{"id":4231,"date":"2018-07-12T14:51:06","date_gmt":"2018-07-12T12:51:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4231"},"modified":"2025-01-09T15:00:30","modified_gmt":"2025-01-09T13:00:30","slug":"si-bashkohen-kombet","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/si-bashkohen-kombet\/","title":{"rendered":"Si bashkohen kombet"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Kombet p\u00ebrb\u00ebhen nga nj\u00eb formacion i gjer\u00eb popujsh, gjuh\u00ebsh e historish, por m\u00eb t\u00eb fortat prej tyre kan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta tre gj\u00ebra t\u00eb thjeshta.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Pse disa vende shthuren, shpesh sipas vijave etnike, kurse t\u00eb tjerat kan\u00eb mbetur t\u00eb bashkuara gjat\u00eb dekadave e shekujve, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr se qeverisin poashtu popullata t\u00eb ndryshme? Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, pse ndodh q\u00eb kombnd\u00ebrtimi pati sukses n\u00eb disa vende e d\u00ebshtoi n\u00eb t\u00eb tjerat? Tragjedia e tashme e Siris\u00eb ilustron pasoja e mund\u00ebsi vrastare t\u00eb kombnd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar. Jasht\u00eb v\u00ebmendjes s\u00eb mediave, Sudani i Jugut dhe Republika Qendrore Afrikane kaluan p\u00ebrvoja t\u00eb ngjashme n\u00eb vitet e fundit. N\u00eb disa vende t\u00eb pasura e demokratike t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Per\u00ebndimore, si Spanja, Belgjika dhe Mbret\u00ebria e Bashkuar, l\u00ebvizjet e kahershme secesioniste kan\u00eb marr\u00eb s\u00ebrish vrull. P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb jet\u00ebs son\u00eb, mund t\u2019ia dalin q\u00eb t\u00eb shk\u00ebput\u00ebn nga ato shtete. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, nuk ka l\u00ebvizje secesioniste mes fol\u00ebsve kantonez\u00eb t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs Jugore ose mes tamil\u00ebve t\u00eb Indis\u00eb. Pse nuk ka ndonj\u00eb politikan serioz q\u00eb ka v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje unitetin komb\u00ebtar n\u00eb vende aq t\u00eb ndryshme si Zvicra apo Burkina Faso?<\/p>\n

Para se t\u2019i p\u00ebrgjigjemi k\u00ebtyre pyetjeve, \u00ebsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizojm\u00eb m\u00eb sakt\u00eb kombnd\u00ebrtimin. Ai shkon p\u00ebrtej thjesht ekzistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi t\u00eb pavarur me flamur, himn dhe ushtri. Disa vende t\u00eb vjetra (si Belgjika) nuk jan\u00eb bashkuar si nj\u00eb komb, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera, t\u00eb themeluara n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb von\u00eb (si India) e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb. Jan\u00eb dy an\u00eb t\u00eb medaljes s\u00eb kombnd\u00ebrtimit: zgjerimi i aleancave politike p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb terrenit t\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi dhe identifikimi me institucionet dhe besnik\u00ebria ndaj institucioneve t\u00eb shtetit, pavar\u00ebsisht se kush qeveris n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar. I pari \u00ebsht\u00eb aspekti i integrimit politik, i dyti \u00ebsht\u00eb aspekti i identitetit politik t\u00eb kombnd\u00ebrtimit. Q\u00eb t\u00eb ushqejn\u00eb t\u00eb dyjat, lidhjet politike nd\u00ebrmjet qytetar\u00ebve dhe shtetit duhet t\u00eb shkojn\u00eb matan\u00eb ndarjeve etnike.<\/p>\n

Lidhje t\u00eb tilla t\u00eb aleanc\u00ebs i bashkojn\u00eb qeverit\u00eb komb\u00ebtare me qytetar\u00ebt, nganj\u00ebher\u00eb p\u00ebrmes organizatave politike nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebse sikurse shoqatat vullnetare, partit\u00eb, grupet profesionale, etj. N\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, k\u00ebto nd\u00ebrlidhin t\u00eb gjith\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt n\u00eb rrjete aleancash t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar te shteti. N\u00eb vende t\u00eb tilla, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt e shohin veten t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar n\u00eb qendr\u00ebn e pushtetit, edhe n\u00ebse partia e tyre e parap\u00eblqyer ose patoni i tyre politik aktualisht nuk z\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn prej ul\u00ebseve n\u00eb qeveri. Intelektual\u00ebt, elitat politike, si dhe individ\u00ebt e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb me koh\u00eb do t\u00eb shohin t\u00eb gjith\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt, pa marr\u00eb parasysh prapavij\u00ebn e tyre etnike a raciale, si an\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb t\u00eb komunitetit komb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

Kombnd\u00ebrtimi i frytsh\u00ebm\u00a0sjell pasoja t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme dhe pozitive<\/a>. Aleancat q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkojn\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb territorin e nj\u00eb vendi depolitizojn\u00eb ndarjet etnike. Politika nuk perceptohet si nj\u00eb loj\u00eb pa fitues ku grupet etnike p\u00ebrpiqen t\u00eb marrin kontrollin e shtetit. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, \u00e7\u00ebshtje m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb politikave q\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me at\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb n\u00eb fakt duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb shteti, vihen n\u00eb plan t\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb debatit. Koalicionet politike p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse nxisin gjithashtu nj\u00eb ndjesi t\u00eb pron\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb shtetit dhe promovojn\u00eb idealin e nj\u00eb q\u00ebllimi kolektiv p\u00ebrtej familjes, fshatit, klanit a profesionit t\u00eb dikujt. Konform k\u00ebsaj, qytetar\u00ebt q\u00eb e identifikojn\u00eb veten me kombin e tyre\u00a0jan\u00eb m\u00eb pak rezistent\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0p\u00ebr t\u00eb paguar taksat, priren m\u00eb shum\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahin politika t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0qeverisen prej shtetesh m\u00eb t\u00eb efektshme<\/a>. E dim\u00eb gjithashtu se koalicionet p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebhen si nga pakicat dhe shumicat etnike\u00a0e zvog\u00eblojn\u00eb n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe rrezikun e luft\u00ebs civile<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0promovojn\u00eb rritjen ekonomike<\/a>.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara, shumica e politikb\u00ebr\u00ebsve t\u00eb politikave t\u00eb jashtme barazojn\u00eb kombnd\u00ebrtimin me demokratizimin. Ata\u00a0besojn\u00eb se demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb mjeti m\u00eb i mir\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur kohezion politik n\u00eb Jugun global. Argumenti shkon k\u00ebshtu: zgjedhjet demokratike t\u00ebrheqin zgjedh\u00ebs t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm etnik\u00eb drejt qendr\u00ebs politike dhe inkurajojn\u00eb politikan\u00ebt q\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb koalicione t\u00eb gjera p\u00ebrtej shtes\u00ebs s\u00eb votuesve me prapavij\u00eb etnike si t\u00eb vet\u00ebn. \u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb shumica e shteteve q\u00eb d\u00ebshtuan n\u00eb kombnd\u00ebrtim dhe q\u00eb qeverisen prej elitave t\u00eb nj\u00eb pakice t\u00eb vog\u00ebl, sikurse Alawi e presidentit sirian Bashar al-Assad, jan\u00eb autokratike. Anasjelltas, vendet demokratike jan\u00eb mesatarisht m\u00eb t\u00eb prira q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues t\u00eb pakicave n\u00eb koalicionet e tyre qeveris\u00ebse.<\/p>\n

Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, koalicionet qeveris\u00ebse nuk b\u00ebhen domosdoshm\u00ebrisht m\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse me koh\u00eb pasi q\u00eb vendi ka b\u00ebr\u00eb tranzicionin p\u00ebr n\u00eb demokraci. N\u00eb shum\u00eb vende q\u00eb jan\u00eb demokratizuar rishtas, shumicat etnike marrin pushtetin vet\u00ebm sa p\u00ebr t\u2019iu hakmarr\u00eb elitave dhe komuniteteve etnike deri at\u00ebher\u00eb dominuese. Iraku pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb Saddam Husseinit e tregoi qart\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb: shum\u00eb prej p\u00ebrkrahjes vendore p\u00ebr Al-Qaeda-n e m\u00eb von\u00eb p\u00ebr ISIS-it erdhi prej ish elitave Baath-e dhe prej fiseve t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqura Sunni q\u00eb e vuajt\u00ebn humbjen e pushtetit. SHBA-t\u00eb mbajt\u00ebn skllav\u00ebrin\u00eb gjat\u00eb 70 viteve t\u00eb para t\u00eb jet\u00ebs demokratike, nd\u00ebrsa edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shekull pas emancipimit i mohuan afroamerikan\u00ebve \u00e7far\u00ebdo forme kuptimplote t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit politik. Lidhja mes demokracis\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrfshirjes [inclusion] ngjan sepse vendet t\u00eb cilat tashm\u00eb qeverisen prej nj\u00eb koalicioni m\u00eb gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs do t\u00eb demokratizohen m\u00eb her\u00ebt dhe m\u00eb leht\u00eb se regjimet p\u00ebrjashtuese q\u00eb luftojn\u00eb demokracin\u00eb me mish e shpirt. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera: demokracia nuk nd\u00ebrton kombe, por kombet q\u00eb jan\u00eb tashm\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuara kan\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb gjas\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb tranzicionin p\u00ebr n\u00eb demokraci.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vend se t\u00eb flas p\u00ebr zgjedhjet e lira e t\u00eb drejta, dua t\u00eb n\u00ebnvizoj tre faktor\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb q\u00eb zhvillohen m\u00eb ngadal\u00eb \u2013 p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb brezash \u2013 por q\u00eb jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb frytshmit n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e lidhjeve politike p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb vijave etnike. Faktori i par\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me at\u00eb se si organizohen lidhje t\u00eb tilla. \u00cbsht\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb lehti q\u00eb nd\u00ebrtosh aleanca politike p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb ndarjeve etnike n\u00ebse ato mund t\u00eb \u00e7ojn\u00eb p\u00ebrpara organizatat vullnetare q\u00eb tashm\u00eb ekzistojn\u00eb, sikurse qarqet e lexuesve, sindikatat, klubet politike e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. Organizatat vullnetare shpesh hyjn\u00eb n\u00eb aleanca horizontale me nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn \u2013 sikurse koalicioni i shoqatave lokale t\u00eb infermiereve n\u00eb Kaliforni. P\u00ebr dallim, n\u00eb sistemet hierarkike t\u00eb patronazhit lidhjet shum\u00ebfishohen vertikallisht mes patron\u00ebve dhe klient\u00ebve t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nga ana tjet\u00ebr b\u00ebhen patron\u00eb t\u00eb klient\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, q\u00eb jan\u00eb edhe m\u00eb posht\u00eb piramid\u00ebs s\u00eb pushtetit dhe ndikimit. Rrjetet e aleancave t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuara mbi organizatat vullnetare mund t\u00eb shum\u00ebfishohen pra p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb territorit dhe t\u00eb tejkalojn\u00eb ndarjet etnike m\u00eb leht\u00eb se sistemet e patronazhit. P\u00ebr shembull, nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb mbar\u00ebkomb\u00ebtare e t\u00eb gjitha shoqatave t\u00eb infermieris\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb leht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u themeluar. Kjo organizat\u00eb gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse mund t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb pastaj aleanc\u00eb me ministrin\u00eb e sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsis\u00eb apo me nj\u00eb parti politike komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Se n\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb mase jan\u00eb zhvilluar organizatat e tilla vullnetare ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht n\u00eb vitet e hershme t\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebs moderne t\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, pas p\u00ebrmbysjes s\u00eb monarkis\u00eb absolute (gati n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb Europ\u00ebn) ose t\u00eb nj\u00eb ish kolonie q\u00eb b\u00ebhet e pavarur (shumica tjet\u00ebr e bot\u00ebs). N\u00ebse nj\u00eb rrjet i dendur i organizatave t\u00eb tilla tashm\u00eb ekziston, mbajt\u00ebsit e rinj t\u00eb pushtetit do t\u00eb mb\u00ebshteten n\u00eb k\u00ebto rrjete p\u00ebr t\u00eb mobilizuar p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb rekrutuar udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs politik\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebto rrethana, p\u00ebrjashtimi politik i pakicave e bile edhe i shumicave komb\u00ebtare b\u00ebhet m\u00eb pak i mundsh\u00ebm: organizatat vullnetare tashm\u00eb kan\u00eb zhvilluar deg\u00eb n\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb vendit t\u00eb banuar prej komuniteteve t\u00eb ndryshme etnike. Kur udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e rinj mb\u00ebshteten tek k\u00ebto organizata p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar p\u00ebrkrahje, kjo udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb gjas\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb rekrutohet prej k\u00ebtyre komuniteteve etnike poashtu.<\/p>\n

