{"id":4229,"date":"2018-07-09T11:34:44","date_gmt":"2018-07-09T09:34:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4229"},"modified":"2024-10-24T14:42:38","modified_gmt":"2024-10-24T12:42:38","slug":"si-ti-lexojme-zgjedhjet-ne-turqi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/si-ti-lexojme-zgjedhjet-ne-turqi\/","title":{"rendered":"Si t’i lexojm\u00eb zgjedhjet n\u00eb Turqi?"},"content":{"rendered":"
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M\u00eb 24 qershor Turqia mbajti p\u00ebr nj\u00eb dit\u00eb zgjedhjet presidenciale dhe ato parlamentare. Kandidat\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb ishin Rexhep Tajip Erdoani me partin\u00eb e tij AKP (Partia e Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe Zhvillimit, konservatore me afiliim fetar), Muharrem Inxhe nga CHP-ja (Partia Republikane Popullore, partia e Ataturkut, qend\u00ebr e majt\u00eb, sekulariste), Selahetin Demirtashi q\u00eb garoi nga burgu p\u00ebr HDP-n\u00eb (Partia Popullore Demokratike, parti e majt\u00eb dhe prokurde) dhe kandidatja e vetme grua, Meral Aksheneri nga \u201c?yi Parti\u201d (\u201cPartia e Mir\u00eb\u201d, nacionaliste e moderuar, e dal\u00eb nga \u00e7arja n\u00eb MHP). Partia tjet\u00ebr me pesh\u00eb politike, MHP-ja (Partia e L\u00ebvizjes Nacionaliste, nacionaliste dhe neofashiste, por q\u00eb viteve t\u00eb fundit shkon kah moderimi) vendosi t\u00eb mos garonte p\u00ebr president dhe ta mb\u00ebshteste kandidatur\u00ebn e Erdoanit.<\/p>\n

Turqit d\u00ebshmuan nivel t\u00eb lart\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsie qytetare dhe interesimi p\u00ebr zhvillimet politike duke marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb 87% e tyre n\u00eb procesin zgjedhor (pjes\u00ebmarrja m\u00eb e madhe n\u00eb tri dekadat e fundit). Pas shpalljes s\u00eb rezultateve, n\u00eb gar\u00ebn p\u00ebr president, Erdoani fitoi me 52.6% t\u00eb votave, i pasuar nga Inxhe me 30.6%, Demirtashi me 8.4% dhe Aksheneri me 7.3%, kurse n\u00eb gar\u00ebn parlamentare AKP-ja mori 42.5%, CHP-ja 22.64%, HDP-ja 11.7%, MHP-ja 11.4% dhe \u201cPartia e Mir\u00eb\u201d 10%.<\/p>\n

Gjersa n\u00eb zgjedhjet tjera, qoft\u00eb n\u00eb gar\u00ebn p\u00ebr president, qoft\u00eb p\u00ebr kryeminist\u00ebr, Erdoani kryesisht ishte p\u00ebrballur me kandidat\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00eb \u2013 pavar\u00ebsisht se sa t\u00eb majt\u00eb \u2013 k\u00ebsaj radhe p\u00ebrball\u00eb tij ishin edhe kandidat\u00eb t\u00eb djatht\u00eb (sipas kontekstit turk) si Aksheneri ose edhe si Inxhe, i cili, ndon\u00ebse vjen prej nj\u00eb partie t\u00eb qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb majt\u00eb, ka nj\u00eb profil neokonservator dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb deklaruar si besimtar.<\/p>\n

Me ekonomin\u00eb turke dhe monedh\u00ebn e saj, lir\u00ebn, q\u00eb po zdirgjet p\u00ebrposh, p\u00ebr shum\u00eb analist\u00eb Erdoani vendosi t\u00eb mbante tani zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme (t\u00eb cilat ishin parashikuar t\u00eb mbaheshin n\u00eb n\u00ebntor 2019) nga frika se mos vjeshta 2019 do ta zinte n\u00eb kriz\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb financiare dhe rrjedhimisht me p\u00eblqyeshm\u00ebri m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt publike.<\/p>\n

