{"id":4245,"date":"2018-08-28T13:50:51","date_gmt":"2018-08-28T11:50:51","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4245"},"modified":"2024-11-07T13:55:33","modified_gmt":"2024-11-07T11:55:33","slug":"mencuria-e-daimoneve","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/kritike\/mencuria-e-daimoneve\/","title":{"rendered":"Men\u00e7uria e Daimon\u00ebve"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Si t\u00eb ruash sundimin e ligjit kur tirania \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb ngritje.\u00a0 M\u00ebsime nga republika fiorentine.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Erica Benner*<\/strong><\/div>\n
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Kancelari Bartolomeo Scala ishte nj\u00ebri pragmatik. Si bir mullixhiu, prej province, ai kishte studiuar p\u00ebr juridik n\u00eb Firence dhe kishte mposhtur rival\u00ebt xheloz\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb sh\u00ebrbyesi m\u00eb i lart\u00eb civil i Republik\u00ebs fiorentine. Pozita e tij e b\u00ebri mjaft t\u00eb pasur p\u00ebr t\u00eb bler\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn prej sht\u00ebpive m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb nj\u00eb qytet ku, n\u00eb vitet 1470, rezidenca t\u00eb reja po mbinin n\u00eb \u00e7do k\u00ebnd t\u00eb qytetit. E kishte merituar suksesin. N\u00ebn mbik\u00ebqyrjen e tij t\u00eb mpreht\u00eb, Firenca lul\u00ebzoi m\u00eb shum\u00eb se asnj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb. Sh\u00ebrbimet financiare t\u00eb qytetit k\u00ebrkoheshin an\u00ebmban\u00eb Europ\u00ebs. Qerre t\u00eb mbushura me t\u00eb mira luksi vendore e t\u00eb huaja rrap\u00ebllinin p\u00ebrdit\u00eb mes rrug\u00ebve t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebsaj pasurie, Scala brengosej p\u00ebr sh\u00ebndetin moral e politik t\u00eb qytetit. Qytetar\u00ebt ishin krenar\u00eb me form\u00ebn e tyre t\u00eb rrall\u00eb t\u00eb qeverisjes, republik\u00ebn vet\u00ebqeveris\u00ebse n\u00eb mesin e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs rezident\u00ebt meshkuj uleshin n\u00eb k\u00ebshille ky\u00e7e, mbanin poste t\u00eb larta politike dhe debatonin \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb luft\u00ebs e paqes. Fiorentin\u00ebt mbanin besimin e romak\u00ebve t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr se nj\u00eb popull i lir\u00eb mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb sundues, ligjin. Mbret\u00ebrit qen\u00eb anatem\u00eb n\u00eb Firence. Ligji \u2013 rregullat e vendosura mbi t\u00eb dobtit e t\u00eb fuqishmit, t\u00eb pasurit e t\u00eb varf\u00ebrit, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequrit, duke i n\u00ebnshtruar t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ndaj zgjedh\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb \u2013 nderohej si mbretnore dhe hyjnore. Tash prangat e saj t\u00eb shenjta po zhvidhoseshin. Nj\u00eb familje bankier\u00ebsh t\u00eb pasur, familja Medici, kishte gjetur m\u00ebnyrat p\u00ebr t\u2019iu shmangur ligjeve t\u00eb krijuara p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos e l\u00ebn\u00eb republik\u00ebn e Firences \u2013 prej latinishtes res publica, d. m. th. \u201cgj\u00eb publike\u201d \u2013 q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet pron\u00eb private e nj\u00eb njeriu a klani. Duke bler\u00eb lojalitetin me dh\u00ebnie huash e me favore, Medici-t e mbush\u00ebn qeverin\u00eb me servil\u00eb q\u00eb rishkruan ligje t\u00eb pavolitshme ose i shp\u00ebrfill\u00ebn fare ato. Vet\u00eb kancelari Scala shpesh kishte luajtur rolin e servilit kryesor. Edhe pse Firenca ende mbante emrin republik\u00eb, askush nuk dyshonte se qyteti dhe ligjet e tij ishin de facto subjekte t\u00eb nj\u00eb njeriu, Lorenzo \u201cI Madh\u00ebrishmi\u201d de\u2019 Medici.<\/p>\n

A kishte ardhur koha p\u00ebr fiorentin\u00ebt q\u00eb t\u00eb pranonin se ligjet nuk sundonin m\u00eb qytetin e tyre \u2013 dhe t\u00eb pyesnin vetveten se a do t\u00eb ishte kjo gj\u00eb e mir\u00eb? Asnj\u00eb fiorentin nuk guxonte t\u00eb shtronte drejtp\u00ebrdrejt pyetje t\u00eb tilla. Kjo do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte sakrilegj ose tradhti. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb Bartolomeo Scala e ngriti \u00e7\u00ebshtjen t\u00ebrthorazi n\u00eb Dialogun mbi Ligjet dhe Gjykimet Ligjore t\u00eb vitit 1483, dedikuar udh\u00ebq\u00ebsit princnor.<\/p>\n