Krahasimi mes Zvicr\u00ebs dhe Belgjik\u00ebs, dy vende me madh\u00ebsi t\u00eb ngjashme, me kompozicion t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm gjuh\u00ebsor t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs dhe me nivele t\u00eb krahasueshme t\u00eb zhvillimit ekonomik, ofron nj\u00eb shembull t\u00eb mir\u00eb. N\u00eb Zvic\u00ebr, organizatat e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile \u2013 sikurse klubet e qitjes, qarqet e leximit dhe koret \u2013 u zhvilluan n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb vendin p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb fundit t\u00eb shekullit 18 dhe pjes\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb shekullit 19. Ato u p\u00ebrhap\u00ebn barabar n\u00eb gjith\u00eb vendin ngase industrit\u00eb moderne u shfaqen n\u00ebp\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha rajonet e m\u00ebdha dhe ngase qytetshteteve t\u00eb Zvicr\u00ebs u mungonte si kapaciteti edhe edhe motivimi p\u00ebr t\u2019i shtypur ato. P\u00ebrkundrazi n\u00eb Belgjik\u00eb, Napoleoni, si dhe mbreti holandez q\u00eb i zuri vendin, njoh\u00ebn potencialin revolucionar t\u00eb shoqatave t\u00eb tilla vullnetare dhe k\u00ebshtu i shtyp\u00ebn ato. Edhe m\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, shoqatat q\u00eb ekzistonin n\u00eb Belgjik\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuara prej rajoneve dhe segmenteve m\u00eb t\u00eb zhvilluara ekonomikisht dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb arsimuara t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs frankofone.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb 1831, kur Belgjika u pavar\u00ebsua nga mbret\u00ebria e Holland\u00ebs, shumica e sunduesve t\u00eb rinj t\u00eb vendit kishin qen\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre rrjeteve t\u00eb shoqatave frankofone. Pa e menduar gjat\u00eb, ata e shpall\u00ebn fr\u00ebngjishten gjuh\u00eb zyrtare t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs, ushtris\u00eb dhe gjyq\u00ebsorit. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnin shumic\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl demografike, ata q\u00eb flisnin vet\u00ebm gjuh\u00ebn flamande nuk qen\u00eb pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre rrjet\u00ebve dhe prandaj u p\u00ebrjashtuan nga qeveria qendrore. Deri n\u00eb fundin e shekullit 19, flamand\u00ebt u sunduan si koloni e brendshme e Belgjik\u00ebs Frankofone. Kombnd\u00ebrtimi i hersh\u00ebm d\u00ebshtoi, ndarja gjuh\u00ebsore u politizua jasht\u00eb mase p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb shekullit 20, dhe vendi tani \u00ebsht\u00eb af\u00ebr shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Zvic\u00ebr, tranzicioni p\u00ebr n\u00eb shtet-komb ngjau pas nj\u00eb lufte t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr civile m\u00eb 1848. Elitat liberale q\u00eb fituan luft\u00ebn dhe dominuan vendin p\u00ebr breza me radh\u00eb u mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebn n\u00eb rrjete nd\u00ebr-rajonale, shum\u00ebetnike t\u00eb organizatave t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile p\u00ebr t\u00eb rekrutuar p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebs e udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs. Struktura e re e pushtetit pra p\u00ebrfshinte si shumicat ashtu edhe pakicat. Q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim, secili grup gjuh\u00ebsor u p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsua n\u00eb nivelet m\u00eb t\u00eb larta t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb si dhe n\u00eb administrat\u00ebn federale, af\u00ebrsisht sipas madh\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb popullat\u00ebs. P\u00ebrs\u00ebri pa e menduar gjat\u00eb, fr\u00ebngjishtja, gjermanishtja e italishtja u b\u00ebn\u00eb gjuh\u00eb zyrtare t\u00eb shtetit. Gjat\u00eb shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb historis\u00eb pasuese politike t\u00eb Zvicr\u00ebs, e deri n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme, larmia e gjuh\u00ebve mbeti nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje jopolitike.<\/p>\n

Faktori i dyt\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me resurset q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt i shk\u00ebmbejn\u00eb me shtetin. Qytetar\u00ebt jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb prir\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahin politikisht nj\u00eb qeveri q\u00eb ofron t\u00eb mira publike n\u00eb shk\u00ebmbim t\u00eb taksimit. N\u00ebse taksat shk\u00ebmbehen me t\u00eb mirat publike, natyra e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnies mes qeveris\u00eb dhe qytetar\u00ebve ndryshon. Nuk bazohet m\u00eb n\u00eb ekstraktim n\u00ebn k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin e forc\u00ebs \u2013 si\u00e7 ishte zakonisht rasti me regjimet m\u00eb t\u00eb dhunshme q\u00eb e paraprin\u00eb shtetkombin, sikur mbret\u00ebria absolutiste, sunduesi perandorak apo administrata koloniale. Sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb e zonja nj\u00eb qeveri q\u00eb t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb t\u00eb mira publike n\u00ebp\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha rajonet e vendit, aq m\u00eb t\u00ebrheq\u00ebse do t\u00eb jet\u00eb si nj\u00eb partner shk\u00ebmbyes, e m\u00eb shum\u00eb qytetar\u00eb do t\u00eb duan t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb aleanc\u00eb me t\u00eb. Koalicioni qeveris\u00ebs do t\u00eb pasqyroj\u00eb struktura t\u00eb tilla aleancash gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse dhe k\u00ebshtu edhe larmin\u00eb etnike t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb krahasim mes Somalis\u00eb dhe Botsuan\u00ebs na d\u00ebshmon nj\u00eb ilustrim. T\u00eb dyja jan\u00eb vende t\u00eb thata me themele t\u00eb ngjashme ekonomike, t\u00eb bazuara mbi eksportin e bag\u00ebtis\u00eb dhe me histori t\u00eb krahasueshme koloniale. Kur u pavar\u00ebsua Botsuana m\u00eb 1966, qeveria e saj krijoi dhe menaxhoi efektsh\u00ebm mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e eksportit p\u00ebr rrit\u00ebsit e bag\u00ebtive, zgjeroi masivisht infrastruktur\u00ebn e transportit, shkollave e spitaleve dhe krijoi programe emergjente p\u00ebr periudhat e that\u00ebsir\u00ebs q\u00eb shkat\u00ebrronin vazhdimisht ekonomin\u00eb e bag\u00ebtis\u00eb. Prej k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb mirave publike p\u00ebrfituan barabar t\u00eb gjitha rajonet. Ka shum\u00eb pak prova se burokrat\u00ebt favorizuan grupin e tyre etnik kur i ndan\u00eb k\u00ebto resurse fshatrave apo krahinave. N\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me k\u00ebt\u00eb, partia n\u00eb pushtet fitoi p\u00ebrkrahje n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha rajonet dhe zgjedh\u00ebsit etnik\u00eb, q\u00eb pastaj u p\u00ebrkthye n\u00eb nj\u00eb parlament e kabinet n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt shumicat e pakicat etnike u p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuan af\u00ebrsisht sipas madh\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb popullat\u00ebs. Ky konfigurim p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs i pushtetit me koh\u00eb prodhoi nj\u00eb identifikim t\u00eb fort\u00eb me shtetin dhe me shumic\u00ebn Tsuana. Shum\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb pakicave u asimiluan dhe identifikuan me shumic\u00ebn Tsuana.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Somali, kushtet p\u00ebr kombnd\u00ebrtim p\u00ebrmes shp\u00ebrndarjes s\u00eb t\u00eb mirave publike qen\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb pak t\u00eb favorshme. Pas bashkimit t\u00eb ish kolonive britanike e italiane n\u00eb Somalin\u00eb e pavarur, shteti pati shum\u00eb pak kapacitet p\u00ebr t\u2019i ofruar popullat\u00ebs t\u00eb mira publike. Ndihma e huaj \u2013 n\u00eb vend se taksat dhe doganat \u2013 ushqyen burokracin\u00eb q\u00eb zgjerohej shum\u00eb shpejt. Kur vinte puna te shp\u00ebrndarja e projekteve qeveritare, burokrat\u00ebt favorizuan ata t\u00eb cil\u00ebve ua mbante xhepi ryshfetin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh ose thjesht an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e fisit t\u00eb tyre. Pu\u00e7i ushtarak i Mohamed Siad Barre-s m\u00eb 1969 e ndryshoi k\u00ebt\u00eb gjendje vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht. Duke ditur munges\u00ebn e kapacitetit institucional, regjimi i Barre-s provoi t\u00eb ofronte t\u00eb mira publike p\u00ebrmes fushatave jet\u00ebshkurtra e t\u00eb stilit ushtarak, sikur se t\u00eb m\u00ebsuarit e popullat\u00ebs nomade shkrim-lexim apo d\u00ebrgimit t\u00eb ndihmave viktimave t\u00eb that\u00ebsir\u00ebs. Nuk ka aleanca t\u00eb qendrueshme politike, t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruara n\u00eb qeverin\u00eb qendrore q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoheshin k\u00ebsisoj. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, Barre e mb\u00ebshteti sundimin e tij gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit besnik\u00eb prej koalicionit t\u00eb tij fisnor si dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb \u00ebm\u00ebs s\u00eb tij. Ata q\u00eb u p\u00ebrjashtuan prej qarqeve t\u00eb brendshme t\u00eb pushtetit shum\u00eb shpejt mor\u00ebn arm\u00ebt. Me ndeshjen e aleancave te ndryshueshme t\u00eb klaneve e kryekomandat\u00ebve kund\u00ebr nj\u00ebri-tjetrit, dekada t\u00eb luft\u00ebs civile e rr\u00ebzuan vendin p\u00ebrtok\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Aspekti i tret\u00eb i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve t\u00eb aleanc\u00ebs mes qytetar\u00ebve dhe shtetit ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me at\u00eb sesi komunikojn\u00eb ata me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin. Vendosja e lidhjeve p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb rajoneve dhe ndarjeve etnike \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e leht\u00eb n\u00ebse individ\u00ebt mund t\u00eb flasin nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt. Kjo i zvog\u00eblon \u2018kostot e transaksionit\u2019, q\u00eb t\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjen p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar q\u00ebllimet e nj\u00ebri-tjetrit, p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur mosmarr\u00ebveshjet dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb negociuar kompromiset, ku q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha jan\u00eb ky\u00e7e p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme t\u00eb besimit. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb, ndarjet gjuh\u00ebsore e ngadal\u00ebsojn\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarjen e rrjeteve politike p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb territorit t\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi.<\/p>\n

Dy shekujt e fundit t\u00eb historis\u00eb n\u00eb Kin\u00eb dhe Rusi ilustrojn\u00eb at\u00eb sesi mjetet e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta t\u00eb komunikimit ndihmojn\u00eb kombnd\u00ebrtimin. N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shekullit 19, si Kina edhe Rusia kishin pasur breza n\u00ebn sundimin absolutist nga dinastit\u00eb perandorake, p\u00ebrb\u00ebnin popullsi t\u00eb m\u00ebdha e t\u00eb larmishme dhe kurr\u00eb nuk kishin qen\u00eb subjekt i sundimit t\u00eb huaj. Popullsia e Kin\u00ebs flet shum\u00eb gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme, q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej ta b\u00ebnte kombnd\u00ebrtimin m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, shkronjat, letrat, gazetat dhe librat shkruhen n\u00eb nj\u00eb alfabet uniform. Ky alfabet nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i af\u00ebrt me asnj\u00ebrin prej gjuh\u00ebve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb folura dhe k\u00ebshtu mund\u00ebson individ\u00ebt prej k\u00ebndeve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb vendit t\u00eb st\u00ebrmadh q\u00eb t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb pa problem nj\u00ebri-tjetrin. Homogjeniteti alfabetik gjithashtu i mund\u00ebsonte shtetit, p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb periudh\u00ebs perandorake, q\u00eb t\u00eb rekrutonte burokrat\u00eb nga t\u00eb gjitha skajet e vendit, p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb provimit me shkrim. Si pasoj\u00eb, elita burokratike e Kin\u00ebs ishte po aq poliglote sa edhe popullata n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n

E nj\u00ebjta vlen edhe p\u00ebr faksionet politike q\u00eb u formuan mes k\u00ebsaj elite burokratike, ku burrat q\u00eb nuk ishin n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb kuptoheshin n\u00eb t\u00eb folur mund t\u00eb korrespondonin me shkrim p\u00ebr t\u00eb shk\u00ebmbyer idet\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb formuar aleanca. E nj\u00ebjta vlen p\u00ebr shoqatat antiperandorake republikane q\u00eb u shfaq\u00ebn n\u00eb fund t\u00eb shekullit 19 n\u00eb Kin\u00eb. Atyre iu bashkuan individ\u00eb q\u00eb flisnin gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme dhe vinin nga t\u00eb gjitha an\u00ebt e Kin\u00ebs. M\u00eb 1911, k\u00ebto grupe u ngrit\u00ebn n\u00eb pushtet n\u00ebn Kuomitang-un dhe p\u00ebrmbys\u00ebn dinastin\u00eb perandorake. Udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsia Kuomintang qe gjuh\u00ebsisht e larmishme sikurse kishin qen\u00eb elitat sunduese n\u00ebn dinastin\u00eb Qing. Partia Komuniste q\u00eb mori pushtetin m\u00eb 1949 kishte rekrutuar gjithashtu udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha an\u00ebt e Kin\u00ebs, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt flisnin gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme amtare. Marr\u00eb parasysh natyr\u00ebn p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse, shum\u00ebgjuh\u00ebsore t\u00eb koalicioneve qeveris\u00ebse, q\u00eb prej Qing te regjimi Kuomintang e deri te Kina komuniste bashk\u00ebkohore, pakicat gjuh\u00ebsore jomandarine mes Han kinez\u00ebve nuk kishin arsye t\u00eb shk\u00ebputeshin prej Kin\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonin nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb vetin. Breza t\u00eb lidhjeve politike p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb ndarjeve gjuh\u00ebsore i lejuan intelektual\u00ebve e politikan\u00ebve nacionalist\u00eb t\u00eb parafytyrojn\u00eb kombin Han si shum\u00ebgjuh\u00ebsor, por etnikisht homogjen. Qent\u00eb e nacionalizmit gjuh\u00ebsor nuk leh\u00ebn kurr\u00eb mes shumic\u00ebs Han t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Perandorin\u00eb Ruse, dallimet gjuh\u00ebsore luajt\u00ebn rol t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm. Perandoria u rr\u00ebzua dy her\u00eb p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb vijave etnolinguistike: pas revolucionit Bolshevik n\u00eb tetor 1917 dhe p\u00ebrs\u00ebri n\u00eb paq\u00ebsim t\u00eb reformave t\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit t\u00eb Bashkimit Sovjetik Mikhail Gorbachev rreth vitit 1989. Kombnd\u00ebrtuesit rus\u00eb e sovjetik\u00eb u p\u00ebrballen me nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe ngase gjuh\u00ebt e ndryshme \u2013 q\u00eb prej finlandishtes te gjermanishtja, prej rusishtes te turqishtja, prej gjuh\u00ebs koreane te rumanishtja \u2013 nuk ishin vet\u00ebm prej nj\u00eb lloji t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm gjuh\u00ebsor, por p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr shkruheshin n\u00eb alfabete t\u00eb ndryshme, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb at\u00eb cirilik, latin, arab e mongol. Kur erdh koha e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb masave n\u00eb Rusin\u00eb e fundshekullit 19, rrjetet