kryq\u00ebzuara\u201d dhe t\u00eb padrejta, t\u00eb sistemeve t\u00eb dominimit t\u00eb rr\u00ebnjosura thell\u00eb \u2013 t\u00eb klas\u00ebs, rac\u00ebs, gjinis\u00eb \u2013 do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb, tash m\u00eb pak se kurr\u00eb, formula fatale e socializmit vet\u00ebm n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend, thjesht nuk mjafton.<\/p>\n

Edhe ashtu, \u201ce majta internacionale\u201d mbetet e hutuar, duke u kapur ende pas dogmave boshe rreth parimit t\u00eb vet\u00ebvendosjes, shum\u00eb shpesh t\u00eb mistifikuara nga vizionet dhe ndarjet e materializuara, esencialiste dhe nacionaliste t\u00eb bot\u00ebs sociale, e shum\u00eb rrall\u00eb t\u00eb afta p\u00ebr t\u00eb ofruar analiza t\u00eb es\u00ebllta e \u201cpam\u00ebshirsh\u00ebm kritike\u201d t\u00eb dinamikave t\u00eb mobilizimit dhe kund\u00ebrmobilizimit n\u00eb pun\u00eb n\u00eb beteja t\u00eb posa\u00e7me p\u00ebr pushtet, n\u00eb \u201cprojektet e posa\u00e7me t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijes popullore,\u201d e edhe m\u00eb pak sesi k\u00ebto projekte t\u00eb posa\u00e7me dhe betejat p\u00ebr pushtet lidhen me trende m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebra globale.<\/p>\n

S\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb nevoja t\u00eb shihet m\u00eb larg sesa te rastet e Katalonis\u00eb dhe Kurdistanit, ku q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja kan\u00eb dominuar titujt e lajmeve n\u00eb koh\u00ebt e fundit, dhe ku kan\u00eb ndodhur dy referendume t\u00eb nj\u00ebanshme dhe t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuara ashp\u00ebr p\u00ebr \u201cvet\u00ebvendosje\u201d, n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja rastet duke reflektuar si dhe acaruar dinamikat ve\u00e7se t\u00eb r\u00ebnduara t\u00eb polarizimit dhe shtypjes. Diskutimi i k\u00ebtyre konflikteve n\u00eb qarqet e s\u00eb majt\u00ebs, mbase ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn angleze, l\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebshiruar.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb dyja rastet, edhe me kritik\u00ebt prej analist\u00ebve priren t\u00eb gjunj\u00ebzohen para parimit t\u00eb shenjt\u00eb t\u00eb vet\u00ebvendosjes, dhe prandaj priren t\u00eb shmangin vler\u00ebsimin e taktikave secesioniste n\u00eb terma \u201cpam\u00ebshirsh\u00ebm kritike\u201d t\u00eb ndikimit t\u00eb tyre mbi konstelacionet lokale e globale t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb pushtetit. N\u00eb t\u00eb dyja rastet, makinacionet e elitave politike jan\u00eb ngat\u00ebrruar dhe p\u00ebrzier me \u201cvullnetin e popullit.\u201d N\u00eb t\u00eb dyja rastet, \u201ckatalonasit\u201d dhe \u201ckurd\u00ebt\u201d priren q\u00eb t\u00eb merren thuajse t\u00eb ishin akter\u00eb t\u00eb bashkuar. N\u00eb t\u00eb dyja rastet, dallime serioze dhe p\u00ebr\u00e7arje t\u00eb brendshme, dhe mbase ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb margjina t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre \u201ckomuniteteve komb\u00ebtare\u201d t\u00eb materializuara, si dhe projektet garuese t\u00eb \u201cvet\u00ebvendosjes\u201d, jan\u00eb injoruar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb sistematike \u2013 sikurse edhe dallimet serioze dhe ndarjet p\u00ebrbrenda kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre t\u00eb materializuar \u201ckomb\u00ebtar\u00eb.\u201d T\u00eb tilla jan\u00eb m\u00ebnyrat tin\u00ebzare t\u00eb materializimit [sendifikimit, reifikimit] nacionalist.<\/p>\n

Konflikti n\u00eb Kataloni<\/em><\/p>\n

N\u00eb rastin e Katalonis\u00eb, ka pasur ngaz\u00ebllim t\u00eb madh p\u00ebr taktikat dhe strategjin\u00eb e antikapitalist\u00ebve t\u00eb hapur si Candidaturas d\u2019Unitat Popular (CUP). Dhe v\u00ebrtet, theksi programatik i CUP-s\u00eb mbi feminizmin, ekologjin\u00eb sociale dhe demokracin\u00eb e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrg\u00ebzuar. Edhe ashtu, fuqia e saj relative p\u00ebrbrenda radh\u00ebve secesioniste ka pasur prirje t\u00eb mbivler\u00ebsohet, dhe p\u00ebrkushtimi i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb ndaj taktikave dhe shk\u00ebputjes s\u00eb nj\u00ebanshme, besimi i saj dogmatik n\u00eb formul\u00ebn e \u201cpavar\u00ebsis\u00eb komb\u00ebtare\u201d si rrug\u00eb drejt shk\u00ebputjes nga kapitalizmi, do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb shqyrtohet kritikisht.<\/p>\n