Bashk\u00ebbisedimi i tekstit ngjan pran\u00eb oxhakut n\u00eb sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Scala-s. Nj\u00eb mik i ka sjell\u00eb kancelarit t\u00eb s\u00ebmur\u00eb sh\u00ebnimet e tij mbi nj\u00eb debat mes jurist\u00ebsh t\u00eb njohur. Kur ky vizitor kujton se pergamena e nj\u00eb dor\u00ebshkrimi t\u00eb ligjeve romake mbahet si thesar n\u00eb nj\u00eb dhom\u00eb t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb, Scala k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb dij\u00eb: Por a e jemi mir\u00eb q\u00eb, pas t\u00eb gjithash, respektojm\u00eb ligjet e shkruara? Pse t\u00eb mos ndjekim shembullin e spartan\u00ebve? Ata iu shmang\u00ebn proceseve t\u00eb pafundme gjyq\u00ebsore thjesht duke b\u00ebr\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdo q\u00eb donin qytetar\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb pasur. Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr z\u00ebvend\u00ebsim i mir\u00ebnjohur p\u00ebr ligjet, v\u00ebren ai, \u00ebsht\u00eb gjykimi i princit ose t\u00eb af\u00ebrmve t\u00eb tij. Sulltani turk i delegon pushtetet e plota gjyq\u00ebsore pashallar\u00ebve, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt zgjidhin raste kriminiale pa ligje t\u00eb shkruara. T\u00eb akuzuarit nuk kan\u00eb avokat\u00eb e as t\u00eb drejt\u00eb apeli. K\u00ebshtu njer\u00ebzit kursehen prej proceseve t\u00eb shtrenjta dhe prej lakmis\u00eb, vet\u00ebr\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe hipokrizis\u00eb shpirtdeformuese q\u00eb e shohim te jurist\u00ebt tan\u00eb fiorentin\u00eb. Po qe se pashai merr rryshfet apo l\u00eb interesin e tij personal t\u2019i mjegulloj\u00eb gjykimin \u2013 Scala haptazi shijon k\u00ebt\u00eb mendimin e ardhsh\u00ebm n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb djall\u00ebzore e metaforike \u2013 njer\u00ebzit e sulltanit i ngulin nj\u00eb hu mu n\u00eb zorr\u00eb, e ngrejn\u00eb p\u00ebrpjet\u00eb n\u00eb aj\u00ebr dhe e hedhin t\u00eb shpuar p\u00ebrtok\u00eb. Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, p\u00ebrfundon kancelari disi m\u00eb qet\u00eb, ligjet m\u00eb t\u00eb mira vijn\u00eb nga natyra. Sigurisht duhet t\u2019iu besojm\u00eb disa njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar ligjet natyrore m\u00eb mir\u00eb se nj\u00eb fisi t\u00eb pagdhendur avokat\u00ebsh?<\/p>\n

Dialogu pastaj i jep mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb vetmit fol\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr, burrit q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb portretizuar si mbrojt\u00ebs i ligjit: miku i ngusht\u00eb i Scala-s Bernardo Machiavelli. (Jurist i err\u00ebt por jasht\u00ebzakonisht i zoti, Bernardo ishte gjithashtu i ati i at\u00ebher\u00eb kat\u00ebrmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vje\u00e7arit Niccolo Machiavelli, i cili tre dekada m\u00eb von\u00eb do t\u2019i dedikonte Medici-t nj\u00eb vep\u00ebr edhe m\u00eb trazuese, librin e k\u00ebshillave politike q\u00eb e njohim si Princi). Po t\u00eb mund t\u00eb gjenim nj\u00eb a m\u00eb shum\u00eb burra t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb e t\u00eb zbatojn\u00eb ligjet tona, Bernardo pajtohet me Scala-n, kjo mund t\u00eb na kursente prej shum\u00eb telasheve. Megjithat\u00eb, edhe njer\u00ebzit m\u00eb t\u00eb men\u00e7ur kan\u00eb mospajtime rreth asaj \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e drejt\u00eb ose e padrejt\u00eb p\u00ebr nga natyra. Nuk kemi zgjedhje pos t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb ligje me marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb mundohemi shum\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb gjykojm\u00eb rastet sa m\u00eb paan\u00ebsisht q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu Bernardo th\u00ebrret filozofin\u00eb n\u00eb ndihm\u00eb. Gati dymij\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00eb m\u00eb her\u00ebt, dialogu i Platonit Shtetari kishte shtruar pyetjen e Scala-s: N\u00ebse vjen dikush q\u00eb posedon \u201cshkenc\u00ebn mbretnore\u201d t\u00eb b\u00ebrjes s\u00eb ligjeve, a nuk do t\u00eb ishte absurde t\u00eb mos ta l\u00ebm\u00eb t\u00eb sundoj\u00eb, duke m\u00ebnjanuar ligjin? Por prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, vazhdon fol\u00ebsi i Platonit, do t\u00eb ziheshim ngusht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjetur ndok\u00ebnd, dija p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet njer\u00ebzore e s\u00eb cilit do t\u00eb ishte aq e p\u00ebrsosur sa t\u00eb mund t\u2019i besonim t\u00eb gjith\u00eb pun\u00ebn e qeverisjes. Duhet t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqemi me gj\u00ebn\u00eb tjet\u00ebr m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb: nj\u00eb imitim t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb super-t\u00eb-men\u00e7urve i punuar \u201cduke u bashkuar dhe duke b\u00ebr\u00eb ligje t\u00eb shkruara.\u201d<\/p>\n

Dialogu i Scala-s e b\u00ebn mbrojtjen e ligjit t\u00eb Bernardo-s q\u00eb t\u00eb ngjitet n\u00eb qiell, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb vet\u00eb avokatura e djallit, e kancelarit p\u00ebr pashallar\u00ebt dhe autokrat\u00ebt e iluminuar b\u00ebhet hi e pluhur. Scala nuk i pikturon si naive argumentet e shokut t\u00eb tij. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ai e b\u00ebn Machiavelli-n e vjet\u00ebr q\u00eb t\u00eb skicoj\u00eb nj\u00eb psikologji realiste t\u00eb pushtetit q\u00eb tregon pse ligjet duhet t\u00eb sundojn\u00eb edhe mbi udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb: \u201cShum\u00eb shpesh shohim si d\u00ebshirat e pap\u00ebrmbajtura i dominojn\u00eb ata q\u00eb mbajn\u00eb frenat e pushtetit,\u201d ashtu q\u00eb ata i kthejn\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet njer\u00ebzore n\u00eb betej\u00eb t\u00eb pafund t\u00eb precedenc\u00ebs, reputacionit dhe pasurive. K\u00ebtu p\u00ebrs\u00ebri Bernardo jehon Platonin, k\u00ebt\u00eb radh\u00eb dialogun Ligjet, burim i t\u00eb menduarit t\u00eb lasht\u00ebsis\u00eb e t\u00eb modernitetit t\u00eb hersh\u00ebm p\u00ebr sundimin e ligjit. Forma m\u00eb e keqe e injoranc\u00ebs, na thot\u00eb Platoni, \u00ebsht\u00eb mendjemadh\u00ebsia e men\u00e7uris\u00eb s\u00eb vetvetes, q\u00eb merr format m\u00eb ekstreme n\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb pushtetshmit dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb pasurit. \u00e7dokush q\u00eb mendon \u201cse mund t\u00eb luaj\u00eb liderin e t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve\u201d pa u udh\u00ebzuar prej ligjeve, thot\u00eb fol\u00ebsi kryesor i Platonit, \u201c\u00ebsht\u00eb i braktisuri i Zotit.\u201d Edhe pse \u201cshum\u00eb njer\u00ebz mendojn\u00eb se ai b\u00ebn paraqitje t\u00eb mir\u00eb,\u201d pa kaluar gjat\u00eb \u201csi ai vet\u00eb, ashtu edhe sht\u00ebpia dhe shteti i tij do t\u00eb marrin fund.\u201d<\/p>\n

