{"id":4255,"date":"2018-09-19T15:03:26","date_gmt":"2018-09-19T13:03:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4255"},"modified":"2024-11-13T15:26:38","modified_gmt":"2024-11-13T13:26:38","slug":"vetekritika-ne-shekullin-e-shqiptareve-pjesa-i","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/vetekritika-ne-shekullin-e-shqiptareve-pjesa-i\/","title":{"rendered":"Vet\u00ebkritika n\u00eb “shekullin e shqiptar\u00ebve” – Pjesa I"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Koha e sotme nuk na thret m\u00eb p\u00ebr n\u00eb luft\u00ebra p\u00ebr \u00e7lirim politik. Na thret n\u00eb luft\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u00e7lirim mendor.<\/em><\/p>\n

Puna e nacionalism\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pun\u00eb mendore –\u00a0Branko Merxhani<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

Le ta kuptojm\u00eb nacionalizmin si nj\u00eb parim i cili, sipas E. Gellnerit, k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb nj\u00ebsia komb\u00ebtare dhe politike t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrputhshme. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb q\u00eb shteti t\u00eb shtrihet n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb territorin ku banojn\u00eb pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebt e kombit me q\u00ebllim p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar shtetin e kombit. Ky parim n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje politike mbar\u00ebkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqet nga ai dhe q\u00eb punon n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb realizimit t\u00eb tij. Le ta quajm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb nacionalizmit \u201cnacionaliz\u00ebm politik\u201d, p\u00ebr ta dalluar nga nj\u00eb form\u00eb tjet\u00ebr e nacionalizmit q\u00eb shprehet duke u kufizuar n\u00eb identifikimin etnik, kulturor, gjuh\u00ebsor e me historin\u00eb komb\u00ebtare dhe q\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb afirmimit e zhvillimt t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs komb\u00ebtare. K\u00ebt\u00eb form\u00eb, le ta quajm\u00eb \u201cnacionaliz\u00ebm simbolik\u201d. Pra, mundemi me qen\u00eb nacionalist\u00eb n\u00eb dy forma. Nj\u00eb, n\u00eb kuptimin politik, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb aspirojm\u00eb dhe t\u00eb punojn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb program politik t\u00eb komb\u00ebtarizimit t\u00eb shtetit dhe drejt bashkimit t\u00eb territoreve ku banojn\u00eb pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebt e kombit. Dy, n\u00eb kuptimin simbolik q\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me veprimin komb\u00ebtar n\u00eb rrafshin, identitar, kulturor, ekonomik dhe at\u00eb politik, duke u identifikuar me kombin, zhvilluar kultur\u00ebn komb\u00ebtare, forcuar bashk\u00ebpunimin ekonomik e politik nd\u00ebrmjet shoq\u00ebrive shqiptare.<\/p>\n

Nacionalizmi politik<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nacionaliz\u00ebm politik, sipas kuptimit q\u00eb e sqarova n\u00eb fillim, sot shqiptar\u00ebt nuk kan\u00eb. Nuk kemi pa\u2019 ndonj\u00eb projekt nacionalist e as kemi d\u00ebgju gatishm\u00ebri p\u00ebr t\u00eb artikuluar nj\u00eb platform\u00eb politike nacionaliste nga udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs politik\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb n\u00eb asnj\u00ebrin shtet me shqiptar\u00eb n\u00eb rajon. \u00cbsht\u00eb e kuptueshme dhe leht\u00eb e shpjegueshme p\u00ebrse shqiptar\u00ebt jasht\u00eb shtetit shqiptar kan\u00eb sentimente m\u00eb t\u00eb forta nacionaliste. Mir\u00ebpo, politikan\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur t\u2019i kanalizojn\u00eb k\u00ebto sentimente drejt nj\u00eb projekti serioz nacionalist. Me p\u00ebrjashtim t\u00eb Vet\u00ebvendosjes, asnj\u00eb forc\u00eb me pesh\u00eb politike, nuk e merr p\u00ebr referenc\u00eb parimin nacionalist n\u00eb orientimet e tyre politike. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, elitat politike u referohen nacionalizmit vet\u00ebm kur duan ta p\u00ebrdorin si retorik\u00eb boshe p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndez\u00eb sentimentet e masave e p\u00ebr t\u00eb fshehur paaft\u00ebsin\u00eb, krimet, e budallall\u00ebqet e veta. Kemi pa\u2019 fare pak ose aspak angazhim serioz t\u00eb lider\u00ebve politik\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb promovuar, shtrir\u00eb, zgjeruar e forcuar politika mbar\u00ebkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb rajon. Vet\u00ebm sllogane e valvitje flamujsh komb\u00ebtar\u00eb, q\u00eb e karakterizojn\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj nacionalizmi q\u00eb le ta quajm\u00eb \u201cnacionaliz\u00ebm folklorik\u201d, p\u00ebr ta dalluar nga \u201cnacionalizmi politik\u201d dhe ai \u201csimbolik\u201d sipas kuptimeve q\u00eb i propozoj.<\/p>\n

At\u00ebher\u00eb, pse duhet q\u00eb zjarri nacionalist t\u00eb ndizet tek masat?! Dhe cilat masa? Zakonisht nd\u00ebr m\u00eb t\u00eb pashkolluarit e tyre n\u00eb mesin e shtresave t\u00eb paprivilegjuara dhe t\u00eb margjinalizuara, nacionalizmi i t\u00eb cil\u00ebve m\u00eb tep\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehje e pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsive sociale dhe t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nacionalizmin shqiptar e p\u00ebrfytyrojn\u00eb me agrona e teuta, skenderbega e alipasha t\u00eb periudhave paranacionaliste. Por, ve\u00e7 tyre, edhe nj\u00eb num\u00ebr i kufizuar nga mosha m\u00eb t\u00eb reja p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebt baterit\u00eb nacionaliste i mbushin prej tregimeve q\u00eb i d\u00ebgjojn\u00eb mbi heroizmat e hersh\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb vonsh\u00ebm n\u00eb kauz\u00ebn komb\u00ebtare. \u00c7ka din\u00eb ata p\u00ebr nacionalizmin si koncept i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm? Po p\u00ebr nacionalizmin shqiptar? Po p\u00ebr nacionalizmat e fqinj\u00ebve? T\u00eb till\u00ebt leht\u00eb manipulohen me sllogane p\u00ebr \u201cbashkim komb\u00ebtar\u201d e \u201ckorrigjim kufijsh\u201d kishe si politika t\u00eb ndreqjes s\u00eb padrejt\u00ebsive q\u00eb historia u ka b\u00ebr\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve. A mund t\u2019i imagjinojn\u00eb ata pasojat e \u201cbashkimeve komb\u00ebtare\u201d, \u201ckorrigjimet e kufijve\u201d a ndreqjen \u201cgabimeve historike\u201d t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb nacionalizmave n\u00eb rajon apo politikat p\u00ebr \u201cShqip\u00ebri etnike\u201d, \u201cSerbi etnike\u201d, \u201cMal t\u00eb Zi etnik\u201d, \u201cGreqi etnike\u201d, \u201cBullgari etnike\u201d, e me radh\u00eb?!<\/p>\n

Druaj se, p\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, p\u00ebr historin\u00eb e zhvillimit t\u00eb nacionalizmit nuk din\u00eb mjaft e drejt\u00eb as nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e konsiderueshme e studiuesve dhe m\u00ebsimdh\u00ebn\u00ebsve shqiptar\u00eb. Fare pak, e mbase edhe gabimisht e njohim historin\u00eb dhe zhvillimin e nacionalizmave ballkanik\u00eb e n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti atij shqiptar, pik\u00ebrisht ngaq\u00eb nuk ka studime n\u00eb sociologjin\u00eb historike t\u00eb zhvillimit t\u00eb nacionalizmave n\u00eb Ballkan. Edhe studimin m\u00eb serioz deri m\u00eb tani (anise larg nga nj\u00eb studim i plot\u00eb) t\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb nacionalizmit shqiptar n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn shqipe e kemi nga nj\u00eb studiuese e huaj! \u00c7ka dim\u00eb