Kjo formul\u00eb dogmatike e ka \u00e7uar CUP-n\u00eb parashikueshm\u00ebrisht drejt koalicionit me forcat secesioniste kleptokratike e borgjeze, t\u00eb legjitimuara p\u00ebrmes vot\u00ebs s\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme parlamentare 1515-1515. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kapacitet, CUP do t\u00eb shtyhet q\u00eb t\u00eb votoj\u00eb madje edhe n\u00eb favor t\u00eb buxhetit t\u00eb shtr\u00ebngimeve financiare [austerity]. Ngulmimi i CUP-s\u00eb p\u00ebr urgjenc\u00ebn e shk\u00ebputjes [secesionit] s\u00eb nj\u00ebanshme ka pasur poashtu, parashikuesh\u00ebm, shum\u00eb pak sukses n\u00eb t\u00ebrheqjen e p\u00ebrkrahjes n\u00eb rripin e vjet\u00ebr industrial.<\/p>\n

V\u00ebrtet, krejt pak \u00ebsht\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb rreth kufijve t\u00eb p\u00eblqyeshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb projektit secesionist n\u00eb Kataloni, apo rreth ndikimit t\u00eb tij mbi termat e gjer\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtimit politik p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb Spanj\u00ebs. Sa p\u00ebr fillim, si\u00e7 ka theksuar me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb Antonio Santamaria, nj\u00eb shikim drejt p\u00ebrqindjeve t\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrjes n\u00eb komuna t\u00eb ndryshme del t\u00eb jet\u00eb shum\u00eb ilustruese p\u00ebr kufijt\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimtar\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00eblqyeshm\u00ebris\u00eb secesioniste mes klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore n\u00eb Kataloni. P\u00ebr shembull, n\u00eb qytetin simbolik t\u00eb rripit industrial e Santa Coloma de Gramenet, p\u00ebrqindja e pjes\u00ebmarrjes n\u00eb referendum qe m\u00eb pak se 18 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb atyre me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb vote; p\u00ebrderisa n\u00eb qytetin posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht t\u00eb pasur t\u00eb Sant Cugat del Valles, p\u00ebr dallim, p\u00ebrqindja e pjes\u00ebmarrjes qe mbi 54 p\u00ebr qind.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u2019i b\u00ebr\u00eb pun\u00ebt edhe m\u00eb keq, polarizimi rreth \u201c\u00e7\u00ebshtjes komb\u00ebtare\u201d ka sh\u00ebrbyer p\u00ebr t\u00eb legjitimuar politikat e shtr\u00ebngimeve financiare dhe nuk ka arritur t\u2019i mbaj\u00eb llogaridh\u00ebn\u00ebs politikan\u00ebt e korruptuar e demagogjik\u00eb, n\u00eb t\u00eb dy an\u00ebt e lumit Ebro. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, kjo i ka sh\u00ebrbyer ndryshimit t\u00eb termave t\u00eb debatit t\u00eb imponuara n\u00eb agjend\u00eb prej\u00a0indignados,<\/em>\u00a0t\u00eb cil\u00ebt artikuluan kund\u00ebrshtin\u00eb themelore n\u00eb terma klasore, si nj\u00eb betej\u00eb mes t\u00eb kamurve dhe skamnor\u00ebve, m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa nj\u00eb konflikt mes territoreve, a betej\u00eb mes \u201ckombeve.\u201d Duke pasur parasysh konstelacionin konkret t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb gadishullin iberik, \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb nj\u00eb betej\u00eb e artikuluar kryesisht n\u00eb terma \u201ckomb\u00ebtar\u00eb,\u201d t\u00eb shmang\u00eb\u00a0fait accompli\u00a0<\/em>[fakt i kryer] t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7arjes dhe sundimit t\u00eb klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore, jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Kataloni por, mbase ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht, gjithashtu edhe n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb Spanj\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Duke marr\u00eb parasysh baraspesh\u00ebn edhe t\u00eb forc\u00ebs ligjore edhe forc\u00ebs s\u00eb eg\u00ebr, pavar\u00ebsia e nj\u00ebanshme p\u00ebr Katalonin\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb hi\u00e7 m\u00eb pak ve\u00e7se nj\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrr n\u00eb diell; nj\u00ebfar\u00eb negociate me forcat politike n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb Madrid, do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkohet gjithnj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur nj\u00eb rezultat t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm secesionist. Dhe, natyrisht, orientimi ideologjik i bllokut hegjemonik spanjoll me t\u00eb cil\u00ebt secesionist\u00ebt e ardhsh\u00ebm duhet t\u00eb negociojn\u00eb, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se ka pak r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi. Pra madje edhe t\u00eb shtyr\u00eb nga interesi vetjak, do t\u00eb ishte e pritshme q\u00eb blloku secesionist t\u00eb punonte p\u00ebr t\u00eb fuqizuar prospektet dhe z\u00ebrat e t\u00eb majt\u00ebs s\u00eb gjer\u00eb spanjolle. Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebrkundrazi, taktikat e tyre t\u00eb nj\u00ebanshme secesioniste i kan\u00eb sh\u00ebrbyer m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti t\u00eb djatht\u00ebs spanjolle.<\/p>\n