Kjo qe gjithashtu porosia me z\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt p\u00ebr Lorenzo de\u2019 Medici-n. Scala mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb luajtur rol n\u00eb p\u00ebruljen e ligjeve t\u00eb Firences n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, por tash ai shpresonte se dialogu i tij do ta b\u00ebnte tiranin n\u00eb b\u00ebrje e sip\u00ebr t\u00eb Firences q\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrronte kurs. Pa ligjet, thot\u00eb ai p\u00ebrmes Bernardo Machiavelli-t, \u201cqytetet dhe shtetet\u201d s\u2019jan\u00eb \u201casgj\u00eb pos banda hajdut\u00ebsh\u201d ku tinzar\u00ebt e t\u00eb dhunshmit i bien n\u00eb qaf\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve. Ligjet e mira jan\u00eb arm\u00ebt tona m\u00eb t\u00eb forta. Duke i v\u00ebn\u00eb kufij vet\u00ebdashuris\u00eb, ato ndihmojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb krijojm\u00eb miq\u00ebsi, q\u00eb pastaj ndihmojn\u00eb t\u00eb sjellim fitore trupave tan\u00eb dhe ngadh\u00ebnjime n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi. Si thot\u00eb Platoni, n\u00ebse ndokush thot\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb ekspert dija politike e s\u00eb cilit \u00ebsht\u00eb superiore ndaj ligjeve, \u201cnj\u00eb person i till\u00eb duhet t\u00eb quhet tiran.\u201d<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb, m\u00eb 1494, Medici-t u shpall\u00ebn tiran\u00eb dhe u p\u00ebrjashtuan nga Firence. Nj\u00eb qeveri popullore u rithemelua mbi parimet antike republikane q\u00eb \u201cmes nesh askush pos ligjeve \u00ebsht\u00eb mbreti.\u201d Ligjet e amnistis\u00eb u kaluan p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur n\u00ebn kontroll d\u00ebshirat popullore kund\u00ebr miqve t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr t\u00eb Medici-ve. U vendos\u00ebn procedura strikte p\u00ebr rastet kriminale me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb t\u00eb siguroheshin q\u00eb krimet kund\u00ebr shtetit \u2013 ata q\u00eb meritonin nd\u00ebshkimet m\u00eb t\u00eb rrepta t\u00eb ekzilit ose, m\u00eb rall\u00eb, vdekjes \u2013 do t\u00eb gjykoheshin me kujdesin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh. Disa mij\u00ebra qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt draftuan dhe miratuan k\u00ebto ligje e dinin se dyshimet jan\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha pas nj\u00eb krize konstitucionale. Sistemi i tyre ligjor kishte p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim t\u2019i b\u00ebnte njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb t\u00eb inspektonin n\u00eb plot\u00ebsi provat para se t\u00eb vepronin mbi dyshimet, apo madje edhe mbi frik\u00ebrat e arsyeshme.<\/p>\n

Ligjet e reja shpesh u p\u00ebrball\u00ebn me sulme t\u00eb fresk\u00ebta. Agresor\u00ebt e tyre nuk qen\u00eb lider\u00eb t\u00eb mb\u00ebrrir\u00eb por burra prej fraksioneve rivale t\u00eb popullit [popolo], populli i \u00e7liruar e vetqeveris\u00ebs. Fiorentin\u00ebt kishin talent p\u00ebr mbirjen e fraksioneve dhe ne hovin e par\u00eb t\u00eb liris\u00eb ata shkuan drejt e n\u00eb zem\u00ebr: shpura e dyshuar e Medici-t kund\u00ebr armiqve t\u00eb familjes n\u00eb ekzil, mbrojt\u00ebsit e qeveris\u00eb popullore kund\u00ebr patric\u00ebve q\u00eb preferonin oligarkin\u00eb, miqt\u00eb e komandantit ushtarak t\u00eb qytetit kund\u00ebr atyre q\u00eb e quanin renegat. Udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve e t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebtyre fraksioneve nuk iu b\u00ebnte fort p\u00ebr t\u00eb respektuar proceset q\u00eb t\u00eb shp\u00ebtonin miq e t\u00eb d\u00ebmtonin armiq. Disa burra t\u00eb profilit t\u00eb lart\u00eb u ekzekutuan pa gjyq t\u00eb drejt\u00eb ose pa gjyq fare. Rasti m\u00eb i d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm kishte t\u00eb b\u00ebnte me nj\u00eb rr\u00ebfim t\u00eb detyruar prej nj\u00eb murgu dominikan, Girolamo Savonarola-s, i cili kishte nxitur ndjek\u00ebsit e tij q\u00eb t\u00eb rr\u00ebzonin ligjet e republik\u00ebs p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb Zotit dhe t\u00eb b\u00ebnin ligj moralitetin asketik. Vdekja e Savonarola-s n\u00eb turr\u00ebn e druve n\u00eb sheshin qendror e t\u00eb bukur t\u00eb Firences i dha fund kryq\u00ebzat\u00ebs s\u00eb tij. Megjithat\u00eb metodat e prokuror\u00ebve b\u00ebn\u00eb q\u00eb fiorentin\u00ebt t\u00eb humbnin besimin n\u00eb pohimin se ligjet e republik\u00ebs qen\u00eb transparente, bujare dhe t\u00eb paanshme.<\/p>\n

Niccolo Machiavelli i jetoi k\u00ebto fortuna politike. Si kancelar i dyt\u00eb i qytetit dhe sekretar i Dhjet\u00ebshes s\u00eb Luft\u00ebs, trupit p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e Firences, ai e shikoi repubulik\u00ebn tek shembej dhe Medici-t tek u kthyen me grushtet pas vet\u00ebm tet\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vjet\u00ebsh. Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, ai kurr\u00eb nuk u ndal s\u00eb ngulmuari se pa sundimin e ligjit, jeta njer\u00ebzore \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb me e keqe se ajo e shtaz\u00ebve. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb shtetet, thot\u00eb Machiavelli te Diskurset mbi Livy-n [Discourses on Livy], qofshin monarki a republika, \u201ckan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb regullohen me ligj. Ngase nj\u00eb princ i cili b\u00ebn \u00e7far\u00eb t\u2019i doj\u00eb qejfi \u00ebsht\u00eb i \u00e7mendur, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb nj\u00eb popull q\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb t\u2019i doj\u00eb qejfi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i men\u00e7ur.\u201d<\/p>\n