Fushata parazgjedhore kryesisht vajti e qet\u00eb, por me shum\u00eb shqet\u00ebsime rreth rrahjes s\u00eb aktivist\u00ebve opozitar\u00eb (87 raste) dhe incidenteve t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsyera kund\u00ebr opozit\u00ebs (132 raste). N\u00eb aspektin mediatik, sipas raportimeve, nga 14 maji gjer m\u00eb 22 qershor, televizioni publik turk n\u00eb tri kanalet e tij \u2013 n\u00eb TRT 1, TRT Lajmet dhe TRT kurdisht \u2013 ka mbuluar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb disproporcinale Erdoanin ndaj kandidat\u00ebve opozitar\u00eb. Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj periudhe pes\u00ebjavore, Erdoani ka pasur mbi 181 or\u00eb mbulim n\u00eb k\u00ebto tri kanale shtet\u00ebrore, Inxhe ka pasur mbi 15 or\u00eb, Aksheneri rreth 3 or\u00eb e gjysm\u00eb, kurse Demirtashi vet\u00ebm 32 minuta. Ose nj\u00eb tregues tjet\u00ebr: n\u00eb konferenc\u00ebn e par\u00eb p\u00ebr shtyp t\u00eb CHP-s\u00eb n\u00eb nat\u00ebn e zgjedhjeve, asnj\u00eb televizion, p\u00ebrpos \u201cFox\u201d-it, nuk e p\u00ebrcolli at\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt. Edhe gjat\u00eb procesit t\u00eb num\u00ebrimit, tek q\u00eb uebfaqja e K\u00ebshillit Suprem Zgjedhor kishte r\u00ebn\u00eb nga funksioni, pati raportime t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta rreth rezultatit. P.sh. gjersa agjencia shtet\u00ebrore e lajmeve \u201cAnadolu\u201d jepte shifrat 55.5% p\u00ebr Erdoanin dhe 29.1% p\u00ebr Inxhen, platforma \u201cAdil Se\u00e7im\u201d jepte Erdoanin me 43.5% dhe Inxhen me 33.9%, gj\u00eb q\u00eb shtyu\u00a0shum\u00eb analist\u00eb t\u2019i akuzojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja\u00a0p\u00ebr anim politik.<\/p>\n

Presidenti Erdoan, i cili ka dominuar sken\u00ebn politike turke n\u00eb 16 vjet\u00ebt e fundit dhe akoma \u00ebsht\u00eb politikani m\u00eb popullor n\u00eb Turqi, e shfryt\u00ebzon nj\u00eb psikoz\u00eb t\u00eb pafundme frike dhe, si\u00e7 e shpjegon edhe Xheni Uajt, antropologe dhe eksperte e politik\u00ebs turke, k\u00ebsisoj qytetar\u00ebt vendosin t\u00eb votojn\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb burr\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm, i cili paraqitet si nj\u00eb babaxhan mbrojt\u00ebs. Erdoani erdhi n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb vitin 2002 me kart\u00ebn e shtrirjes s\u00eb dor\u00ebs p\u00ebr shtresat n\u00eb nevoj\u00eb. Fal\u00eb politikave t\u00eb tij qeveritare, shum\u00eb qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb shtres\u00ebs s\u00eb varf\u00ebr dhe shtres\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme t\u00eb ul\u00ebt sot jetojn\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb, kurse Turqia, nga nj\u00eb vend ku besimtar\u00ebt dhe grupimet fetare diskriminoheshin, \u00ebsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj nd\u00ebrkohe n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend ku k\u00ebto grupe po marrin tipare t\u00eb elit\u00ebs shoq\u00ebrore, si n\u00eb aspektin politik, ashtu edhe at\u00eb ekonomik e kulturor. N\u00ebse k\u00ebsaj ia shtojm\u00eb edhe zhvillimin e hovsh\u00ebm ekonomik q\u00eb ka p\u00ebrjetuar vendi q\u00eb nga viti 2003, si dhe rritjen e nj\u00eb ndjenjeje krenarie komb\u00ebtare, at\u00ebher\u00eb pak a shum\u00eb mund ta shpjegojn\u00eb sociologjikisht baz\u00ebn elektorale t\u00eb Erdoanit.<\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb \u201cfjalimit t\u00eb ballkonit\u201d pas fitores, Erdoani potencoi se shum\u00eb pu\u00e7ist\u00eb ia kan\u00eb mbathur n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb dhe se tani shum\u00eb vota nga Amerika kan\u00eb ardhur p\u00ebr opozit\u00ebn. N\u00eb fakt, 70% e votave nga Amerika kan\u00eb qen\u00eb p\u00ebr Inxhen dhe vet\u00ebm 17% p\u00ebr Erdoanin. Por, kjo deklarat\u00eb ka pezmatuar shum\u00eb turko-amerikan\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt n\u00eb rrjete sociale kan\u00eb reaguar duke ia p\u00ebrkujtuar Presidentit se ata nuk e kan\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahur Fetullah Gylenin as at\u00ebher\u00eb kur ai ka qen\u00eb shok p\u00ebr koke i Erdoanit dhe nuk do ta p\u00ebrkrahnin as sot. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, nuk kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb dallim t\u00eb madh me mas\u00ebn e votuesve pro-Erdoan nga turko-amerikan\u00ebt para grusht-shtetit t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar t\u00eb 15 korrikut 2016. Evren \u00c7elik, profesoresh\u00eb turke n\u00eb Universitetin e Dakot\u00ebs Jugore n\u00eb ShBA, e pezmatuar me k\u00ebt\u00eb deklarat\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ajo e mori p\u00ebr ofendim ndaj m\u00ebrgat\u00ebs turke, ia ka p\u00ebrkujtuar Presidentit faktin se gjersa 76% e turqve 25-34 vje\u00e7 n\u00eb ShBA, 55% e tyre n\u00eb Kanada, 43% e tyre n\u00eb Britani dhe 22% e tyre n\u00eb Suedi jan\u00eb me shkollim t\u00eb lart\u00eb, vet\u00ebm 19% e turqve t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj moshe n\u00eb Turqi kan\u00eb shkollim t\u00eb lart\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Zhg\u00ebnjyes ishte veprimi i Muharrem Inxhes (por edhe Akshenerit) q\u00eb nuk denjoi t\u00eb fliste n\u00eb nat\u00ebn e zgjedhjeve, por zgjodhi rrug\u00ebn e komunikimit me publikun p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb sms-i t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr n\u00eb \u201cWhatsApp\u201d. Shum\u00eb aktivist\u00eb turq t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile kan\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb hapur mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb kjo t\u00eb ket\u00eb ndodhur nga hezitimi i Inxhes p\u00ebr t\u00eb pranuar rezultatin ose jo, nga hezitimi n\u00ebse do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb deklaronte se zgjedhjet kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb manipuluara ose jo dhe se krejt kjo ka rrjedhur nga hezitimi n\u00ebse do t\u00eb ishte gati t\u00eb p\u00ebrballonte pasojat q\u00eb do t\u2019i sillte Turqis\u00eb nj\u00eb qasje e atill\u00eb, e cila do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb rrezikonte edhe provokimin e nj\u00eb lufte\u00a0t\u00eb mundshme civile n\u00eb vend. Por, natyrisht, k\u00ebto ngelin vet\u00ebm hamend\u00ebsime t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre z\u00ebrave opozitar\u00eb nga Turqia q\u00eb hera her\u00ebs t\u00eb japin p\u00ebrshtypjen se jan\u00eb duke garuar me Erdoanin n\u00eb thurrjen e teorive konspirative.<\/p>\n

Kemal K\u00ebl\u00eb\u00e7darollu, kreu i CHP-s\u00eb opozitare, dy dit\u00eb pas zgjedhjeve kur foli p\u00ebr medie, jo q\u00eb nuk shprehu asnj\u00eb troh\u00eb pendimi q\u00eb e ka shp\u00ebn\u00eb partin\u00eb e tij drejt humbjeve t\u00eb nj\u00ebpasnj\u00ebshme, jo q\u00eb nuk foli p\u00ebr dor\u00ebheqje t\u00eb mundshme dhe as e komentoi sabotimin e tij t\u00eb heshtur karshi kandidatit t\u00eb tij p\u00ebr president, Inxhes, por, p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, duke tentuar ta denigroj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb fundit dhe k\u00ebsodore duke shp\u00ebrfaqur panikun nga rritja e popullaritetit t\u00eb tij brenda partis\u00eb, deklaroi se rezultati i Inxhes \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebn pritshm\u00ebrit\u00eb e tij. N\u00eb fakt fenomen i k\u00ebtyre zgjedhjeve