e aleancave u ng\u00ebrthyen rreth ndarjeve gjuh\u00ebsore. At\u00ebher\u00eb si tash, t\u00eb arrish publikun p\u00ebrmes propagand\u00ebs dhe gazetave k\u00ebrkon alfabet e gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt. Partit\u00eb popullore q\u00eb u shfaq\u00ebn gjat\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7arit t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb shekullit 19 dhe dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00ebve t\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb shekullit 20 i flisnin pra ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht komuniteteve t\u00eb posa\u00e7me gjuh\u00ebsore (armen\u00ebve, gjeorgjian\u00ebve, finalandez\u00ebve, polak\u00ebve, etj). Ose i sh\u00ebmb\u00ebllenin nj\u00eb karikosje t\u00eb rrjeteve aleancash gjuh\u00ebsisht t\u00eb kufizuara, si\u00e7 b\u00ebn\u00eb Menshevik\u00ebt. Vet\u00ebdija komb\u00ebtare mori form\u00eb n\u00eb dhjet\u00ebra kall\u00ebpe t\u00eb ndara e gjuh\u00ebsisht t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizuara \u2013 e jo n\u00eb nj\u00eb identitet gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs t\u00eb krahasuesh\u00ebm me at\u00eb t\u00eb kinez\u00ebve Han.<\/p>\n

Politika e komb\u00ebsive sovjetike pas revolucionit t\u00eb 1917 betonoi k\u00ebt\u00eb gjendje duke i m\u00ebsuar pakicat shkrim-lexim dhe duke i arsimuar ato, deri n\u00eb vitet 1950, n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn e tyre. N\u00ebn mbik\u00ebqyrjen e rrept\u00eb t\u00eb Mosk\u00ebs, elitat minoritare nuk lejoheshin q\u00eb t\u00eb qeverisnin provincat e krahinat e reja e gjuh\u00ebsisht t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizuara t\u00eb Bashkimit Sovjetik. P\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, rrjetet e saposhfaqura e aleancave u form\u00ebsuan p\u00ebrbrenda kompartmenteve t\u00eb ndara etnike. Pakicat joruse ishin tep\u00ebr t\u00eb n\u00ebnp\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuara n\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsin\u00eb e partis\u00eb, n\u00eb radh\u00ebt e larta t\u00eb burokracis\u00eb, n\u00eb ushtri, ku q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha dominoheshin nga rus\u00ebt. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb befasuese, pra, q\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e BRSS-s\u00eb nuk qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb fark\u00ebtonin nj\u00eb \u2018popull sovjetik\u2019 t\u00eb integruar kur, n\u00ebn Nikita Khrushchevin dikur 40 vjet pas revolucionit, ata provuan t\u00eb l\u00ebvizin drejt nj\u00eb politike m\u00eb asimiluese. Politikisht, Bashkimi Sovjetik vazhdoi t\u2019i sh\u00ebmb\u00ebllente nj\u00eb karikosje t\u00eb rrejteve t\u00eb aleancave etnike. Kur akulli i regjimit totalitar filloi t\u00eb shkrihej n\u00ebn Gorbachevin, vendi u shp\u00ebrb\u00eb n\u00eb linja t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre vijave etnike n\u00eb shtetet e pavarura t\u00eb Letonis\u00eb, Gjeorgjis\u00eb, Kazakistanit, e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Duke par\u00eb edhe m\u00eb larg n\u00eb histori, mund t\u00eb shtrohet pyetja pse disa vende zhvilluan gjuh\u00eb ose alfabete uniforme kurse t\u00eb tjerat jo dhe pse disa qeveri qen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb ofronin t\u00eb mira publike p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb territorit e t\u00eb tjerat jo. Si larmia gjuh\u00ebsore edhe kapaciteti p\u00ebr t\u00eb ofrouar t\u00eb mira publike jan\u00eb t\u00eb form\u00ebsuara thell\u00eb prej trash\u00ebgimive t\u00eb shteteve centralizuese q\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuara para se t\u00eb fillonte koha e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb masave n\u00eb fund t\u00eb shekullit 19. N\u00eb Jugun global, kjo i referohet periudh\u00ebs para se k\u00ebto vende t\u00eb kolonizoheshin prej pernadorive Per\u00ebndimore (dhe japoneze) gjat\u00eb \u00e7erekut t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb shekullit 19. Aty ku ishin zhvilluar sisteme politike centralizuese n\u00eb shekujt e kaluar, u shfaq\u00ebn administrate burokratike q\u00eb m\u00ebsuan sesi t\u00eb integrojn\u00eb organizativisht dhe t\u00eb kontrollojn\u00eb politikisht rajone t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb shtetit.<\/p>\n

Si qeverit\u00eb e shteteve koloniale edhe ato t\u00eb shtet-komb\u00ebve t\u00eb sapoformuara q\u00eb pasuan mund t\u00eb mb\u00ebshteteshin n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dije dhe n\u00eb infrastruktur\u00ebn burokratike p\u00ebr t\u00eb ofruar t\u00eb mira publike barabar p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb rajoneve. N\u00eb afat t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, shtete t\u00eb tilla aq t\u00eb centralizuara inkurajuan gjithashtu elitat periferike dhe p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit e tyre q\u00eb t\u00eb adoptojn\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn (ose n\u00eb rastin kinez: alfabetin) e elitave qendrore. T\u00eb m\u00ebsosh gjuh\u00ebn e qarqeve qeveris\u00ebse n\u00eb kryeqytet ishte nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb e efektshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb promovuar karrierat dhe interesat e tyre, dhe \u2013 p\u00ebr qytetarin e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb \u2013 u d\u00ebshmua gjithashtu e dobshme t\u00eb flas\u00ebsh gjuh\u00ebn e burokrat\u00ebve q\u00eb p\u00ebrzihen n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e p\u00ebrditshme.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr shembull, n\u00eb Botsuan\u00ebn parakoloniale, ishin shfaqur q\u00eb prej shekullit 17 e tutje nj\u00eb seri e mbret\u00ebrive t\u00eb centralizuar e t\u00eb integruara ngusht\u00eb. T\u00eb gjitha sundohesin prej fisnik\u00ebve tsuanafol\u00ebs. Qeveria e pavarur paskoloniale i integroi k\u00ebto mbret\u00ebri n\u00eb sistemin e saj administrative duke zvog\u00ebluar pushtetin e mbret\u00ebrve, e nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb duke i b\u00ebr\u00eb ata dhe burokracit\u00eb e tyre t\u00eb vogla pjes\u00eb t\u00eb struktur\u00ebs qeveris\u00ebse. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb, mbret\u00ebrit\u00eb i dhan\u00eb qeveris\u00eb legjitimetin p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur (presidenti i ri i vendit qe vet\u00eb mbret\u00ebror) dhe inkurajoi qytetar\u00ebt q\u00eb t\u2019i p\u00ebrmbaheshin qeverisjes s\u00eb shtetit modern. Q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja i ndihmuan n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe shp\u00ebrndarjes s\u00eb t\u00eb mirave publike prej qeverive paskoloniale. Mbreterit\u00eb promovuan gjithashtu, q\u00eb prej periudh\u00ebs paskoloniale e deri n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme, asimilimin e popullatave jotsuana, t\u00eb cilat ende formonin shumic\u00ebn demografike n\u00eb shum\u00eb prej mbret\u00ebrive n\u00eb shekullin 19, n\u00eb kultur\u00ebn dhe gjuh\u00ebn dominante tsuana, e cila tash p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb solide.