Jo se e majta spanjolle \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt pa faj. \u201cKretinizmi parlamentar\u201d \u00a0dhe oportunizmi i Podemos, dhe, n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl, edhe disa prej platformave qytetare \u2013 kooptimi i tyre, uzurpimi dhe s\u00eb paku pengimi i pjessh\u00ebm i k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb komunitetit dhe logjika e demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb e l\u00ebvizjes\u00a0indignado<\/em>\u00a0\u2013 padyshim se e ka kufizuar p\u00eblqyeshm\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe potencialin e projektit t\u00eb tyre kund\u00ebrhegjemonik t\u00eb s\u00eb majt\u00ebs s\u00eb re, dhe k\u00ebshtu, p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, ka ndihmuar n\u00eb shtrimin e rrug\u00ebs p\u00ebr z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimin e konfliktit klasor me konflikt komb\u00ebtar, me horizontet e diskutimeve t\u00eb polarizuara jo p\u00ebr dhe kund\u00ebr politikave t\u00eb dhimbshme t\u00eb shtr\u00ebngimeve financiare, por n\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, p\u00ebr dhe kund\u00ebr t\u00eb ashtuquajturit\u00a0proc\u00e9s<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Pablo Iglesias dhe ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht Ada Colau, kryetari i Barcelon\u00ebs dhe lideri i\u00a0Comunes<\/em>, kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb \u00e7\u2019kan\u00eb mundur p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb dykuptim\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrllogaritur, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur gjall\u00eb prospektet rreth \u201cnj\u00eb rruge t\u00eb tret\u00eb\u201d mes secesionit t\u00eb nj\u00ebansh\u00ebm dhe shtypjes gjithnj\u00eb e n\u00eb rritje nga shteti. Por p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb tilla rrezikohen q\u00eb t\u00eb mbyten n\u00eb val\u00ebt e nj\u00ebpasnj\u00ebshme t\u00eb konfrontimit polarizues mes nacionalizmave katalonase dhe spanjolle.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, \u201cdemokrat\u00ebt social\u00eb\u201d \u00a0neoliberal\u00eb e t\u00eb korruptuar t\u00eb Partido Socialista Obrero Espanol (PSOE) kan\u00eb reshtur me eskalimin autoritar dhe taktikat e shtypjes t\u00eb ndjekura nga autoritetet spanjolle. Vet PSOE-ja \u00ebsht\u00eb shkundur nga konflikti p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb vitit t\u00eb fundit, me liderin e tash\u00ebm Pedro Sanchez q\u00eb u shkarkua, por q\u00eb u kthye prap\u00eb, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb margjinalisht m\u00eb i prir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb dhe t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb kompromis me \u00e7\u00ebshtjen komb\u00ebtare sesa kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e tij Brenda partis\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nga faqet e\u00a0El Pais<\/em>\u00a0parap\u00eblqejn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb imitojn\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn armiq\u00ebsore t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs spanjolle rreth pu\u00e7it t\u00eb supozuar katalonas, dhe b\u00ebjn\u00eb \u00e7\u2019t\u00eb munden p\u00ebr t\u00eb legjitimuar e duartrokitur shtypjen shtet\u00ebrore dhe dhun\u00ebn policore.<\/p>\n

Ekuilibri i forcave n\u00eb konflikt<\/em><\/p>\n

Po qe se Luksemburgu kishte t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebnvizonte r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e t\u00eb vler\u00ebsuarit kritik t\u00eb argumenteve abstrakte p\u00ebr \u201cvet\u00ebvendosje\u201d n\u00eb terma t\u00eb ndikimit t\u00eb tyre mbi konstelacionet konkrete t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb pushtetit, Lenini kishte megjithat\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtonte se rreziqet e shovinizmit t\u00eb \u201ckombit t\u00eb madh\u201d nuk do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb n\u00ebnvleft\u00ebsoheshin kur b\u00ebhen vler\u00ebsime t\u00eb tilla. Dhe \u00e7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, shovinizmi i kombit t\u00eb madh spanjoll \u00ebsht\u00eb shfaqur me boll\u00ebk n\u00eb muajt e fundit. Ne mediat sociale dhe n\u00eb shtypin spanjoll, \u00e7do agresion i autoriteteve spanjolle \u00ebsht\u00eb mir\u00ebpritur, dhe sa m\u00eb shtyp\u00ebs e i dhunsh\u00ebm, aq ma mir\u00eb.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu rishfaqet thelbi patriarkal i nacionalizmit spanjoll, me furi e hakmarrje. Sikur nj\u00eb burr\u00eb keqtrajtues, me po ato shfaj\u00ebsime q\u00eb p\u00ebrdoren p\u00ebr t\u00eb arsyetuar dhun\u00ebn ndaj gruas q\u00eb do q\u00eb t\u00eb largohet. Bashkim me dhun\u00eb, sepse, disi, ne e duam at\u00eb aq shum\u00eb. Natyrisht, edhe p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

E djathta spanjolle ka d\u00ebshmuar nj\u00eb kapacitet shqet\u00ebsues p\u00ebr kund\u00ebrmobilizim popullor, me gati nj\u00eb milion njer\u00ebz q\u00eb mbush\u00ebn rrug\u00ebt e Barcelon\u00ebs n\u00eb fundjav\u00ebn pas referendumit t\u00eb kontestuar, duke u tubuar rreth flamurin spanjoll tashm\u00eb t\u00eb zhytur n\u00eb shum\u00eb gjak, t\u00eb arsyetuar me ciniz\u00ebm si mbrojtje e kushtetut\u00ebs dhe e \u201csundimit t\u00eb ligjit,\u201d madje e \u201ct\u00eb drejtave civile,\u201d edhe at\u00ebher\u00eb kur elemente t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme u shkrin\u00eb leht\u00ebsisht n\u00eb turma, si t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb paduksh\u00ebm, duke notuar lirsh\u00ebm, n\u00eb habitatin e tyre natyror, si peshq n\u00eb uj\u00eb. Kund\u00ebrmobilizimi popullor, zyrtarisht i udh\u00ebhequr prej \u201cshoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile,\u201d edhe pse sigurisht i lidhur organikisht me forcat politike t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs spanjolle q\u00eb kontrollojn\u00eb shtetin spanjoll.<\/p>\n