ka qen\u00eb pa dyshim vet\u00eb Inxhe, kandidati i CHP-s\u00eb, i cili ia doli t\u00eb dilte p\u00ebrtej vot\u00ebs tradicionale t\u00eb partis\u00eb, ia doli t\u00eb mirrte 4 milion\u00eb vota m\u00eb shum\u00eb se vet\u00eb partia dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrthithte edhe vot\u00eb t\u00eb fetar\u00ebve edhe vot\u00eb t\u00eb kurd\u00ebve, nj\u00eb risi e papar\u00eb p\u00ebr CHP-n\u00eb. Krejt kjo e b\u00ebn Inxhen nj\u00eb pretendent kryesor p\u00ebr ta z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar K\u00ebl\u00eb\u00e7darollun apatik dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019i prir\u00eb partis\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebsodore, Turqia nuk p\u00ebrballet vet\u00ebm me demokraci t\u00eb brisht\u00eb mespartiake, por problematik\u00eb vazhdon t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe demokracia e pak\u00ebnaqshme brendapartiake, ku partit\u00eb turke m\u00eb par\u00eb mund t\u00eb \u00e7ahen m\u00eb dysh se sa t\u00eb zgjidhin mospajtimet e brendshme n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb konsensuale. Shembulli m\u00eb i fresk\u00ebt \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i MHP-s\u00eb ku, pasi nj\u00eb grup nuk ia doli ta largonte nga pozita e kryetarit Devlet Bah\u00e7eliun \u2013 i cili i prin k\u00ebsaj partie q\u00eb nga 1997-a \u2013 vendosi q\u00eb n\u00eb tetor 2017 ta krijonte nj\u00eb parti t\u00eb re, \u201cPartin\u00eb e Mir\u00eb\u201d. E, n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje t\u00eb fundit, m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti u ngrit pluhur p\u00ebr listat p\u00ebr deputet\u00eb brenda CHP-s\u00eb, ku pati shum\u00eb pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi rreth m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhjes s\u00eb kandidat\u00ebve, sidomos rreth l\u00ebnies jasht\u00eb liste t\u00eb emrave ky\u00e7 t\u00eb partis\u00eb, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb Eren Erdemi, J\u00eblld\u00ebz Tur Bi\u00e7eri, Bar\u00ebsh Jarkadashi apo Ilhan Xhihaneri.<\/p>\n

Ky proces zgjedhor nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se nuk iu mbuz gremin\u00ebs n\u00eb disa raste. Gazetari turk, Ibrahim Haskolollu, raportoi se si simpatizant\u00eb t\u00eb AKP-s\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet festonin nat\u00ebn e zgjedhjeve me arm\u00eb zjarri n\u00eb Stamboll. Tri dit\u00eb pas zgjedhjeve, gazeta konservatore turke, \u201cJeni Shafak\u201d, lajm\u00ebroi se nj\u00eb v\u00ebzhgues nga radh\u00ebt e AKP-s\u00eb ishte vrar\u00eb n\u00eb provinc\u00ebn lindore t\u00eb Ar\u00ebs\u00eb. Por befasia erdhi kur ministri turk i Pun\u00ebve t\u00eb Brendshme, Sylejman Sojluja, u ngut ta gjente fajtorin duke e akuzuar bashk\u00ebkryetaren e HDP-s\u00eb opozitare, Pervin Bulldanin. MHP-ja nacionaliste, n\u00eb mesazhin e botuar n\u00eb shtyp dy dit\u00eb pas zgjedhjeve, futi n\u00eb form\u00eb shantazhi emrat e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb analist\u00ebve dhe intelektual\u00ebve q\u00eb kishin parashikuar nj\u00eb disfat\u00eb t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