ne p\u00ebr Rilindjen Komb\u00ebtare Shqiptare?! \u00c7ka dim\u00eb p\u00ebr Lidhjen e Prizrenit?! Po p\u00ebr veprimtar\u00ebt e l\u00ebvizjes nacionaliste shqiptare, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 atyre q\u00eb i kena k\u00ebndu n\u00eb tela t\u00eb \u00e7iftelis\u00eb a tekste shkollore?! \u00c7ka dim\u00eb p\u00ebr rrethanat politike n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e tyre? Ose p\u00ebr programin e tyre politik? \u00c7ka dim\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt veprimtar\u00eb t\u00eb nacionalizmit shqiptar q\u00eb shairat, shkurtefejzat e librat shkollor\u00eb i kan\u00eb fshi nga repertoari ose faqet e tyre?!<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e kuptueshme se shikimi shpres\u00ebplot\u00eb nga nacionalizmi vjen pas gati dy dekadash frustrimi me projektin shtetnd\u00ebrtues nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe projektin europian t\u00eb demokratizimit, fuqizimit t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb ligjit dhe konsolidimit t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, por edhe l\u00ebkundjen nga zotimi p\u00ebr zgjidhje t\u00eb qytet\u00ebruar \u00a0t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb iden\u00eb europiane t\u00eb multikulturalizmit. Afat kemi pas\u00eb jo pak, ne dhe \u201cmiqt\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb\u201d, p\u00ebr zgjidhje t\u00eb qytet\u00ebruar. Tash, kemi hedhur shikimin nga \u201czgjidhjet\u201d e Trumpit dhe t\u00eb Putinit q\u00eb bazohen n\u00eb politika territoriale dhe etnike sipas modeleve t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar kur s’ka pas\u00eb as Bashkim Europian. Si alternativ\u00eb ofrohen zgjidhjet komb\u00ebtare, \u201cbashkimi komb\u00ebtar\u201d dhe ndarja e territorit t\u00eb shtetit apo shk\u00ebmbimit t\u00eb territoreve p\u00ebr ta komb\u00ebtarizuar shtetin dhe \u00e7liruar nga pjesa e popullat\u00ebs q\u00eb sfidon zgjidhjen ton\u00eb komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb s\u00eb shumti q\u00eb m\u00eb habit\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb shkolluarit, e nd\u00ebr ta edhe intelektual\u00eb, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb njer\u00ebz q\u00eb profesion e kan\u00eb leximin e shkrimin, studimin e kritik\u00ebn, kur glorifikojn\u00eb nacionalizmin ton\u00eb dhe e shohin at\u00eb si alternativ\u00eb. Prej k\u00ebtyre kishte me qen\u00eb e pritur q\u00eb s\u00eb paku t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb angazhim serioz t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb politike dhe civile n\u00eb njohjen, studimin kritik t\u00eb nacionalizmit dhe nacionalizmave n\u00eb nivel teorik e pastaj, n\u00ebse ve\u00e7 duan ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb platform\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje intelektuale, shoq\u00ebrore a politike nacionaliste, t\u00eb artikulojn\u00eb e ofrojn\u00eb nj\u00eb vizion nacionalist bashk\u00ebkohor p\u00ebr nevojat, k\u00ebrkesa e rrethanat aktuale, n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb marrin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dogmatike fragmente nga l\u00ebvizja nacionaliste shqiptare e shekujve t\u00eb kaluar si modele normative p\u00ebr t\u00eb sotmen e kombit. Projekti nacionalist i rilindas\u00ebve ishte i menduar e serioz, i dal\u00eb nga nj\u00eb elit\u00eb intelektuale dhe i duhur n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb e kontekst t\u00eb krijimit t\u00eb shteteve komb\u00ebtare n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn postperandorake n\u00eb Ballkan, q\u00eb fitoi p\u00ebrkrahjen edhe t\u00eb fuqive europiane. Pranimi i tij si nj\u00eb model se si t\u2019i b\u00ebjm\u00eb politikat komb\u00ebtare n\u00eb kushtet e gjeopolitik\u00ebs s\u00eb sotme \u00ebsht\u00eb anakroniz\u00ebm. Nga ajo histori e ndritshme e kombit, duhet t\u00eb m\u00ebsojm\u00eb se p\u00ebr protagonist\u00ebt e saj, me qen\u00eb nacionalist nuk ishte leje p\u00ebr prapambetje, anakroniz\u00ebm, e provincializ\u00ebm, por p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb pionier i p\u00ebrparimit, i iluminizmit dhe i patriotizmit.<\/p>\n