Elementi i mobilizimit n\u00eb rrug\u00eb n\u00eb repertorin nacionalist spanjoll \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb risi, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn n\u00eb Kataloni, e n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pasqyrim i spirales polarizuese n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn duket se \u00ebsht\u00eb ngujuar qytetaria. Nj\u00eb risi relative, por e till\u00eb q\u00eb edhe e imiton edhe e pasqyron taktik\u00ebn e praktikuar gjat\u00eb nga kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e tyre t\u00eb dikursh\u00ebm, autoritetet katalonase.<\/p>\n

Mos u gaboni, imazhi i konfliktit t\u00eb nisur si i till\u00eb q\u00eb pozicionon \u201cshtetin\u201d spanjoll kundrejt \u201cpopullit\u201d katalonas \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb mbithjesht\u00ebzim, n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. Ajo q\u00eb shpesh nuk merret parasysh \u00ebsht\u00eb roli ky\u00e7 q\u00eb luajn\u00eb autoritetet \u201crajonale\u201d dhe masmediet \u201crajonale\u201d katalonase n\u00eb t\u00eb shtyrit p\u00ebrpara t\u00eb procesit, si dhe lidhjet organike mes qeveris\u00eb katalonase dhe aparatit administrative rajonal me t\u00eb tilla organizata t\u00eb \u201cshoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile\u201d si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb Assemble Nacional de Catalunya dhe Ombnium Cultural, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e t\u00eb cilave u burgosen padrejt\u00ebsisht k\u00ebt\u00eb jav\u00eb [shtator 2017].<\/p>\n

E as nuk mund t\u00eb harrohet servilizmi ndaj policis\u00eb \u201crajonale\u201d katalonase p\u00ebr gjahun \u201cprofesional\u201d dhe \u201cmbres\u00ebl\u00ebn\u00ebs\u201d t\u00eb t\u00eb dyshuarve marokenokatalanas p\u00ebr terroriz\u00ebm, vrasje e tyre pa gjyq, me paragjykim ekstrem, t\u00eb mir\u00ebpritura nga aq shum\u00eb qarqe secesioniste. Q\u00eb ve\u00e7se d\u00ebshmon sa af\u00ebr jan\u00eb katalonasit p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur shtetin e tyre. Sidoqoft\u00eb, ne duhet t\u00eb ngulmojm\u00eb: shum\u00ebzimi i aparateve \u201ct\u00eb pavarura\u201d shtet\u00ebrore nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gj\u00eb e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb me shpartallimin e shtetit.<\/p>\n

Konflikti mes \u201cSpanj\u00ebs\u201d dhe \u201cKatalonis\u00eb\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00eb s\u00eb pari nj\u00eb konflikt mes aparateve shtet\u00ebrore qendrore dhe \u201crajonale\u201d, ku t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt kan\u00eb p\u00ebrfituar nga demagogjia polarizuese dhe utopike. Jo p\u00ebr t\u00eb mohuar se ka, n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja an\u00ebt, grupe t\u00eb vogla me p\u00eblqyeshm\u00ebri t\u00eb sinqert\u00eb popullore, posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht n\u00eb radh\u00ebt e forcave popullore secesioniste, p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs mund t\u00eb gjenden mes klasave t\u00eb mesme katalonfol\u00ebse, t\u00eb shtrydhur e t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar nga shtr\u00ebngimet financiare. Megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb, nj\u00eb vler\u00ebsim realist i ekuilibrit t\u00eb forcave n\u00eb betej\u00eb k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb njohje t\u00eb es\u00ebllt t\u00eb rolit t\u00eb elitave politike q\u00eb kontrollojn\u00eb aparatet shtet\u00ebrore n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja an\u00ebt e konfliktit.<\/p>\n

Por le t\u00eb mos ngat\u00ebrrohemi. N\u00ebse p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimi i konfliktit kuptohet m\u00eb s\u00eb miri si nj\u00eb bllokad\u00eb mes elitave politike qendrore e rajonale dhe aparateve shtet\u00ebrore, ku q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja t\u00eb gatshme e gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb afta p\u00ebr t\u00eb mobilizuar nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb konsiderueshme t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahjes \u201cpopullore,\u201d ekuilibri i pushtetit ligjor e i dhun\u00ebs q\u00ebndron, megjithat\u00eb, krejt\u00ebsisht n\u00eb an\u00ebn e shtetit spanjoll, si\u00e7 q\u00ebndron edhe ekuilibri i forc\u00ebs ekonomike. Lart\u00ebsit\u00eb komanduese t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb katalonase kan\u00eb shprehur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme parap\u00eblqimin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb zgjidhje t\u00eb negociuar kundrejt s\u00eb tashmes rrug\u00eb qorre, duke theksuar, natyrisht, domosdoshm\u00ebrin\u00eb p\u00ebr koncesionet e nj\u00eb autonomie m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb fiskale. Edhe ashtu, kund\u00ebrshtia e tyre hapur ndaj deklarimit t\u00eb nj\u00ebansh\u00ebm t\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb nga autoritetet katalonase mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb s\u00eb qeni faktor vendimtar n\u00eb zgjidhjen e konfliktit. Meq\u00eb autoritetet katalonase, \u00e7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja, e kan\u00eb shitur projektin e tyre utopik t\u00eb shk\u00ebputjes si t\u00eb pakushtuesh\u00ebm, dhe kan\u00eb premtuar vazhdimisht se shk\u00ebputja do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte m\u00eb shum\u00eb prosperitet p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb katalonasit, me t\u2019u \u00e7liruar nga zgjedha e Madridit. Shum\u00eb katalonas me gjas\u00eb jan\u00eb k\u00ebndell\u00eb prej iluzioneve t\u00eb tilla n\u00eb jav\u00ebt pas referendumit t\u00eb kontestuar.<\/p>\n