Por, zgjedhjet tjera n\u00eb Turqi jan\u00eb mu tek dera. N\u00eb mars 2019 Turqia do t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me zgjedhjet lokale n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur Erdoani nuk e ka fshehur d\u00ebshir\u00ebn e tij p\u00ebr t\u2019i suprimuar zgjedhjet lokale dhe ka nxjerr\u00eb iden\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb vend t\u00eb zgjedhjes s\u00eb kryebashkiak\u00ebve (q\u00eb jo rrall\u00eb her\u00eb dalin nga opozita, me t\u00eb cil\u00ebt pastaj ai ka kok\u00eb\u00e7arje, sidomos ata t\u00eb zgjedhur nga HDP-ja) t\u00eb kalohet n\u00eb em\u00ebrimin e \u201ckayyim\u201d-\u00ebve, nj\u00ebfar\u00eb lloj prefekt\u00ebsh, sikund\u00ebrq\u00eb po e konsideron nj\u00eb plan p\u00ebr t\u00eb centralizuar administratat lokale.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fakt, kjo nuk do t\u00eb ishte hera e par\u00eb q\u00eb Erdoani nuk e fsheh armiq\u00ebsin\u00eb ndaj kryebashkiak\u00ebve opozitar\u00eb. N\u00eb janar, me vendim t\u00eb Ministris\u00eb s\u00eb Brendshme, u shkarkua kryebashkiaku i distriktit t\u00eb Beshiktashit n\u00eb Stamboll, Murat Hazinedari nga CHP-ja, duke u b\u00ebr\u00eb kryebashkiaku i dyt\u00eb nga kjo parti opozitare q\u00eb largohej nga vendi i tij i pun\u00ebs. M\u00eb her\u00ebt, qeveria ka shkarkuar njashtu 80 prej 103 kryebashkiak\u00ebve t\u00eb HDP-s\u00eb opozitare, t\u00eb akuzuar se e kan\u00eb ndihur PKK-n\u00eb kurde. P\u00ebr hir t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs, k\u00ebsaj vale spastrimi nuk i kan\u00eb shp\u00ebtuar as vet\u00eb kryebashkiak\u00ebt e AKP-s\u00eb s\u00eb Erdoanit, me 6 syresh q\u00eb jan\u00eb shtr\u00ebnguar t\u00eb japin dor\u00ebheqje n\u00eb orvatje p\u00ebr ta \u201cforcuar kohezionin brendapartiak\u201d.<\/p>\n

Karakteristik\u00eb sociologjike e k\u00ebtyre zgjedhjeve \u00ebsht\u00eb se votuesi n\u00eb Turqi l\u00ebviz, ama l\u00ebviz kryesisht brenda kampit, dmth votuesit pro-Erdoan nuk votojn\u00eb kund\u00ebr tij, por eventualisht votojn\u00eb mes AKP-s\u00eb dhe MHP-s\u00eb, sikurse q\u00eb vlen edhe p\u00ebr votuesin anti-Erdoan q\u00eb l\u00ebviz mes CHP-s\u00eb dhe HDP-s\u00eb. Pakashum\u00eb, skema e electoral swing-ut n\u00eb zgjdhjet e 24 qershorit ka qen\u00eb kjo \u2013 votuesi i CHP-s\u00eb taktikisht ka votuar HDP-n\u00eb dhe k\u00ebsisoj CHP-ja ka r\u00ebnie votash (loja ishte q\u00eb t\u00eb futej me \u00e7do kusht HDP-ja n\u00eb Parlament, ashtu q\u00eb t\u2019ia pamund\u00ebsonin Erdoanit shumic\u00ebn parlamentare, por plani i tyre shkoi huq sepse n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb paparashikueshme MHP-ja, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr ndarjes, e kaloi pragun, duke ia mund\u00ebsuar k\u00ebshtu Erdoanit shumic\u00ebn parlamentare me koalicionin AKP-MHP), n\u00eb Turqin\u00eb per\u00ebndimore \u201cPartia e Mir\u00eb\u201d ka p\u00ebrthithur trup\u00ebn elektorale t\u00eb MHP-s\u00eb (deri diku edhe t\u00eb CHP-s\u00eb) e n\u00eb pjes\u00ebt e tjera t\u00eb vendit MHP-ja ka marr\u00eb votat e AKP-s\u00eb. HDP-ja p\u00ebr\u00e7udnon parashikimet duke humbur nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb votave kurde ndaj AKP-s\u00eb, por befasisht duke rritur votat n\u00eb disa qytete t\u00eb m\u00ebdha turke, me gjas\u00eb n\u00eb mesin e grupeve majtiste, ambientaliste dhe progresiste.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, n\u00ebse e sheh vot\u00ebn e AKP-s\u00eb dhe MHP-s\u00eb si koalicion, qartazi e lexon se vota e k\u00ebsaj t\u00eb fundit ka qen\u00eb vendimtare n\u00eb fitoren presidenciale t\u00eb Erdoanit, por problemi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb do t\u00eb lind pas fitores: 3.5 milion\u00eb emigrant\u00ebt sirian\u00eb n\u00eb Turqi jan\u00eb \u201cthembra e Akilit\u201d e Erdoanit; nacionalist\u00ebt e MHP-s\u00eb nuk i honepsin dot emigrant\u00ebt dhe kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gurgul\u00eb rreth 35 viktimave t\u00eb vitit 2017 q\u00eb jan\u00eb shkaktuar nga problemet me emigrant\u00eb dhe pika e (mos)kthimit t\u00eb tyre n\u00eb Siri do t\u00eb jet\u00eb duksh\u00ebm nj\u00eb pik\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00ebse mes MHP-s\u00eb dhe Erdoanit. E, p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb q\u00eb prej vitit 2002, Turqis\u00eb po i rikthehen qeverit\u00eb e koalicioneve, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb qen\u00eb jo pak telash p\u00ebr sken\u00ebn politike turke, sidomos n\u00eb fundvitet \u201990.