Argumenti i tij nuk ka fare t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me talljen e oligarkut se demosi \u00ebsht\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb dob\u00ebt p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur. Gati tre shekuj para Thomas Paine-it dhe Thomas Jefferson-it, Machiavelli ishte i mendimit se popujt vet\u00ebqeveris\u00ebs \u2013 qofshin apo ajo t\u00eb \u201cprangosur nga ligji\u201d \u2013 jan\u00eb m\u00eb pak t\u00eb prirur t\u00eb gjykojn\u00eb marr\u00ebzish\u00ebm se sa princ\u00ebrit dhe elitat. Por Machiavelli, ndryshe prej demokrat\u00ebve t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb dhe popullist\u00ebve, thot\u00eb se republikave iu duhet ligje mbretnore p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur n\u00ebn kontroll m\u00ebsymjen e s\u00ebmundjes s\u00eb p\u00ebrmotshme t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb: ndarjet civile q\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohen n\u00eb partishm\u00ebri t\u00eb skajshme. Demokracia synon t\u2019i jap\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb barabarta njer\u00ebzve me interesa dhe vlera t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta, k\u00ebshtu duke mbrojtur lirin\u00eb e qytetar\u00ebve q\u00eb mendojn\u00eb ndryshe prej shumic\u00ebs ose ideologjis\u00eb s\u00eb shtetit nj\u00ebpartiak. Megjithat\u00eb, k\u00ebto kund\u00ebrshti duhet t\u00eb mbahen n\u00ebn kontroll se ndryshe e shkat\u00ebrrojn\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb politike. Ligjet e mira i japin form\u00eb k\u00ebtij frenimi thelb\u00ebsor, duke vendosur kufij asaj \u00e7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet brenda hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt publike. Kur rivalitetet e partive q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb p\u00ebrbrenda k\u00ebtyre kufijve \u2013 e k\u00ebtu Machiavelli sfidon opionin e p\u00ebrhapur se t\u00eb gjith\u00eb konfliktet jan\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebmshme p\u00ebr bashkimin qytetar \u2013 ato ndihmojn\u00eb q\u00eb demokracit\u00eb t\u00eb mbeten t\u00eb forta. Ato b\u00ebhen helmuese at\u00ebher\u00eb kur frika apo konflikti i intensifikuar i b\u00ebjn\u00eb p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit e partive t\u00eb harrojn\u00eb se duhet t\u00eb bashk\u00ebjetojn\u00eb me rival\u00ebt e tyre \u2013 at\u00ebher\u00eb kur ata e mbyllin syrin ndaj korrupsionit p\u00ebrbrenda radh\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre dhe duartrokasin ose ngren\u00eb supet kur udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e tyre shkelin mir\u00ebsjelljen me shpres\u00eb t\u00eb shpartallimit t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Republika anti-Medici e Firenc\u00ebs vdiq her\u00ebt sepse ligjet e saj p\u00ebr regullimin e konflikt\u00ebve nuk qen\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb forta. E \u00e7far\u00eb jan\u00eb ato ligje q\u00eb s\u2019i l\u00ebn\u00eb turbullirat e sh\u00ebndetshme q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhen helmuese? Ato q\u00eb garantojn\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb barabarta p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb qeverisje dhe mbajtur poste publike pa marr\u00eb parasysh partin\u00eb, pasurin\u00eb, apo lidhjet. Machiavelli nuk ndjente asgj\u00eb pos p\u00ebrbuzje p\u00ebr elitat e establishmentit, t\u00eb cilat pohonin se ishin m\u00eb t\u00eb kualifikuara se qytetar\u00ebt joelitar\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur republik\u00ebn. Gjithashtu, nocioni i tij i drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb republikane ndalonte persekutimin e individ\u00ebve vet\u00ebm pse qen\u00eb t\u00eb klas\u00ebs s\u00eb lart\u00eb. N\u00ebse partia m\u00eb \u201cpopullore\u201d n\u00eb republik\u00eb refuzonte t\u00eb ndante autoritetin me burra me vler\u00eb prej prapavijave q\u00eb etiketoheshin si elita, k\u00ebta burra do t\u00eb kishin arsye t\u00eb mjaftueshme p\u00ebr t\u2019u ankuar dhe destabilizuar republik\u00ebn. Nd\u00ebshkimi apo shp\u00ebrblimi i bazuar n\u00eb lidhje grupore e jo n\u00eb vepra dhe cil\u00ebsi individuale minon sundimin e ligjit. At\u00ebher\u00eb kur ndodh kjo, shkat\u00ebrrimi i republik\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm \u00e7\u00ebshtje kohe.<\/p>\n