Komuniteti i biznesit n\u00eb Kataloni ishte i shpejt\u00eb n\u00eb reagimin e saj; bizneset e m\u00ebdha, n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, thjesht kan\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb humbur, posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht duke pasur parasysh mund\u00ebsin\u00eb reale t\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtimit me forc\u00eb nga BE-ja n\u00eb rast t\u00eb suksesit t\u00eb deklarimit t\u00eb nj\u00ebansh\u00ebm t\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb, si\u00e7 edhe kan\u00eb ngulmuar n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi autoritetet europiane. E k\u00ebshtu, komuniteti katalonas i biznesit veproi, me nj\u00eb val\u00eb entuziazmi koorporativ, duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb goditje d\u00ebrrmuese, mbase edhe vendimtare, udh\u00ebrr\u00ebfyesit secesionist, pasi q\u00eb s\u00eb paku 45 kompani t\u00eb m\u00ebdha dhe t\u00eb mesme i zhvendosen zyrat e tyre qendrore n\u00eb rajonet tjera t\u00eb Spanj\u00ebs, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb gjasht\u00eb prej shtat\u00eb korporatave t\u00eb tyre m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, ato q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb listuara n\u00eb\u00a0Ibex<\/em>-in spanjoll, indeksin i cili p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga 35 kompanit\u00eb spanjolle me m\u00eb shumti likuiditet.<\/p>\n

Goditja e shpejt\u00eb prej lart\u00ebsive komanduese t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb katalonase mund t\u00eb d\u00ebshmohet ose jo si vendimtare, por patjet\u00ebr se ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb fryt n\u00eb gjunj\u00ebzimin e separatist\u00ebve sesa rrahja e gjysheve q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqen t\u00eb votojn\u00eb, marrja e t\u00eb burgosurve politik\u00eb, apo pezullimi i autonomis\u00eb katalonase, edhe pse ndoshta nj\u00eb goditje e till\u00eb ekonomike nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aq e k\u00ebnaqshme p\u00ebr ata, orekset nacionaliste t\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebve duket se k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb forma m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnda t\u00eb shtypjes shtet\u00ebrore. Prirje p\u00ebr pashpirt\u00ebsi q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb \u00e7mim t\u00eb lart\u00eb, dhe q\u00eb sigurisht se nuk do t\u00eb harrohej shpejt, dhe q\u00eb n\u00eb fakt do t\u00eb p\u00ebrforcoj\u00eb sensin e inatit q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkon dhe motivon bindjet dhe imagjinatat secesioniste.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, shum\u00eb prej majtist\u00ebve euroskeptik\u00eb, mbase ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Britani, duken t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u2019i g\u00ebzohen l\u00ebvizjes secesioniste n\u00eb rrug\u00ebtimin e saj p\u00ebrpara, p\u00ebr ta nxitur q\u00eb t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcej\u00eb secil\u00ebn humner\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb duartrokitur \u00e7far\u00ebdo q\u00eb \u201cacaron kontradiktat,\u201d \u00e7far\u00ebdo q\u00eb premton t\u00eb sjell\u00eb edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb destabilizim p\u00ebr projektin e BE-s\u00eb, pa marr\u00eb er\u00eb n\u00eb vler\u00ebsimin real se cilat forca shoq\u00ebrore kan\u00eb gjas\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb nga klima e turbullirave n\u00eb rritje dhe konfliktit nacionalist. Piromania e maskuar si kuraj\u00eb revolucionare. Pa p\u00ebrmendur faktin se shumica d\u00ebrrmuese e secesionist\u00ebve kan\u00eb ngulmuar n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi n\u00eb bindjet e tyre t\u00eb thella pro BE-s\u00eb, madje edhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtimin p\u00ebr shtr\u00ebngimet financiare, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr q\u00ebndrimit zyrtar t\u00eb pakic\u00ebs s\u00eb vog\u00ebl t\u00eb CUP-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

\u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb edhe m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja, e majta euroskeptike duket se e injoron fare faktin se, n\u00eb rastin e Spanj\u00ebs, potenciali p\u00ebr fitoren e s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb kund\u00ebr-reagim autoritar, \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebrtet shum\u00eb real, p\u00ebrderisa \u00ebndrra secioniste e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb republike t\u00eb pavarur e t\u00eb majt\u00eb katalonase \u00ebsht\u00eb i prir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mbes\u00eb nj\u00eb fantazi utopike, e sidomos p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb ajo d\u00ebshton s\u00eb gjeturi p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebs mes klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore t\u00eb Zon\u00ebs Metropolitane t\u00eb Barcelon\u00ebs, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt, duke pasur parasysh historin\u00eb dhe trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb e thell\u00eb t\u00eb migrimit t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm nga jugu i Spanj\u00ebs, e gjejn\u00eb veten shum\u00eb shpesh t\u00eb ndar\u00eb m\u00eb dysh, t\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb mes dy zjarreve, t\u00eb tjet\u00ebrsuar prej t\u00eb dyja t\u00eb pal\u00ebve, ku secila k\u00ebrkon aleanc\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtuese dhe besnik\u00ebri ndaj \u201ckombit.\u201d<\/p>\n