Plus q\u00eb, sipas p\u00ebrkufizimit, intelelektuali \u00ebsht\u00eb ai\/ajo q\u00eb demaskon ideologjit\u00eb e \u00e7far\u00ebdoshme dhe e ndan shapin e retorik\u00ebs boshe t\u00eb instrumentalizimit t\u00eb diskursit nacionalist p\u00ebr hesape t\u00eb elitave politike, n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb, nga sheqeri i angazhimit serioz p\u00ebr kombin dhe interesat e tij, n\u00eb an\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. Idet\u00eb nacionaliste, n\u00eb rastin ton\u00eb nacionalizmi shqiptar, t\u00eb till\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb e njohim sot, nuk e kan\u00eb ose e kan\u00eb humb\u00eb forc\u00ebn emancipuese q\u00eb e kan\u00eb pas\u00eb n\u00eb shekullin e XIX dhe fillimshekullin XX si edhe gjat\u00eb viteteve t\u00eb n\u00ebnt\u00ebdhjeta t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Sot, nacionalizmi shqiptar, nga njer\u00ebz q\u00eb pretendojn\u00eb kredenciale komb\u00ebtariste, \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u p\u00ebrdor\u00eb ose keqp\u00ebrdor\u00eb, si t\u00eb doni, p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime ideologjike konservatore reaksionare; p\u00ebr t\u00eb qitur n\u00eb rend t\u00eb dyt\u00eb a harruar fare nevojat urgjente dhe k\u00ebrkesat qytetare, por edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrligjur krimin, keqeverisjen, prapambetjen ideore, shkencore e kulturore, po n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb kombit. Jo radh\u00eb, diskursi nacionalist u mund\u00ebson elitave politike t\u00eb shfaj\u00ebsohen p\u00ebr d\u00ebshtimet e tyre e ta hedhin fajin tek rreziqet e jashtme: flasin p\u00ebr ndikimin a rrezikun rus, serb, turk, radikalizmit islam (real e t\u00eb imagjinuar) dhe \u00e7ohen media, kolumnist\u00eb e veprimtar\u00eb organizatash p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb jehon\u00eb k\u00ebtij diskursi duke i ampifikuar k\u00ebto tema si kryesoret p\u00ebr muaj e vite me radh\u00eb n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri. Kjo rezulton n\u00eb paralizimin ose margjinalizimin e \u00e7far\u00ebdo diskursi q\u00eb do t\u00eb shoh\u00eb rrezikun prej politikan\u00ebve tan\u00eb, a p\u00ebr raportin problematik q\u00eb kena nd\u00ebrtu me \u201cmiqt\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb\u201d. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb forcohet tendenca p\u00ebr me pa\u2019 rrezikun vet\u00ebm prej s\u00eb jashti, e kurrsesi prej \u201ctan\u00ebve\u201d dhe po orienton q\u00ebllimsh\u00ebm publikun. Si mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb indiferent nj\u00eb intelektual ndaj kapitalizimit politik t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj forme t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7udnuar t\u00eb nacionalizmit?!<\/p>\n

Sa p\u00ebr ilustrim, t\u00eb marrim vet\u00ebm k\u00ebt\u00eb propozimin e fundit t\u00eb presidentit p\u00ebr shk\u00ebmbim t\u00eb territoreve me Serbin\u00eb ose p\u00ebr ndarje t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, propozim t\u00eb cilin dikush e quan \u201ckorrigjim i kufijve\u201d duke e p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsuar k\u00ebshtu n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jokritike retorik\u00ebn \u00e7orientuese politike. Kjo retorik\u00eb mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb boshe, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb pa p\u00ebrmbajtje reale a angazhim serioz