Argumenti i Machiavellit qe q\u00eb ligjv\u00ebn\u00ebsit dhe gjykat\u00ebsit duhet ta trajtojn\u00eb paanshm\u00ebrin\u00eb ligjore si t\u00eb shenjt\u00eb, duke i shtyr\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt q\u00eb ta l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u2019i qeveris\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se pasionet partiake. Megjithat\u00eb, ai e dinte sa leht\u00eb e ulin njer\u00ebzit k\u00ebt\u00eb standard at\u00ebher\u00eb kur partia apo vendi i tyre ndihet n\u00eb rrezik. Medici-t ishin t\u00eb zot\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb thirrurit n\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime t\u00eb hamendura ndaj ekzistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Firences si pretekst p\u00ebr shkurtore jasht\u00ebligjore. Republika pasuese qe m\u00eb e ngath\u00ebt, por b\u00ebri t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gj\u00eb. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr reputacionit t\u00eb t\u00eb qenit realist q\u00eb mendonte se domosdoshm\u00ebria politike arsyet shkeljet e ligjit dhe drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, Machiavelli n\u00eb fakt thot\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn. Ai pajtohej me t\u00eb atin \u2013 t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn si\u00e7 e p\u00ebrshkruan Scala Bernardo-n \u2013 se ligjet dhe drejt\u00ebsia jan\u00eb siguria m\u00eb e mir\u00eb e shtetit. Tem\u00eb periodike makiaveliane \u00ebsht\u00eb se ligji \u00ebsht\u00eb i pavler\u00eb pa ushtri t\u00eb mir\u00eb dhe anasjelltas, nuk mund t\u00eb kesh ushtri t\u00eb mir\u00eb pa ligje t\u00eb drejta dhe procedura ligjore transparente. Nj\u00eb prej mosp\u00ebrfilljeve m\u00eb trondit\u00ebse t\u00eb republik\u00ebs ndaj drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb qe ekzekutimi i komandatit t\u00eb ushtris\u00eb n\u00ebn dyshime t\u00eb pabazuara p\u00ebr rryshfet. Thuhej q\u00eb, do t\u00eb kujtonte m\u00eb von\u00eb Machiavelli, Kapiteni Paolo Vitelli kishte humbur nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb ky\u00e7e ushtarake \u201cngase ishte korruptuar.\u201d Por Vitelli nuk kishte asnj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb vet\u00ebmbrohej, \u201cngase nuk kishte procedura n\u00eb republik\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019ia mund\u00ebsonin at\u00eb.\u201d Po t\u00eb kishte pasur, \u201cskandalet e pafundme q\u00eb ngjan\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb Firence \u201cnuk do t\u00eb ngjanin fare.\u201d Romak\u00ebt e lasht\u00eb kishin qen\u00eb \u201cm\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebshirsh\u00ebm dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtur\u201d n\u00eb nd\u00ebshkimet e tyre sesa fiorentin\u00ebt. Edhe n\u00ebse nj\u00eb kapiten kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb telashe p\u00ebrmes keqdashjes, \u201cata do ta nd\u00ebshkonin at\u00eb njer\u00ebzish\u00ebm,\u201d me gjoba. Ata b\u00ebnin ashtu ngase besonin se udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit e ushtrive punonin m\u00eb s\u00eb mir\u00eb me \u201cshpirt t\u00eb lir\u00eb e t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm,\u201d pa pasur frik\u00ebn e kok\u00ebprerjes me t\u2019u ngritur dyshimi i par\u00eb i gabimit a shkeljes s\u00eb detyr\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Ligjet themeloj\u00eb ushtri t\u00eb mira n\u00eb lloj-lloj m\u00ebnyrash. Paanshm\u00ebria strikte ruan besimin qytetar. Ligjet nd\u00ebshkuese kund\u00ebr shpifjes i b\u00ebjn\u00eb kapiten\u00ebt t\u00eb ndihen mjaftuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb sigurt q\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrin rreziqet n\u00eb beteja. \u00cbsht\u00eb qen\u00ebsore p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb q\u00eb asnj\u00eb individi t\u00eb mos i mohohet gjykimi i drejt\u00eb apo e drejta p\u00ebr apel, pa marr\u00eb parasysh sa serioze t\u00eb jen\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet q\u00eb mund t\u2019i kanosen republik\u00ebs. Machiavelli, i famsh\u00ebm se gjoja ka shpikur maksim\u00ebn realiste \u201cQ\u00ebllimi arsyeton mjetet\u201d \u2013 edhe pse ai kurr\u00eb nuk i ka shkuar k\u00ebto fjal\u00eb \u2013 i p\u00eblqente t\u2019i b\u00ebnte lexuesit q\u00eb t\u00eb mendonin thell\u00eb sesi mjetet joligjore dhe t\u00eb padrejta korruptojn\u00eb q\u00ebllimet dashamir\u00ebse. Duke folur p\u00ebr nj\u00eb politikan t\u00eb Rom\u00ebs s\u00eb lasht\u00eb t\u00eb akuzuar p\u00ebr krime serioze politike por t\u00eb cilit iu mohua apeli, Machiavelli shkruan se \u201cjeta e tij kriminale meritonte \u00e7do nd\u00ebshkim.\u201d \u201cPrap\u00ebseprap\u00eb,\u201d vazhdon ai, \u201cv\u00ebshtir\u00eb se ishte gj\u00eb civile q\u00eb t\u00eb dhunohen ligjet\u201d duke e nd\u00ebshkuar at\u00eb pa proces t\u00eb rregullt ligjor. Kjo vendosi \u201cnj\u00eb shembull t\u00eb keq\u201d q\u00eb kompromentoi n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb fatale rendin politik t\u00eb Rom\u00ebs. Ngase \u201cn\u00ebse b\u00ebhet shprehi prishja e rendit\u201d dhe injorimi i k\u00ebrkesave ligjore t\u00eb individit p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb siguris\u00eb kolektive ose p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndonj\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, \u201cat\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb, me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin ngjyrim, ato thyhen p\u00ebr \u00e7do gj\u00eb.\u201d<\/p>\n

Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, a jan\u00eb ligjet e mir\u00ebhartuara t\u00eb mjaftueshme p\u00ebr ta mbajtur t\u00eb aft\u00eb sundimin e ligjit q\u00eb t\u00eb rregulloj\u00eb polemikat e demokracis\u00eb? N\u00eb demokracit\u00eb liberale grindavece t\u00eb s\u00eb sotmes, p\u00ebrgjigjja duket t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb jo e qart\u00eb. Shfrenimet partiake dhe ambiciet tiranike nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb vetmet gj\u00ebra q\u00eb u zhveshin pushtetin ligjeve. Shkaktar\u00eb poashtu jan\u00eb pabarazit\u00eb groteske t\u00eb pasuris\u00eb dhe t\u00eb qasjes n\u00eb t\u00eb mira publike.<\/p>\n

Kampion\u00ebt klasik\u00eb t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb ligjit e trajtuan k\u00ebt\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi me m\u00eb shum\u00eb guxim sesa b\u00ebjn\u00eb shumica e njer\u00ebzve sot. Ata pan\u00eb se edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrsosurit prej ligjeve duhet t\u00eb mbillen n\u00eb tok\u00eb pjellore ose ndryshe do kalben. Platoni e pa pabarazin\u00eb e pasuris\u00eb si nj\u00eb prej k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnda ndaj integritetit t\u00eb ligjit. Ligjv\u00ebn\u00ebsit, thoshte ai, duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb si mjek\u00ebt e mir\u00eb q\u00eb i ndihmojn\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve q\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrin nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje t\u00eb shenjt\u00eb p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebsin\u00eb politike dhe mir\u00ebmbajn\u00eb baraspesh\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb sh\u00ebndetshme.<\/p>\n