Konflikti n\u00eb Kurdistanin irakian<\/em><\/p>\n

Meq\u00eb ra fjala p\u00ebr piromanin\u00eb, le ta kthejm\u00eb v\u00ebmendjen shkurtimisht drejt nj\u00eb rajoni t\u00eb bot\u00ebs djegur nga t\u00eb gjitha an\u00ebt. N\u00eb Kurdistanin irakian \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr referendum i kontestuar, q\u00eb ashp\u00ebrsoi nj\u00eb konflikt dhe bllokad\u00eb mes autoriteteve qendrore dhe \u201crajonale.\u201d Gjithashtu, edhe nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr rast me protagonist nj\u00eb president rajonal t\u00eb kompromentuar, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast Masoud Barzani, edhe m\u00eb i kompromentuar sesa elita e korruptuar e qeveris\u00eb katalonase.<\/p>\n

\u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, Barzani \u00ebsht\u00eb i kapur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jokushtetuese pas pushtetit, pasi ka sh\u00ebrbyer si president rajonal p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy vjet e gjysm\u00eb m\u00eb gjat\u00eb sesa ia lejon kushtetuta. Aparatet rajonale administrative dhe t\u00eb dhun\u00ebs mbeten t\u00eb ndara mes atyre q\u00eb jan\u00eb besnik\u00eb ndaj KDP-s\u00eb s\u00eb tij dhe atyre besnik\u00eb ndaj ish-presidentit t\u00eb ndjer\u00eb irakian Jalal Talabani dhe PUK-s\u00eb s\u00eb tyre rivale. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, rrogat nga autoritetet qendrore jan\u00eb ngrir\u00eb q\u00eb prej janarit 2014, rreth grindjeve lidhur me shp\u00ebrndarjen e resurseve t\u00eb naft\u00ebs. Kjo, e kombinuar me r\u00ebnien e \u00e7mimit t\u00eb naft\u00ebs, ka sjell\u00eb nj\u00eb klim\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsive serioze ekonomike p\u00ebr autoritetet rajonale.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u2019iu kund\u00ebrvun\u00eb ngritjes s\u00eb parashikueshme t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb, Barzani veproi duke e instensifikuar shtypjen politike, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb shtypjen e forcave opozitare n\u00eb parlamentin rajonal. Por meq\u00eb p\u00eblqimi nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet vet\u00ebm me forc\u00eb, ai vendosi q\u00eb ta kombinoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb me nj\u00eb taktik\u00eb populliste, p\u00ebrmes ndihm\u00ebs s\u00eb plebishitit \u2013 m\u00eb n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, p\u00ebrmes referendumit t\u00eb nj\u00ebansh\u00ebm p\u00ebr \u201cvet\u00ebvendosje,\u201d nj\u00eb dredhi demagogjike dhe utopike; nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb legjitimuar, siguruar, dhe p\u00ebrforcuar kapjen e pushtetit. Edhe sikur ai, ashtu si homolog\u00ebt e tij n\u00eb Kataloni, t\u2019i ket\u00eb luajtur me t\u00eb gjitha letrat n\u00eb dispozicion, duke n\u00ebnvler\u00ebsuar kund\u00ebr-rrymat, t\u00eb cilat do t\u2019i nd\u00ebrzente p\u00ebrpjekja e tij p\u00ebr shk\u00ebputje t\u00eb nj\u00ebanshme.<\/p>\n

Referendumi, i mbajtur m\u00eb 25 shtator, t\u00ebrhoqi nj\u00eb num\u00ebr mbres\u00ebl\u00ebn\u00ebs t\u00eb votuesve prej 73 p\u00ebr qind, ku af\u00ebr 93 p\u00ebr qind prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve votuan po. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb d\u00ebshmi e qart\u00eb se shumica d\u00ebrrmuese jan\u00eb pro pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb kurde, mbase jo edhe aq befasuese duke pasur parasysh dhun\u00ebn gjenocidale q\u00eb kan\u00eb vuajtur. Me gjith\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, PUK-ja e Talabanit kishte paralajm\u00ebruar p\u00ebr rreziqet e referendumit. Ashtu si\u00e7 kishin b\u00ebr\u00eb edhe p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit amerikan\u00eb t\u00eb Barzanit, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt, pasi d\u00ebshtimit p\u00ebr ta bindur q\u00eb t\u00eb hiqte dor\u00eb, nuk ishin fort t\u00eb shtytur q\u00eb t\u00eb mbronin klientin e tyre \u201cvet\u00ebvendos\u00ebs\u201d, naft\u00ebplot dhe kleptokratik.<\/p>\n

Jo befasisht, edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb zem\u00ebruar ishin p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit e dikursh\u00ebm t\u00eb Barzanit, autoritetet turke. Referendumi i Barzanit kishte ringjallur pritsh\u00ebm paranojat e s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat bazohet aktualisht presidenti turk Erdogan. Nuk mund t\u00eb harrohet se bashk\u00ebfaj\u00ebsia me autoritetet turke, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimin dhe koordinimin n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e tyre t\u00eb vazhdueshme kund\u00ebr PKK-s\u00eb, ka qen\u00eb esenciale p\u00ebr projektin e Barzanit q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim. Menj\u00ebher\u00eb mbas referendumit, autoritetet turke k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuan me bllokim t\u00eb eksportit t\u00eb naft\u00ebs dhe madje edhe me mbylljen e kufirit. K\u00ebrc\u00ebnime t\u00eb cilat, po u p\u00ebrmbushen, gjithsesi se do ta rr\u00ebzonin n\u00eb gjunj\u00eb regjimin e Barzanit.<\/p>\n