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb historin\u00eb e Somalis\u00eb, nuk u shfaq asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet i aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur me shumic\u00ebn nomade t\u00eb vendit. Kjo paraqiti nj\u00eb penges\u00eb t\u00eb dukshme n\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarjen paskoloniale t\u00eb t\u00eb mirave publike. Qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb pavaruar somaleze iu desh t\u00eb qeveriste nj\u00eb popullsi q\u00eb nuk ish e m\u00ebsuar me shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe ajo nuk mund t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetej mbi nj\u00eb klas\u00eb t\u00eb adminstrator\u00ebve t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ishin m\u00ebsuar t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbenin t\u00eb mir\u00ebs publike, e jo vet\u00eb familjeve t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Kin\u00eb, nj\u00eb nivel i jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm i centralizimit politike p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb mij\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00ebve ofroi prapavij\u00ebn p\u00ebr shfaqjen e nj\u00eb adoptimi gjith\u00ebperandorak t\u00eb nj\u00eb alfabeti t\u00eb unifikuar. Ai gjithashtu inkurajoi gama t\u00eb gjera t\u00eb elitave politike, rreth e p\u00ebrqark Kin\u00ebs, q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsonin kanonet neokonfuciane t\u00eb perandoris\u00eb. Shekuj t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs shum\u00eb t\u00eb centralizuar e burokratike lan\u00eb gjithashtu nj\u00eb trash\u00ebgimi t\u00eb infrastruktur\u00ebs organizative, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn qeveria komuniste mund ta p\u00ebrdorte p\u00ebr t\u2019i ofruar popullat\u00ebs t\u00eb mirat publike pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore. Shtetet e centralizuara indigjene, mbi t\u00eb cilat vendosej shpesh sundimi kolonial, k\u00ebshtu ndihmojn\u00eb kombnd\u00ebrtimin n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn bashk\u00ebkohore. Trash\u00ebgimia e dyfisht\u00eb e nj\u00eb infrastrukture t\u00eb mir\u00ebvendosur burokratiko-politike dhe nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb a alfabet uniform, n\u00eb garanton n\u00eb vetvete integrimin politik p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb vijave etnike, por ato e b\u00ebjn\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb leht\u00eb detyr\u00ebn e kombnd\u00ebrtuesve modern\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Shembujt q\u00eb i kam p\u00ebrzgjedhur nuk d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb sesi shoqatat vullnetare, shp\u00ebrndarja e t\u00eb mirave publike, e komunikimi nd\u00ebrveprojn\u00eb me nj\u00ebra-tjer\u00ebn apo z\u00ebvend\u00ebsojn\u00eb nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn. Somalez\u00ebt, p\u00ebr shembull, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb flasin t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gjuh\u00eb, p\u00ebrderisa zvicerian\u00ebt jan\u00eb gjuh\u00ebsisht m\u00eb t\u00eb larmish\u00ebm \u2013 e prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb dy historit\u00eb e kombnd\u00ebrtimit shkojn\u00eb n\u00eb drejtime t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta. Ka gjithashtu faktor\u00eb shtes\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb pengojn\u00eb ose t\u00eb p\u00ebrparojn\u00eb kombnd\u00ebrtimin. Shum\u00eb historian\u00eb do t\u00eb argumentonin se p\u00ebrvoja koloniale b\u00ebn ndryshimin. T\u00eb dyja Somalia dhe Botsuana kan\u00eb vuajtur nga politikat \u2018p\u00ebr\u00e7aj e sundo\u2019 t\u00eb fuqive koloniale, t\u00eb cilat do t\u00eb duhej ta b\u00ebnin detyr\u00ebn e integretimit politik komb\u00ebtar m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb me t\u2019u larguar fuqit\u00eb koloniale. As Rusia as Zvicra nuk jan\u00eb sunduar nga t\u00eb huajt n\u00eb shekujt e fundit.<\/p>\n

Ekonomist\u00ebt do t\u00eb thoshin se kombnd\u00ebrtimi \u00ebsht\u00eb kryesisht \u00e7\u00ebshtje e zhvillimit ekonomik. A do t\u00eb dukej Zvicra m\u00eb shum\u00eb si Somalia po t\u00eb mos kishte qen\u00eb aq e suksesshme industria e saj e eksportit, ose po t\u00eb mos b\u00ebhej nj\u00eb qend\u00ebr globale shum\u00eb profitabile p\u00ebr bankat dhe sigurimet? Gjithashtu mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb e leht\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtosh kombe n\u00eb vende si Zvicra, ku dallimet fetare dhe kufijt\u00eb gjuh\u00ebsor\u00eb nuk dyzojn\u00eb dhe ng\u00ebrthejn\u00eb nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn. N\u00eb Rusin\u00eb e Romanovit, p\u00ebr dallim, shumica e pakicave gjuh\u00ebsore aderuan gjithashtu n\u00eb nj\u00eb fe t\u00eb ndryshme me shumic\u00ebn rusofol\u00ebse dhe ruso-ortodokse.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb n\u00eb fund, mund t\u00eb marrim nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb es\u00ebllt dhe t\u00eb marrim parasysh se kombnd\u00ebrtimi ka sukses n\u00eb vendet q\u00eb kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb shum\u00eb luft\u00ebra me vendet e tjera, duke i lidhur popullatat e tyre ngusht\u00eb p\u00ebrmes sakrific\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt. Poashtu, mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb q\u00eb qeverit\u00eb europiane mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb m\u00eb leht\u00eb kombet e tyre ngase shekuj t\u00eb ndryshimeve kufitare dhe spastrimeve etnike soll\u00ebn popullata m\u00eb homogjene, m\u00eb leht\u00eb t\u00eb integrueshme n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet komb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto jan\u00eb pyetje empirike. P\u00ebr t\u2019iu p\u00ebrgjigjur, mund t\u00eb analizojm\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat me informata nga vende t\u00eb ndryshme p\u00ebrreth bot\u00ebs. Kjo ndihmon t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktohet se a mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb ky\u00e7 ndonj\u00ebri prej k\u00ebtyre kat\u00ebr faktor\u00ebve alternativ\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar ku pat sukses kombnd\u00ebrtimi e ku d\u00ebshtoi \u2013 ose n\u00ebse organizatat vullnetare, shp\u00ebrndarja e t\u00eb mirave publike dhe homogjeniteti gjuh\u00ebsor nxit\u00ebn koalicione p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse qeveris\u00ebse n\u00eb vendet p\u00ebrtej Zvicr\u00ebs, Belgjik\u00ebs, Somalis\u00eb, Botsuan\u00ebs, Kin\u00ebs dhe Rusis\u00eb. P\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb kuantitative, na duhet nj\u00eb figur\u00eb q\u00eb tregon sa ka pasur sukses kombnd\u00ebrtimi n\u00eb secilin vend. P\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00ebllim, un\u00eb mas pjes\u00ebn e popullat\u00ebs s\u00eb komuniteteve etnike q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar n\u00eb nivelin m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb.\u00a0K\u00ebto t\u00eb dh\u00ebna\u00a0jan\u00eb n\u00eb dispozicion<\/a>\u00a0prej 1946 deri m\u00eb 2005 dhe p\u00ebr 155 vende.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrjashtimi entopolitik, i matur k\u00ebsisoj, \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb pak i shqiptuar kur shum\u00ebfishohen shoqatat vullnetare, kur shteti ofron efektsh\u00ebm t\u00eb mirat publike dhe kur peizazhi gjuh\u00ebsor \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb uniform. Krahasimi mes tre grupeve t\u00eb vendeve ndihmon p\u00ebr t\u00eb ilustruar rezultatet e k\u00ebsaj analize. P\u00ebr t\u00eb matur shp\u00ebrndarjen e t\u00eb mirave publike, Un\u00eb p\u00ebrdor p\u00ebrqindjet e shkrim-leximit, sepse shkrim-leximi \u00ebsht\u00eb i ndikuar fuqish\u00ebm prej edukimit publik. Mesatarja globale p\u00ebr 155 vendet \u00ebsht\u00eb 65 p\u00ebr qind din\u00eb shkrim-lexim mes popullat\u00ebs s\u00eb rritur; n\u00ebse 80 p\u00ebr qind e popullat\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi di shkrim-lexim, at\u00ebher\u00eb pjesa e populolat\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtuar prej qeveris\u00eb komb\u00ebtar\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb af\u00ebrsisht 30 p\u00ebrqind m\u00eb pak se n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin vet\u00ebm gjysma e popullsis\u00eb di shkrim-lexim.