drejt k\u00ebtij q\u00ebllimi ose t\u00eb fsheh\u00eb nj\u00eb synim krejt tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb s\u2019ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me t\u00eb, por efektet e saj jan\u00eb reale, p\u00ebr aq sa debati politik dominohet nga z\u00ebnka p\u00ebr \u201ckorrigjime kufijsh\u201d e \u201cmbrojtje t\u00eb tokave tona denbabadene\u201d n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin spektri politik p\u00ebrkufizohet prej tradhtar\u00ebve e patriot\u00ebve dhe asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. P\u00ebrvijimi i agjend\u00ebs politike n\u00eb vija t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve komb\u00ebtare rrezikon ta shnd\u00ebrroj\u00eb politik\u00ebn n\u00eb \u201cultra-politik\u00eb\u201d ose \u201carke-politik\u00eb\u201d ku politika nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gar\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebve legjitim\u00eb politik\u00eb, por luft\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet \u201cpatriot\u00ebve\u201d dhe \u201ctradhtar\u00ebve\u201d, sepse kauza komb\u00ebtare e nacionalizmit nuk pranon kund\u00ebrshtar legjitim. Ai q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebr parimit nacionalist \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebr kombit: tradhtar, pra. K\u00ebshtu rrezikojm\u00eb me hy n\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb pa krye t\u00eb gjetjes s\u00eb \u201cskenderbeg\u00ebve bashk\u00ebkohor\u00eb\u201d dhe \u201chamzakastriot\u00ebve bashk\u00ebkohor\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb mesin ton\u00eb me k\u00ebso lloj etiketimesh postpolitike q\u00eb luft\u00ebn simbolike politike e zhvendosin n\u00eb fush\u00ebbetej\u00eb t\u00eb luft\u00ebs reale. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mjedis politik, as q\u00eb mund t\u00eb d\u00ebgjohen z\u00ebrat e k\u00ebrkesave reale dhe t\u00eb ngutshme t\u00eb qytetarit, pun\u00ebtorit e t\u00eb papunit, bujkut e blegorit, tregtarit e biznismenit, shit\u00ebsit e bler\u00ebsit, gruas e burrit, prindit e f\u00ebmij\u00ebs, t\u00eb s\u00ebmurit e plakut, nx\u00ebn\u00ebsit e studentit, gazetarit e shkrimtarit, artistit e akademikut, shqiptarit e serbit, romit e turkut\u2026 T\u00eb gjitha z\u00ebrat q\u00eb ngrihen p\u00ebr hallet e t\u00eb gjitha kategorive t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve shukaten derisa t\u00eb kryhet \u201clufta historike\u201d nd\u00ebrmjet vizatuesve t\u00eb hartave dhe rojave t\u00eb mexhave, deri n\u00eb betejat \u201ce m\u00ebdha\u201d t\u00eb radh\u00ebs\u2026<\/p>\n

Mund t\u00eb arsyetohet mobilizimi nacionalist i shqiptar\u00ebve n\u00eb vitet e sundimit t\u00eb Millosheviqit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Si ka mundur me qen\u00eb ndryshe! Na \u00ebsht\u00eb sulmuar qenia komb\u00ebtare: gjuha, e drejta p\u00ebr t\u00eb m\u00ebsuar n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn ton\u00eb dhe ashtu si\u00e7 duam, e drejta p\u00ebr pun\u00eb e jet\u00eb, ve\u00e7 pse kemi qen\u00eb shqiptar\u00eb. Natyrsh\u00ebm, kemi mbrojt\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb na \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar nga Serbia. Por, tash rrethanat politike nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat. S\u00eb paku, dhe kjo s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb pak, kemi shtetin ton\u00eb t\u00eb pranuar nga shum\u00eb shtete, prej t\u00eb cilave shumica shtete t\u00eb forta dhe serioze. A mjafton? Jo. Por, \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka, megjithat\u00eb. S\u00eb dyti, me gjith\u00eb karakterin kushtetues t\u00eb shtetit si multietnik dhe rregullimeve institucionale q\u00eb e pasqyrojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb karakter, \u00ebsht\u00eb fakt se si