Sa p\u00ebr kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e Barzanit n\u00eb Irak, ata u p\u00ebrgjigjen pothuajse menj\u00ebher\u00eb duke nd\u00ebrprer\u00eb fluturimet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb dhe jasht\u00eb Erbilit dhe Sulejmani\u00ebs, p\u00ebrkrah k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb tyre q\u00eb autoritetet e KRG-s\u00eb [Qeveria Rajonale e Kurdistanit] t\u00eb dor\u00ebzojn\u00eb kontrollin e aeroporteve. Pa p\u00ebrfunduar java, forcat ushtarake irakiane dhe iraniane do t\u00eb kishin st\u00ebrvitje t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt n\u00eb kufirin e Iranit me KRG-n\u00eb. Dhe m\u00eb 15 tetor, ushtria irakiane do t\u00eb merrte Kirkukun pa luft\u00eb, pasi q\u00eb me sa duket kishte r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb ujdi me forcat e PUKs\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kishin kontrolluar fushat e kontestuara t\u00eb naft\u00ebs q\u00eb prej v\u00ebrsuljes s\u00eb ISIS-it n\u00eb ver\u00ebn e vitit 2014. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, t\u00ebrheqja e PUK-s\u00eb nga Kirkuku nxiti t\u00ebrheqjen prej m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 40 p\u00ebr qind nga territoret e kontestuara, t\u00eb marra dikur, dhe t\u00eb cilat gjat\u00eb referendumit Barzani i kishte ekspozuar si pjes\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebse t\u00eb KRG-s\u00eb. Dhe nj\u00eb katastrof\u00eb e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut e llojit t\u00eb vet, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr shmangies s\u00eb luft\u00ebs, me rreth 100000 njer\u00ebz q\u00eb u larguan nga sht\u00ebpit\u00eb e tyre n\u00eb Kirkuk.<\/p>\n

Alternative demokratike konfederale<\/em><\/p>\n

Diskutimi i ngjarjeve n\u00eb Kurdistanin irakian n\u00eb qarqet majtiste per\u00ebndimore ka qen\u00eb pak m\u00eb shum\u00eb i ndar\u00eb, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb mbizot\u00ebrimit t\u00eb dyshimit rreth aleancave gjeopolitike q\u00eb i bashkon \u201ckurd\u00ebt\u201d me amerikan\u00ebt, e madje, n\u00eb disa raste, me izraelit\u00ebt. E prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, diskutimi ka qen\u00eb edhe m\u00eb i mbithjesht\u00ebzuar dhe i \u00e7orientuar sesa ai p\u00ebr Katalonin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr fillim, forcave pas referendumit shpesh iu referehohen thjesht si \u201ckurd\u00ebt,\u201d duke injoruar k\u00ebshtu mospajtimet e thella p\u00ebrbrenda KRG-s\u00eb, e l\u00ebre m\u00eb ato mes KRG-s\u00eb dhe pjes\u00ebve t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb Kurdistanit. Mbase m\u00eb problematikja, ajo q\u00eb injorohet gjithashtu \u00ebsht\u00eb dallimi radikal mes projektit nacionalist t\u00eb Barzanit p\u00ebr \u201cvet\u00ebvendosje\u201d dhe taktikave dhe strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb L\u00ebvizjes Kurde P\u00ebr Liri, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb PKK-n\u00eb dhe forcat revolucionare q\u00eb kan\u00eb kontrollin e Roxhav\u00ebs n\u00eb Sirin\u00eb Veriore, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb frym\u00ebzuar nga udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi i burgosur Abdulla Ocalan, dhe nga program dhe modeli i tij i konfederalizmit demokratik.<\/p>\n

Konfederalizmi demokratik \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt radikal demokratik i bazuar mbi asamblet\u00eb e qytetar\u00ebve, i mbrojtur nga milicit\u00eb e qytetar\u00ebve. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb program dhe model q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb rikonceptualizim radikal t\u00eb vet\u00ebvendosjes, i till\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizohet n\u00eb terma t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb kundrejt shtetit. Nj\u00eb rikonceptualizim i \u201cvet\u00ebvendosjes\u201d q\u00eb i refuzon si p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00ebse dhe utopike ekuacionet e betej\u00ebs p\u00ebr liri komb\u00ebtare me q\u00ebllim krijimin e nj\u00eb komb-shteti t\u00eb pavarur, dhe q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb tejkaloj\u00eb rreziqet e tiranis\u00eb s\u00eb shumic\u00ebs p\u00ebrmes institucionalizimit t\u00eb regjimit \u201crevolucionar-bashk\u00ebshoq\u00ebror [consociational].\u201d Nj\u00eb regjim bashk\u00ebshoq\u00ebror, kontrata shoq\u00ebrore e s\u00eb cilit garanton akomodim shumetnik, shum\u00ebgjuh\u00ebsor, dhe shum\u00ebfetar, duke zbatuar kuotat p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim politik (konkretisht, n\u00eb Roxhava, p\u00ebr arab dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb krishter\u00ebt asirian\u00eb), p\u00ebrmes asambleve t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejta t\u00eb grupeve t\u00eb ndryshme konstituente, dhe p\u00ebrmes mobilizimit t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre grupeve n\u00eb milicit\u00eb e tyre t\u00eb vet\u00ebmbrojtjes.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, konfederalizmi demokratik \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt radikal demokratik i cili thekson poashtu emancipimin gjinor, dhe zbaton nj\u00eb model t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpresidenc\u00ebs dhe nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb kuotave q\u00eb p\u00ebrforcon barazin\u00eb gjinore n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb format e saj t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit politik, p\u00ebrmes organizimit t\u00eb asambleve t\u00eb grave dhe akademive t\u00eb grave, dhe p\u00ebrmes mobilizimit t\u00eb grave n\u00eb milicit\u00eb e tyre p\u00ebr vet\u00ebmbrojtje. P\u00ebr fund, konfederalizmi demokratik \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt radikal demokratik i cili v\u00eb theksin n\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e \u201cekologjis\u00eb sociale\u201d dhe q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb ambientale, n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend ku toka pikon naft\u00eb.<\/p>\n