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb matur larmin\u00eb gjuh\u00ebsore, ne mund t\u00eb kalkulojm\u00eb shanset q\u00eb dy qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb zgjedhur r\u00ebndom flasin t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gjuh\u00eb. N\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb 52 p\u00ebrqind (14 p\u00ebrqind mbi shkall\u00ebn mesatare prej 38 p\u00ebrqind), pjesa e popullat\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtuar do t\u00eb jet\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebri 30 p\u00ebrqind m\u00eb e ul\u00ebt se n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend ku gjasat jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm 25 p\u00ebrqind (14 p\u00ebrqind p\u00ebrfundi mesatares). Pjesa e popullat\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtuar gjithashtu reduktohet me af\u00ebrsisht 30 p\u00ebrqind n\u00ebse i shtojm\u00eb nj\u00eb shoqat\u00eb vullnetare m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7do pes\u00eb individ\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nuk ka shum\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje p\u00ebr shpjegimet alternative t\u00eb kombnd\u00ebrtimit q\u00eb u p\u00ebrmenden shkurtimisht m\u00eb lart, sikurse historia e sundimit kolonial, ose pasuria e vendit. Sipas analizave t\u00eb m\u00ebtejme statistikore, vendet nuk kan\u00eb m\u00eb pak gjasa t\u00eb d\u00ebshtojn\u00eb n\u00eb kombnd\u00ebrtim n\u00ebse ata i n\u00ebnshtrohen sundimit kolonial p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb ose n\u00ebse ai sundim ka marr\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb specifike (sikurse sundimi jo i drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb kolonit\u00eb britanike). N\u00ebse ekonomit\u00eb e tyre jan\u00eb t\u00eb pazhvilluara; n\u00ebse kan\u00eb luftuar luft\u00ebra nd\u00ebrshtet\u00ebrore ose konflikte etno-nacionaliste; ose n\u00ebse \u00e7arjet fetare e gjuh\u00ebsore dyzohen vlen e nj\u00ebjta: t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat nuk tregojn\u00eb ndikim t\u00eb qen\u00ebsish\u00ebm mbi kombnd\u00ebrtimin.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrfundimisht, atje ku shtete shum\u00eb t\u00eb centralizuara jan\u00eb shfaqur para sundimit kolonial dhe para tranizicionit p\u00ebr n\u00eb shtet-kombin modern, qeverit\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohore ofrojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb mira publike dhe popullata flet m\u00eb pak gjuh\u00eb. P\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar k\u00ebt\u00eb, un\u00eb p\u00ebrdor dy matje t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb m\u00ebparshme t\u00eb shtetformimit. E para \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb dispozicion p\u00ebr 74 vende t\u00eb Azis\u00eb dhe Afrik\u00ebs strukturat parakoloniale politike t\u00eb s\u00eb cilave u dokumentuan prej antropolog\u00ebve social\u00eb. E dh\u00ebna e dyt\u00eb, e mbledhur prej ekonomist\u00ebve, mbulon 141 vende dhe mat sa ka kontrolluar nj\u00eb shtet indigjen territorin e nj\u00eb vendi t\u00eb tanish\u00ebm gjat\u00eb pjes\u00ebs s\u00eb dyt\u00eb t\u00eb shekullit 19.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb mjaft e qart\u00eb se e kaluara nuk mund t\u00eb sajohet retrospektivisht p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb centralizuar n\u00eb shekullin e 19 q\u00eb do t\u00eb favorizonte kombnd\u00ebrtimin gjat\u00eb shekullit 20. As nuk mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsohet kapaciteti i nj\u00eb shteti p\u00ebr t\u00eb ofruar t\u00eb mira publike brenda disa vjet\u00ebve. Nj\u00eb popullate i duhen t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn dy gjenerata p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb rrjedhsh\u00ebm n\u00eb nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb re komunikimi. Organizatat vullnetare rreth t\u00eb cilave formohen aleancat politike nuk do t\u00eb l\u00ebshojn\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr poashtu. P\u00ebr k\u00ebta tre faktor\u00eb ky\u00e7\u00eb q\u00eb e ndihmojn\u00eb kombnd\u00ebrtimin, koma matet me gjenerata, jo me vite. T\u00eb sanosh shtete t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuara apo t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtosh \u00a0kombe nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet pra brenda periudh\u00ebs kohore t\u00eb nj\u00eb a dy presidencave amerikane.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb s\u00eb paku dy dekadave a m\u00eb shum\u00eb, institucionet globale si Banka Bot\u00ebrore jan\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar n\u00eb p\u00ebrforcimin e kapaciteteve t\u00eb vendeve n\u00eb zhvillim p\u00ebr t\u00eb ofruar t\u00eb mira publike. Theksi i vazhduesh\u00ebm mbi zhvillimin institucional dhe qeverisjen e mir\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb korrigjim t\u00eb mir\u00ebseardhur t\u00eb politikave m\u00eb t\u00eb gabuara t\u00eb jashtme, q\u00eb shpesh ndiqen prej qeverive t\u00eb zgjedhura t\u00eb vendeve Per\u00ebndimore. Nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtim i vazhduesh\u00ebm e afatgjat\u00eb n\u00eb forcimin e institucioneve qeveritare dhe n\u00eb b\u00ebrjen e tye m\u00eb t\u00eb efektsh\u00ebm n\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarjen e t\u00eb mirave publike p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson politik\u00ebn m\u00eb premtuese nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndihmuar kombnd\u00ebrtimin rreth e p\u00ebrreth bot\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb mirat publike ofrohen m\u00eb s\u00eb miri prej qeverive komb\u00ebtare e lokale. Kompanit\u00eb private, OJQ-t\u00eb e huaja apo ushtrit\u00eb intervenuese ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb ekonomikisht m\u00eb t\u00eb efektshme. Por shp\u00ebrndarja e t\u00eb mirave publike prej forcave t\u00eb jashtme b\u00ebn shum\u00eb pak p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjeruar legjitimitetin e qeveris\u00eb komb\u00ebtare. Kjo tregohet prej Hulumtimit t\u00eb Popullit Afgan [Survey of the Afghan People], i b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7do vit prej Asia Foundation prej 2006 deri m\u00eb 2015. Projektet e t\u00eb mirave publike t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarra prej t\u00eb huajve i b\u00ebri afgan\u00ebt m\u00eb pak t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur me qeverin\u00eb e tyre komb\u00ebtare, krahasuar me projektet e zbatuara prej agjencive qeveritare. Projektet e huaja qen\u00eb gjithashtu shum\u00eb m\u00eb pak t\u00eb efektshme n\u00eb motivimin e qytetar\u00ebve q\u00eb t\u2019iu kthehen institucioneve qeveritare, n\u00eb vend se autoriteteve tradicionale, p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur mosmarr\u00ebveshjet lokale. Edhe m\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjyes se kaq, hulumtimi tregonte q\u00eb afgan\u00ebt kan\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb gjas\u00eb t\u00eb justifikojn\u00eb dhun\u00ebn e shkatuar nga Taliban\u00ebt n\u00ebse jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb krahina ku t\u00eb huajt kan\u00eb sponsorizuar projekte t\u00eb t\u00eb mirave publike. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, projektet e huaja p\u00ebr t\u00eb mirat publike mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb humbur \u2018mendjet dhe zemrat\u2019 e afgan\u00ebve, m\u00eb se shum\u00eb sesa t\u2019i fitojn\u00eb ato.<\/p>\n