Machiaveli pajtohej. Q\u00eb t\u2019i mbash ligjet n\u00eb rend t\u00eb mir\u00eb qeveris\u00ebs, u thot\u00eb ai lexuesve, demokracive iu duhet t\u00eb ruajn\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cbarazi t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb\u201d mes mund\u00ebsive, pasuris\u00eb dhe statusit t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve. Pabarazia e tep\u00ebrt e b\u00ebn me t\u00eb leht\u00eb p\u00ebr disa t\u00eb kamur q\u00eb t\u00eb dominojn\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt dhe i b\u00ebn t\u00eb varf\u00ebrit t\u00eb ndjehen \u2013 me arsye \u2013 se sistemi \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebr tyre. Machiavelli m\u00ebsoi nga historia e Firences se partishm\u00ebria e dhunshme, armiku kryesor i ligjit n\u00eb demokraci, ushqehet me pabarazi marramend\u00ebse t\u00eb pasuris\u00eb dhe respektit social. Ligjet q\u00eb synojn\u00eb t\u2019i frenojn\u00eb ekstremet partiake \u00e7armatosen nga pabarazia.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb shekullin e n\u00ebnt\u00ebmb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb, Karl Marx shkoi nj\u00eb hap m\u00eb tej. Nuk ka shoq\u00ebri, pohonte ai \u2013 p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb liberale kapitaliste \u2013 q\u00eb ka pasur ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb ligjin e drejt\u00eb e t\u00eb barabart\u00eb t\u00eb cilin apologjist\u00ebt e tij e nderojn\u00eb. Paanshm\u00ebria formale e ligjit s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb asgj\u00eb pos fasad\u00eb, pjes\u00eb e superstruktur\u00ebs q\u00eb shfaj\u00ebson eskploatimin e shumic\u00ebs nga disa. Machiavelli dhe Platoni do t\u00eb pajtoheshin se shumica e sistemeve ligjore nuk e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb jet\u00ebn shum\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr klas\u00ebn eksploatuese. Duke i rezistuar pik\u00ebpamjes shum\u00eb skeptike t\u00eb Marx-it p\u00ebr ligjet, ata i paraprin\u00eb analizave t\u00eb tij p\u00ebr shtresat e besimit, identitetit, mentalitetit dhe ndjenj\u00ebs q\u00eb e b\u00ebjn\u00eb aq t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb luftimin e pabarazis\u00eb. N\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb hipergaruese tregtare e bankare \u2013 Athina e Platonit, Firenca e Machiavelli0t dhe Europa e Marx-it \u2013 zakonet e t\u00eb pasurve priren q\u00eb ta lig\u00ebshtojn\u00eb etosin e gjer\u00eb egalitarian q\u00eb nevojitet p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur sundimin e ligjit. Marx-i k\u00ebt\u00eb e quajti ideologji, nj\u00eb grup besimesh q\u00eb verb\u00ebron klasat e eksploatuara drejt vet\u00ebrob\u00ebrimit dhe i bind ato se \u00e7far\u00ebdo q\u00eb i pasuron ata q\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb para do te jet\u00eb gjithashtu m\u00eb e mira p\u00ebr to. Nj\u00eb shekull me her\u00ebt, Jean-Jacques Rousseau spekulonte se shtetet e para ishin krijuar kur t\u00eb pasurit \u201cshpik\u00ebn projektin m\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebllimsh\u00ebm q\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb i erdhi n\u00eb kok\u00eb mendjes njer\u00ebzore\u201d: t\u00eb bindin t\u00eb varf\u00ebrit, duke p\u00ebrdorur \u201carsye t\u00eb rreme,\u201d q\u00eb t\u00eb pranojn\u00eb \u201cligje t\u00eb men\u00e7ura q\u00eb mbrojn\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e shoqat\u00ebs\u201d barabar dhe q\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb na mbajn\u00eb n\u00eb harmoni t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetshme.\u201d<\/p>\n

Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, p\u00ebrderisa Marx-i hidhte posht\u00eb besime t\u00eb tilla si vet\u00ebdije t\u00eb rreme, nj\u00eb detyrim i jasht\u00ebm q\u00eb vet\u00ebm revolucioni mund ta \u00e7liroj\u00eb, Rousseau-i pa se sa thell\u00eb i form\u00ebsonin ato pik\u00ebpamjet e njer\u00ebzve p\u00ebr bot\u00ebn. Njer\u00ebzit m\u00ebsohen aq shum\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb garojn\u00eb p\u00ebr mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb pabarabarta sa q\u00eb s\u2019mund t\u00eb shohin sesi ligjet mund ta zbusin pabarazin\u00eb pa e shkat\u00ebrruar m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e tyre t\u00eb jetes\u00ebs. Ata mendojn\u00eb se duhet t\u00eb luajn\u00eb loj\u00ebn hipergaruese jo vet\u00ebm sepse nuk shohin mund\u00ebsi tjet\u00ebr por sepse jan\u00eb t\u00eb programuar q\u00eb t\u00eb duan t\u00eb fitojn\u00eb loj\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn vazhdimisht u thuhet se \u00ebsht\u00eb e vetmja loj\u00eb. N\u00eb koh\u00ebn ton\u00eb, mediat dhe marketingu e kan\u00eb v\u00ebrtetuar k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se kurr\u00eb. Secili duartroket m\u00eb t\u00eb suksesshmit dhe \u00ebndrrat p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb si ata: t\u00eb b\u00ebsh profite marramend\u00ebse, t\u00eb fitosh rroga t\u00eb papara, t\u00eb kesh m\u00eb shum\u00eb sht\u00ebpi e k\u00ebshtjella e makina luksoze se \u00e7\u2019mund t\u00eb t\u00eb kap\u00eb imagjinata. T\u00eb jesh yll nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e mjaftueshme. Duhet t\u00eb jesh, ose t\u00eb duash t\u00eb jesh, superyll. Kjo pik\u00ebpamje e hiperbolizuar e suksesit e b\u00ebn \u201cbarazin\u00eb e njejt\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb Machiavelli-t t\u00eb duket si kredo humb\u00ebsi \u2013 monotone, t\u00eb mpir\u00eb, ngulfat\u00ebse e nd\u00ebrmarr\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu, kultura b\u00ebn marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb heshtur me ekonomin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u00e7nderuar barazin\u00eb dhe gjymtuar sundimin e ligjit n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb tona. Jo befasisht, njer\u00ebzit nga shtresat \u00a0e pasigurta t\u00eb mesme e t\u00eb ul\u00ebta t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shpesh jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb gatshmit q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb me \u00e7far\u00ebdo mjetesh t\u00eb mundshme. Machiavelli tregon nj\u00eb ngjarje nga historia e Firences kur qytetar\u00ebt e shtres\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme t\u00eb cilit kishin shpresuar t\u00eb rrisnin \u201cnderin\u201d e tyre p\u00ebrjashtuan m\u00ebnjan\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebr prej sistemit t\u00eb zejtar\u00ebve q\u00eb i kishte mbrojtur t\u00eb drejtat e tyre politike e ekonomike p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb. Si pasoj\u00eb ngjau lufta civile q\u00eb shkat\u00ebrroi besimin mes klasave t\u00eb ndryshme p\u00ebr shekuj me radh\u00eb dhe ndihmoi t\u00eb pasurit e jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebm Medici q\u00eb t\u00eb ngren\u00eb nj\u00eb pushtet t\u00eb papar\u00eb. Machiavelli e p\u00ebrdor k\u00ebt\u00eb ngjarje p\u00ebr t\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb m\u00ebsim p\u00ebr gjeneratat e ardhshme: kur gara rregullohet dob\u00ebt, pabarazin\u00eb pasuese e vendosin presion t\u00eb tmerrsh\u00ebm mbi premtimin e demokracis\u00eb p\u00ebr barazi para ligjit. Ai ka simpati t\u00eb forta p\u00ebr rebel\u00ebt e klasave t\u00eb ul\u00ebta, duke th\u00ebn\u00eb q\u00eb ata jan\u00eb mashtruar nga drejt\u00ebsia q\u00eb republika i detyrohet t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve. Megjithat\u00eb, ila\u00e7i i duhur p\u00ebr padrejt\u00ebsin\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb revolucioni i dhunsh\u00ebm, por ligjet m\u00eb t\u00eb mira. P\u00ebr Machiavelli-n, ashtu si p\u00ebr Platoni-n \u2013 edhe pse ky i fundit qe shum\u00eb m\u00eb egalitarian \u2013 rregullimi ekonomik dhe mekanizmat rishp\u00ebrndar\u00ebs qen\u00eb pjes\u00eb e pandar\u00eb e sundimit t\u00eb ligjit.<\/p>\n