shqiptar\u00eb jemi forca m\u00eb e madhe politike, demografike, kulturore, e ekonomike, me nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb dominues, n\u00eb shtetin ton\u00eb. Kjo ishte dasht\u00eb me na siguru nj\u00eb vet\u00ebbesim dhe komoditet p\u00ebr t\u00eb afruar edhe kombet ose grupet e tjera etnike pakic\u00eb n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb q\u00eb dominohet prej nesh. S\u2019do mend se kjo nuk b\u00ebhet me sllogane boshe n\u00ebp\u00ebr tubime formale sa p\u00ebr me ua ba qefin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebve, por me nj\u00eb vullnet t\u00eb sinqert\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb e p\u00ebr t\u2019u dh\u00ebn\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb grupeve pakic\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb integrohen n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri dhe t\u00eb ushtrojn\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat e t\u00eb g\u00ebzojn\u00eb ve\u00e7antit\u00eb e tyre etnike e kulturore, ashtu si\u00e7 duam p\u00ebr vete.<\/p>\n

\u201cShekulli i shqiptar\u00ebve\u201d si triumfaliz\u00ebm<\/strong><\/p>\n

Po thon\u00eb se ky \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cshekulli i shqiptar\u00ebve\u201d. Le t\u00eb supozojm\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebshtu. Edhe? A duhet tash q\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dhurat\u00eb t\u00eb shekullit ta shfryt\u00ebzojm\u00eb me i avancu aspiratat tona nacionaliste dhe me e instalu nj\u00eb hegjemoni nacionaliste shqiptare n\u00eb rajon? Po, sepse nacionalizmi jon\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i mir\u00eb, defansiv, i zbutur, pozitiv? Mir\u00ebpo, ky q\u00ebndrim buron nga nj\u00eb pik\u00ebv\u00ebshtrim etnocentrik. Nj\u00eb pik\u00ebv\u00ebshtrim i till\u00eb i mund\u00ebson \u00e7do kombi ta shoh\u00eb nacionalizmin e tij si pozitiv. Por, nacionalizmi i nj\u00ebr\u00ebs an\u00eb, asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pozitiv p\u00ebr an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr. Pyeti serb\u00ebt, malazez\u00ebt, grek\u00ebt, a \u00ebsht\u00eb nacionalizmi i tyre i mir\u00eb apo i keq. P\u00ebrgjigjen po mundemi me e marr\u00eb me mend. N\u00ebse e p\u00ebrbuzim, e urrejm\u00eb a na shqet\u00ebson nacionalizmi i t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve, at\u00ebher\u00eb si mund t\u00eb arsyetojm\u00eb d\u00ebshir\u00ebn p\u00ebr zbehjen e nacionalizmit t\u00eb fqinj\u00ebve dhe p\u00ebr forcimin e nacionalizmin ton\u00eb?!<\/p>\n

Sado q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pohim m\u00eb tep\u00ebr i dal\u00eb nga nj\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb triumfaliste sesa i bazuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb vler\u00ebsim t\u00eb kujdessh\u00ebm t\u00eb situat\u00ebs, po e marrim se ky shekull \u00ebsht\u00eb i shqiptar\u00ebve. Ve\u00e7se, avash e t\u00eb mos harrojm\u00eb se ende jemi n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb \u201cshekullit ton\u00eb\u201d; le t\u00eb mos b\u00ebjm\u00eb hop pa k\u00ebrcy e k\u00ebrcejm\u00eb pa u mat\u00eb. Nuk po e them k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebr me e ndal\u00eb hovin a me e mbyt\u00eb entuziazmin shqiptar, por para s\u00eb gjithash, p\u00ebr nevoj\u00ebn q\u00eb s\u00eb pari t\u00eb reflektojm\u00eb se \u00e7ka duhet e mund t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb si shqiptar\u00ebt n\u00eb \u201cshekullin ton\u00eb\u201d, e vet\u00ebm pastaj t\u00eb hidhemi n\u00eb veprim. Mendimi e dija le t\u2019i udh\u00ebheq\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt n\u00eb \u201cshekullin e tyre\u201d.