Sistemi komb\u00ebtar shkollor, i unifikuar, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr strategji afatgjate p\u00ebr kombnd\u00ebrtim t\u00eb efektsh\u00ebm. P\u00ebrreth bot\u00ebs, vendet jan\u00eb munduar shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkolluar popullatat e tyre dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019i m\u00ebsuar q\u00eb t\u00eb flasin nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt. P\u00ebrkrahja e vazhdueshme p\u00ebr sistemet shkollore komb\u00ebtare p\u00ebrball\u00eb presioneve buxhetore ka ndikim t\u00eb madh jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb arritjen e zhvillimit ekonomik dhe barazis\u00eb gjinore, por gjithashtu n\u00eb t\u00eb ndihmuarit e vendosjes s\u00eb lidhjeve politike p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb vijave etnike.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkrahja e oranizatave t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile mund t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb drejt reagimit t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr kund\u00ebr ndikimit t\u00eb huaj dhe nd\u00ebrhyrjes politike. Masat e ashpra kund\u00ebr OJQ-ve t\u00eb financuara nga jasht\u00eb n\u00eb shum\u00eb vende t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Lindore \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb shembull i rreziqeve q\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga strategjia e kultivimit t\u00eb organizatave t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile nga jasht\u00eb. N\u00eb afat t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, sidoqoft\u00eb, organizata t\u00eb tilla do t\u00eb ndihmojn\u00eb n\u00eb ofrimin e infrastruktur\u00ebs politike p\u00ebr t\u00eb formuar lidhje p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb ndarjeve etnike dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb l\u00ebvizur drejt integrimit politik komb\u00ebtar. Nj\u00eb strategji e qendrueshme dhe afatgjate, si ajo e ndjekur prej fondacioneve politike t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb ose prej fondacionit Soros, ende mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00ebnyra m\u00eb e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndihmuar qytetar\u00ebt q\u00eb t\u00eb lidhen me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin duke u kapur pas nj\u00eb kauze t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, e jo vet\u00ebm prej enticitetit t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Pak v\u00ebzhgues sot do t\u00eb ushqenin iluzionin se t\u00eb ndihmosh kombnd\u00ebrtimin n\u00eb vende t\u00eb larg\u00ebta \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb detyr\u00eb e leht\u00eb. V\u00ebshtir\u00ebsit\u00eb e detyrimit t\u00eb faksioneve politike n\u00eb konflikt n\u00eb qeverisje t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt ilustrohen shum\u00eb mir\u00eb me rastin e Irakut dhe mbase edhe m\u00eb dramatikisht n\u00eb rastin e Bosnj\u00ebs, e cila do t\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebhej moti po t\u2019i lihej vetvetes. Politikb\u00ebr\u00ebsit duhet pra q\u00eb t\u00eb hedhin posht\u00eb iden\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb legjitime dhe e realizueshme \u2018t\u00eb m\u00ebsosh popujt e tjer\u00eb t\u00eb qeverisin vetveten\u2019, si\u00e7 e ka th\u00ebn\u00eb Francis Fukuyama n\u00eb nj\u00eb artikull n\u00eb The Atlantic n\u00eb janar 2004, n\u00eb kulmin e entuziasmit kombnd\u00ebrtues t\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb George Bush-it. T\u00eb nd\u00ebrtosh kombe prej s\u00eb jashtmi \u00ebsht\u00eb gati e pamundur n\u00ebse kushtet lokale nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb favorshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur pakicat dhe shumicat n\u00eb nj\u00eb plan t\u00eb barabart\u00eb politik dhe vendosjen e koalicioneve p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse qeveris\u00ebse. Kombnd\u00ebrtimi k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb t\u00eb arrihet prej qytetar\u00ebve dhe politikan\u00ebve t\u00eb secilit vend t\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

___________________<\/p>\n

Andreas Wimmer \u00ebsht\u00eb profesor i sociologjis\u00eb dhe i filozofis\u00eb politike n\u00eb Columbia University. Libri i tij i fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb Kombnd\u00ebrtimi: Pse disa vende bashkohen nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb tjerat shp\u00ebrb\u00ebhen [Nation Building: Why Some Countries Come Together While Others Fall Apart<\/a>] (2018)<\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal<\/a><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkthyer nga: Bardhi Bakija<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Kombet p\u00ebrb\u00ebhen nga nj\u00eb formacion i gjer\u00eb popujsh, gjuh\u00ebsh e historish, por m\u00eb t\u00eb fortat prej tyre kan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta tre gj\u00ebra t\u00eb thjeshta. Pse disa vende shthuren, shpesh sipas vijave etnike, kurse t\u00eb tjerat kan\u00eb mbetur t\u00eb bashkuara gjat\u00eb dekadave e shekujve, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr se qeverisin poashtu popullata t\u00eb ndryshme? Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, pse […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":588,"featured_media":11832,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1351,2251,2250],"ppma_author":[2249],"class_list":["post-4231","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-analize","tag-etnia","tag-kombet"],"authors":[{"term_id":2249,"user_id":588,"is_guest":0,"slug":"andreas-uimmer","display_name":"Andreas Wimmer","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/dddddddddd.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/dddddddddd.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Wimmer","first_name":"Andreas","description":"Andreas Wimmer is a Swiss sociologist who is the Lieber Professor of Sociology and Political Philosophy at Columbia University. "}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4231","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/588"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4231"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4231\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11833,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4231\/revisions\/11833"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11832"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4231"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4231"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4231"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4231"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}