Dy shekuj m\u00eb von\u00eb, Rousseau-i pajtohej se ila\u00e7i m\u00eb i mir\u00eb p\u00ebr ligjet e dob\u00ebta \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u2019i kushtohet v\u00ebmendje themeleve t\u00eb tyre shoq\u00ebrore, ekonomike e kulturore. Edhe pse ka mjaft shum\u00eb shembuj t\u00eb ligjeve q\u00eb u n\u00ebnshtrohen pasuris\u00eb e pushtetit, nuk ka arsye t\u00eb sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mendohet se ligjet jan\u00eb t\u00eb mallkuar drejt nj\u00eb ekzistence t\u00eb till\u00eb t\u00eb mjer\u00eb. \u201cVet\u00ebm e vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ligjit,\u201d deklaronte ai, \u201cq\u00eb burrat kan\u00eb drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe lirin\u00eb.\u201d Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb edhe n\u00ebse n\u00eb koh\u00ebt tona dhe shum\u00eb prej historis\u00eb njer\u00ebzore na b\u00ebn t\u00eb b\u00ebrtasim: \u201cKot k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb liri n\u00ebn pushtetin e ligjeve. Ligjet! Se ku paska ligj?\u201d Barazia ligjore mundet q\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb marifet i pjell\u00eb prej t\u00eb pasurve p\u00ebr t\u00eb kontrolluar t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, por megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ide e shk\u00eblqyer, e till\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u2019u kthehet q\u00ebllimeve m\u00eb t\u00eb mira \u2013 dhe e till\u00eb pa t\u00eb cil\u00ebn njer\u00ebzit nuk b\u00ebjn\u00eb dot.<\/p>\n

Problemi \u2013 mbase detyra jon\u00eb m\u00eb e madhe dhe e pafund \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb krijojm\u00eb ligje q\u00eb kan\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u2019i ofrojn\u00eb k\u00ebto p\u00ebrfitime, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn shumic\u00ebn e koh\u00ebs dhe t\u2019i mbjell\u00eb ato n\u00eb tok\u00eb t\u00eb mbar\u00eb. Duke ndjekur Platonin, Bernardo Machiavelli p\u00ebrshkruan ligjet e mira si imitime t\u00eb men\u00e7uris\u00eb mbinjer\u00ebzore. Ku vall\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb sh\u00ebmb\u00eblltyra t\u00eb men\u00e7uris\u00eb s\u00eb till\u00eb? Si \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur q\u00eb njer\u00ebz grindavec\u00eb e egoist\u00eb t\u00eb merren vesh sesi mund t\u00eb duket kjo? N\u00eb Firence, ndjek\u00ebsit e Savonarola-s mendonin se e kishin kuptuar t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn e saj n\u00eb profecit\u00eb e murgut, i cili pretendonte se kishin ardhur drejt prej Zotit. Ligjv\u00ebn\u00ebsit n\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb turbullta shpesh kan\u00eb menduar se ligjet e men\u00e7ura duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb drakoniane, q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb nivele t\u00eb larta t\u00eb konformitetit, duke i tmerruar k\u00ebshtu njer\u00ebzit drejt bindjes. Disa burra republikan\u00eb t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb ligjit, si\u00e7 qe Ciceroni, kishin k\u00ebrkuar sh\u00ebmb\u00eblltyr\u00ebn e arsyes hyjnore n\u00eb natyr\u00eb. Por si\u00e7 thot\u00eb Bernardo, avokat\u00ebt natyror\u00eb nuk merren vesh mes veti rreth k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs mbi jet\u00ebn civile.<\/p>\n