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb shekullin e kaluar ishin serb\u00ebt ata q\u00eb ishin kapluar nga dalldia e nj\u00eb ndjenje triumfaliste. Por shih n\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb gjendje politike, ekonomike, kulturore e diplomatike kan\u00eb p\u00ebrfunduar nga fundi i \u201cshekullit t\u00eb tyre\u201d, si pasoj\u00eb e turrit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb instaluar nj\u00eb hegjemoni serbe n\u00eb rajon, t\u00eb motivuar nga ndjenja e tyre triumfaliste dhe vler\u00ebsimi i gabuar i situat\u00ebs. U desh\u00ebn tre lufta, shum\u00eb shpirt\u00ebra t\u00eb b\u00ebheshin kurban, tkurrje t\u00eb territorit shtet\u00ebror, sundim t\u00eb kriminel\u00ebve, kolaps ekononik dhe varf\u00ebrim kulturor p\u00ebr ta pranuar, vet\u00ebm pas dy dekadash, se \u201ckan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gabim\u201d n\u00eb strategjin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb realizuar q\u00ebllimet e tyre. Andaj, q\u00eb t\u00eb mos na gjej\u00eb i nj\u00ebjti fat, le t\u00eb jet\u00eb \u201cshekulli i shqiptar\u00ebve\u201d shekull q\u00eb e p\u00ebrshkon drejt\u00ebsia, paqja, p\u00ebrparimi, e integrimi.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Koha e sotme nuk na thret m\u00eb p\u00ebr n\u00eb luft\u00ebra p\u00ebr \u00e7lirim politik. Na thret n\u00eb luft\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u00e7lirim mendor. Puna e nacionalism\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pun\u00eb mendore –\u00a0Branko Merxhani Le ta kuptojm\u00eb nacionalizmin si nj\u00eb parim i cili, sipas E. Gellnerit, k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb nj\u00ebsia komb\u00ebtare dhe politike t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrputhshme. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb q\u00eb shteti […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":196,"featured_media":10184,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[972,1103,1804],"ppma_author":[700],"class_list":["post-4255","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kosove","tag-nacionalizmi","tag-shoqeria-shqiptare"],"authors":[{"term_id":700,"user_id":196,"is_guest":0,"slug":"gezim-selaci","display_name":"G\u00ebzim Selaci","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/1-1-e1728652765257.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/1-1-e1728652765257.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Selaci","first_name":"G\u00ebzim","description":"G\u00ebzimi Selaci \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Departamentin e Sociologjis\u00eb n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Ka studiuar Sociologji dhe Teori politike n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb, Lond\u00ebr dhe Budapest. Specializimi i tij ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me legjitimimin e pushtetit dhe nd\u00ebrtimin e shtetit. Interesimi i tij p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrohet tek politika dhe pushteti n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri nga perspektiva nd\u00ebrdisiplinore dhe shtrihet tek t\u00eb kuptuarit e pranimit\/mospranimit t\u00eb autoritetit, dinamik\u00ebs s\u00eb identiteteve kolektive, si dhe aktivizmit politik."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4255","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/196"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4255"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4255\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10185,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4255\/revisions\/10185"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10184"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4255"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4255"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4255"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4255"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}