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb ndryshim tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb k\u00ebto zgjedhje ka qen\u00eb edhe fakti se p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb nga hyrja n\u00eb fuqi e pragut zgjedhor prej 10% m\u00eb 1983, Turqia fiton nj\u00eb parlament m\u00eb t\u00eb diversifikuar dhe m\u00eb reprezentativ, n\u00eb kuptimin q\u00eb 99% e votave jan\u00eb p\u00ebrkthyer me ul\u00ebse n\u00eb parlament. Kurse, n\u00eb aspektin gjinor, Turqia tani do t\u2019i ket\u00eb 103 deputete gra ose 17%, krahasuar me 14.7% sa i kishte nga zgjedhjet e kaluara.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

M\u00eb 24 qershor Turqia mbajti p\u00ebr nj\u00eb dit\u00eb zgjedhjet presidenciale dhe ato parlamentare. Kandidat\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb ishin Rexhep Tajip Erdoani me partin\u00eb e tij AKP (Partia e Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe Zhvillimit, konservatore me afiliim fetar), Muharrem Inxhe nga CHP-ja (Partia Republikane Popullore, partia e Ataturkut, qend\u00ebr e majt\u00eb, sekulariste), Selahetin Demirtashi q\u00eb garoi nga burgu p\u00ebr HDP-n\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":411,"featured_media":9101,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[926,648],"ppma_author":[768],"class_list":["post-4229","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-elections","tag-turkey"],"authors":[{"term_id":768,"user_id":411,"is_guest":0,"slug":"fitim-salihu","display_name":"Fitim Salihu","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/Fitim-Salihu-e1701268592693.png","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/Fitim-Salihu-e1701268592693.png"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Salihu","first_name":"Fitim","description":"Fitim Salihu \u00ebsht\u00eb politolog dhe merret kryesisht me studime kulturore e me studime t\u00eb Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, me theks t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebr Lindjen e Mesme, ShBA-n\u00eb dhe Amerik\u00ebn Latine. P\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka punuar si redaktor i kultur\u00ebs n\u00eb gazet\u00ebn \"Z\u00ebri\", shkruan si kolumnist p\u00ebr gazet\u00ebn kroate \"Bilten\" dhe punon si hulumtues shkencor p\u00ebr disa institute vendore e t\u00eb jashtme."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4229","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/411"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4229"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4229\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9103,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4229\/revisions\/9103"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9101"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4229"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4229"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4229"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4229"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}