\u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, n\u00eb kontrast t\u00eb thell\u00eb me projektin e Barzanit p\u00ebr \u201cvet\u00ebvendosje,\u201d Ocalan dhe projekti \u201cdemokratik konfederal\u201d i L\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb Kurd\u00ebve p\u00ebr Liri p\u00ebrb\u00ebn t\u00eb vetmen alternativ\u00eb ndaj dialektik\u00ebs negative t\u00eb tiranis\u00eb dhe kaosit q\u00eb e pllakos aktualisht rajonin. I tyri \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt q\u00eb kombinon demokracin\u00eb radikale, vet\u00ebmbrojtjen, p\u00ebrfshirjen shum\u00ebkulturore dhe shum\u00ebfetare, emancipimin gjinor, sikurse edhe ekologjin\u00eb sociale. I tyri \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb hart\u00eb rruge drejt paqes n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme, dhe m\u00eb tej. Mbase madje edhe p\u00ebr Katalonin\u00eb dhe Spanj\u00ebn, ku CUP-ja dhe Comunes dhe e majta e gjer\u00eb spanjolle do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb m\u00ebsonin nja dy gj\u00ebra nga shembulli i guximsh\u00ebm i motrave dhe v\u00ebllez\u00ebrve revolucionar\u00eb t\u00eb L\u00ebvizjes Kurde p\u00ebr Liri.<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 e ka th\u00ebn\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm Abdullah Ocalani, n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment t\u00eb reflektimit vet\u00ebkritik, nd\u00ebrsa p\u00ebrpiqej t\u00eb shpjegonte motivet prapa dor\u00ebheqjes parimore t\u00eb q\u00ebllimit p\u00ebr nj\u00eb komb-shtet t\u00eb pavarur:\u00a0N\u00eb jam fajtor p\u00ebr ndonj\u00eb gj\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb fakti se un\u00eb e pranova kultur\u00ebn e pushtetit dhe t\u00eb luft\u00ebs. Un\u00eb u b\u00ebra pjes\u00eb e saj q\u00eb prej kur u binda n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb gati fetare se neve na duhej nj\u00eb shtet p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb lir\u00eb, dhe se prandaj do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb b\u00ebnim luft\u00eb. Shum\u00eb pak prej tyre q\u00eb luftojn\u00eb p\u00ebr liri dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb shtypurit mund t\u2019i shp\u00ebtojn\u00eb k\u00ebsaj s\u00ebmundjeje. Prandaj, jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb jam b\u00ebr\u00eb fajtor n\u00eb syt\u00eb e sistemit por poashtu p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket betej\u00ebs p\u00ebr liri p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn dhash\u00eb gjith\u00eb \u00e7ka pata.<\/em><\/p>\n

_____________________<\/em><\/p>\n

Thomas Jeffrey Miley \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues i sociologjis\u00eb politike n\u00eb Departamentin e Sociologjis\u00eb n\u00eb Kejmbrixh. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb hulumtues n\u00eb nacionalizmat krahasuese dhe teorin\u00eb demokratike. Aktualisht ai po punon n\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt mbi betejat p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje n\u00eb shekullin e nj\u00ebzetenj\u00eb-t\u00eb.<\/em><\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal<\/a><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrktheu: Bardhi Bakija \/ Sbunker<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

A mund t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb konfederalizmi demokratik i \u00e7alanit nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb revolucionare ndaj rezultateve shterp\u00eb t\u00eb referendumeve katalane dhe kurde p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsi? Dhun\u00eb policore ndaj demonstruesve paq\u00ebsor\u00eb n\u00eb Barcelon\u00eb. Okupim ushtarak i forcave ushtarake irakiane n\u00eb Kirkuk. Institucione t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb dhe vet\u00ebqeverisjes t\u00eb d\u00ebmtuara r\u00ebnd\u00eb nga Katalonia dhe Kurdistani. Pamjet jan\u00eb trondit\u00ebse, shtypja shtet\u00ebrore gjithsesi e […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":103,"featured_media":10542,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[1918,1917,1919],"ppma_author":[121],"class_list":["post-4167","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-katalanet","tag-konfederalizmi","tag-kurdet"],"authors":[{"term_id":121,"user_id":103,"is_guest":0,"slug":"thomasjeffrey-miley","display_name":"Thomas Jeffrey Miley","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-3-5.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-3-5.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Miley","first_name":"Thomas Jeffrey","description":"Dr Thomas Jeffrey Miley \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lektor i Sociologjis\u00eb Politike n\u00eb Departamentin e Sociologjis\u00eb n\u00eb Universitetin e Kembrixhit. Ai mori B.A. nga Universiteti i Kalifornis\u00eb, Los Anxhelos (1995) dhe doktoratur\u00ebn e tij. nga Universiteti Yale (2004). Ai ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb leksione n\u00eb Universitetin Yale, Universitetin Wesleyan dhe Universitetin Saint Louis (Madrid) dhe ai ka qen\u00eb an\u00ebtar hulumtues Garcia-Pelayo n\u00eb Qendr\u00ebn p\u00ebr Studime Politike dhe Kushtetuese n\u00eb Madrid (2007-2009)."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4167","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/103"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4167"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4167\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10543,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4167\/revisions\/10543"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10542"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4167"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4167"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4167"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4167"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}