Si zakonisht, Platoni e thelloi problemin e tij edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa shumica e vet\u00eb kritik\u00ebve t\u00eb tij. Ligjv\u00ebn\u00ebsit m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, thoshte, e din\u00eb se s\u2019ka men\u00e7uri njer\u00ebzore q\u00eb do u jep ligje t\u00eb p\u00ebrsosura. Duke braktisur k\u00ebrkimin e p\u00ebrsosm\u00ebris\u00eb, ata b\u00ebjn\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebn e tyre q\u00eb t\u00eb nxjerrin ligje q\u00eb i p\u00ebrshtaten natyr\u00ebs defektoze njer\u00ebzore. Ligje t\u00eb tilla shmangin nd\u00ebshkime aq t\u00eb ashpra sa t\u00eb terrorizojn\u00eb apo brutalizojn\u00eb popullin ose aq t\u00eb buta sa t\u00eb mos mund ta pengojn\u00eb krimin. Synimi i tyre duhet t\u00eb rikthej\u00eb sh\u00ebndetin te shpirt\u00ebrat dhe miq\u00ebsit\u00eb n\u00eb qytet, e jo t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb nj\u00ebtrajtshm\u00ebri n\u00eb besim dhe veprim apo ta ndihmoj\u00eb shtetin q\u00eb t\u00eb kontrolloj\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt. Ato duhet t\u2019i trajtojn\u00eb njer\u00ebzit si agjent\u00eb t\u00eb lir\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt, sado t\u00eb prirur p\u00ebr nga natyra p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkelur ligjin, gjithmon\u00eb kan\u00eb nj\u00eb margjin\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl t\u00eb zgjedhjes. Duke e kuptuar k\u00ebt\u00eb margjin\u00eb t\u00eb liris\u00eb, ligji duhet t\u00eb angazhoj\u00eb vullnetet e njer\u00ebzve n\u00eb vend se thjesht t\u00eb deklaroj\u00eb rregulla dhe t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnoj\u00eb me nd\u00ebshkime. Ligjet e Platonit kan\u00eb preambula q\u00eb shpjegojn\u00eb, me nj\u00eb stil t\u00eb cilin mund ta kuptojn\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, pse \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb miri q\u00eb t\u2019i bindesh ligjit. Kur ligjv\u00ebn\u00ebsit e din\u00eb se u duhet t\u2019i qasen personave t\u00eb lir\u00eb me respekt dhe me arsye, e jo vet\u00ebm me forc\u00eb, kan\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb gjas\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb ligje q\u00eb mbesin, sepse njer\u00ebzit e pranojm\u00eb lirsh\u00ebm qeverisjen e tyre.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse ligjet jan\u00eb aq t\u00eb lehta p\u00ebr t\u2019u kapur prej fraksioneve, plutokrat\u00ebve dhe autokrat\u00ebve, pse mendojm\u00eb se ligjet jan\u00eb t\u00eb afta p\u00ebr t\u00eb na qeverisur fare? Si mundet \u00a0q\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb aq e brisht\u00eb si ligji civil t\u2019i besohet t\u00eb na mbroj\u00eb jetes\u00ebn dhe kufijt tan\u00eb, q\u00eb t\u2019i mbaj\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt t\u00eb sigurt prej nj\u00ebri tjetrit? P\u00ebrgjigja \u00ebsht\u00eb se ligjet mund t\u00eb qeverisin n\u00ebse i instruktojm\u00eb ashtu \u2013 por jo n\u00eb vetvete. Edhe m\u00eb mbret\u00ebror\u00ebt prej ligjeve kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb vazhdueshme prej qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb cil\u00ebt e kuptojn\u00eb origjin\u00ebn e tyre njer\u00ebzore dhe c\u00ebnueshm\u00ebrine e tyre tep\u00ebr njer\u00ebzore. Platoni e shpreh k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb miti. Kur njer\u00ebzit s\u00eb pari ec\u00ebn mbi tok\u00eb, zoti Kronos u dha nj\u00eb rac\u00eb t\u00eb qenieve m\u00eb t\u00eb men\u00e7ura, daimon\u00ebt, si sundimtar\u00eb. Kur ajo koh\u00eb u zhduk n\u00eb err\u00ebsirat e koh\u00ebs, qeniet njer\u00ebzore b\u00ebn\u00eb ligje q\u00eb imitonin men\u00e7urin\u00eb e daimon\u00ebve, q\u00eb ishte e dyta m\u00eb e mira pas asaj t\u00eb zot\u00ebrave. K\u00ebto p\u00ebrpjekje legjislative kan\u00eb qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb me t\u00eb meta, shpesh fatale. Ato jan\u00eb, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, vet\u00ebm imitime t\u00eb dor\u00ebs s\u00eb tret\u00eb t\u00eb arsyes dhe drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb ato jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mirat q\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb njer\u00ebzit.<\/p>\n

—————-<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkthyer nga: Bardhi Bakija\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

* Erica Benner<\/strong>\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb filozofe politike q\u00eb ka mbajtur poste akademike n\u00eb\u00a0universitete pretigjoze si St Anthony\u2019s College-Oxford, London School of Economics, Yale University.<\/p>\n

E. Benner<\/em>\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb autore e\u00a0Nacionalizmat V\u00ebrtet Ekzistuese\u00a0 [Really Existing\u00a0 Nationalisms]\u00a0\u00a0<\/em>(https:\/\/global.oup.com\/academic\/product\/really-existing-nationalisms-9780198279594?cc=al&lang=en&<\/a>)\u00a0dhe e tre librave mbi\u00a0Machiavelli-n<\/em>, ku rishtas publikoi\u00a0B\u00ebhu si Dhelpra<\/em>:\u00a0Machiavelli n\u00eb Bot\u00ebn e Tij [Be Like the Fox: Machiavelli in His World].<\/em><\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb Lapham\u2019s Quarterly:\u00a0https:\/\/www.laphamsquarterly.org\/rule-law\/daimons-wisdom<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Si t\u00eb ruash sundimin e ligjit kur tirania \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb ngritje.\u00a0 M\u00ebsime nga republika fiorentine. Erica Benner* Kancelari Bartolomeo Scala ishte nj\u00ebri pragmatik. Si bir mullixhiu, prej province, ai kishte studiuar p\u00ebr juridik n\u00eb Firence dhe kishte mposhtur rival\u00ebt xheloz\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb sh\u00ebrbyesi m\u00eb i lart\u00eb civil i Republik\u00ebs fiorentine. Pozita e tij e […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":526,"featured_media":9854,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[14],"tags":[1730,1103],"ppma_author":[1729],"class_list":["post-4245","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-kritike","tag-internacionalizmi","tag-nacionalizmi"],"authors":[{"term_id":1729,"user_id":526,"is_guest":0,"slug":"erica-benner","display_name":"Erica Benner","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/72721732b99930fb09a00c8f0c94250fb4cc08fae4f061a92d63c8f33494bb33?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"Benner","first_name":"Erica","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4245","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/526"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4245"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4245\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9855,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4245\/revisions\/9855"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9854"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4245"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4245"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4245"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4245"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}