{"id":4257,"date":"2018-09-29T13:27:25","date_gmt":"2018-09-29T11:27:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4257"},"modified":"2024-11-21T13:29:30","modified_gmt":"2024-11-21T11:29:30","slug":"leksione-nga-demopolisi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/uncategorized\/leksione-nga-demopolisi\/","title":{"rendered":"Leksione nga Demopolisi"},"content":{"rendered":"
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M\u00ebsime nga Greqia e vjet\u00ebr: demokracia dhe liberalizmi jan\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb n\u00ebse e kuptojn\u00eb dallimin mes tyre<\/em><\/p>\n

*Josiah Ober<\/strong><\/p>\n

Para nj\u00eb \u00e7erekshekulli, shkenc\u00ebtari politik amerikan Francis Fukuyama deklaroi se historia kishte marr\u00eb fund. K\u00ebrkimit t\u00eb gjat\u00eb p\u00ebr rendin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm politik i kishte ardhur fundi. Demokracia liberale \u2013 e p\u00ebrkufizuar si sovranitet popullor plus autonomi individuale dhe t\u00eb drejta t\u00eb njeriut \u2013 ishte p\u00ebrgjigjja e duhur.<\/p>\n

Sot, n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e terrorizmit, luft\u00ebrave t\u00eb vazhdueshme dhe autokracive t\u00eb rigjall\u00ebruara, historia \u00ebsht\u00eb rikthyer me furi. Megjithat\u00eb, Fukuyama s\u00eb voni ka p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur n\u00eb detaje mbres\u00ebl\u00ebn\u00ebse argumentin e tij qendror se demokracia liberale \u00ebsht\u00eb forma m\u00eb e lart\u00eb e zhvillimit politik, nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje me p\u00ebrkrahje t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb. Shkenc\u00ebtari kognitiv Steven Pinker krahason demokracit\u00eb liberale me regjimet q\u00eb mb\u00ebshteten n\u00eb ideologji utopike e demonizuese, duke ardhur n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim\u00a0(https:\/\/stevenpinker.com\/pages\/frequently-asked-questions-about-better-angels-our-nature-why-violence-has-declined)\u00a0<\/a>se: \u2018demokracit\u00eb jan\u00eb jashtazakonisht m\u00eb pak vras\u00ebse se format alternative t\u00eb qeverisjes\u2019. Si \u00a0edhe shkrimtar\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb modern, Pinker p\u00ebrdor \u2018demokracin\u00eb\u2019 si stenografi p\u00ebr \u2018demokracin\u00eb liberale\u2019, duke n\u00ebnkuptuar nj\u00eb grumbull kushtesh t\u00eb parap\u00eblqyera: sovranitetin popullor, sundimin e ligjit, t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vot\u00ebs, t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut, lirin\u00eb e shprehjes, mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e barabarta, ndarjen e kish\u00ebs nga shteti, drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb shp\u00ebrndar\u00ebse dhe ekonomin\u00eb e tregut. P\u00ebr shpik\u00ebsit e k\u00ebtij termi n\u00eb Greqin\u00eb e lasht\u00eb, demokracia n\u00ebnkuptonte thjesht vetqeverisjen kolektive t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Paketa e demokracis\u00eb liberale \u00ebsht\u00eb aq shum\u00eb e admiruar sot, e aq pak e shqyrtuar, sa q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit priren t\u00eb harrojn\u00eb q\u00eb ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb, n\u00eb fakt, paket\u00eb. Madje edhe skeptik\u00ebt fusin demokracin\u00eb e liberalizmin n\u00eb nj\u00eb thes: n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb vitit 2008, presidenti i at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm i Pakistanit Pervez Musharraf i b\u00ebri thirrje qeverive per\u00ebndimore q\u00eb t\u00eb mos fiksohen pas demokracis\u00eb, me \u00e7ka deshi t\u00eb thot\u00eb: mjaft u p\u00ebrqendruat tek t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut. Kur Fukuyama, Pinker apo Musharraf p\u00ebrdorin \u2018demokracin\u00eb\u2019 p\u00ebr t\u2019iu referuar p\u00ebrkushtimit ndaj t\u00eb drejtave universale apo ndarjes s\u00eb fes\u00eb nga shteti, pak njer\u00ebzve iu shkon nd\u00ebrmend q\u00eb t\u00eb shtrojn\u00eb pyetje. Le ta b\u00ebjm\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebt\u00eb. Edhe demokracia edhe liberalizmi p\u00ebrmbajn\u00eb vlera, por ato nuk jan\u00eb e njejta gj\u00eb. Ato mund t\u00eb bashk\u00eblidhen n\u00eb nj\u00eb rend t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm politik, por martesa e tyre nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e pashmangshme.<\/p>\n

Historia e vet\u00ebqeverisjes qytetare n\u00eb qytet-shtetet greke qart\u00ebson se \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb demokracia \u2013 si dhe \u00e7far\u00eb ofron (e nuk ofron) ajo. Athina e Lasht\u00eb, ashtu dhe disa qytet-shtete tjera greke, qe demokraci, jo demokraci liberale. Athinasit e Lasht\u00eb as nuk p\u00ebrqafuan t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut as nuk ndan\u00eb fen\u00eb nga autoriteti shtr\u00ebngues i shtetit. Liberalizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb ideal moral i lindur prej Iluminizmit t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb 18-t\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrqendrohet te vlera e autonomis\u00eb individuale. Liberalizmi jep arsyet pse t\u00eb drejtat duhet t\u00eb konsiderohen univerzale, si t\u00eb brendaqen\u00ebsishme n\u00eb secil\u00ebn qenie individuale njer\u00ebzore dhe pse shteti shtr\u00ebngues duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb neutral p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket fes\u00eb. Nj\u00eb regjim politik mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb liberal por jo demokratik \u2013 si p\u00ebr shembull, perandoria Austrohungareze e shekullit t\u00eb 19-t\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kund\u00ebrshtimi i Musharaff-it anash, demokracia sot gati sa nuk ka asnj\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb. Madje edhe neonacist\u00ebt n\u00eb Gjermani e quajn\u00eb partin\u00eb e tyre politike Nacional Demokrat\u00ebt (n\u00eb vend se Nacional Socialist\u00ebt). Autokrat\u00ebt kinez\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruajn\u00eb regjimin e tyre autoritar si demokraci\u00a0(https:\/\/www.economist.com\/the-economist-explains\/2014\/11\/25\/what-china-means-by-democracy)<\/a>. Kushtetutat e shteteve pasrevolucionare, politikat e jashtme t\u00eb fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha dhe misionet e agjencive nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha aktivisht e paraqesin demokracin\u00eb si q\u00ebllim p\u00ebr ta. \u00c7far\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb? Ku \u00ebsht\u00eb problemi n\u00ebse demokracia b\u00ebhet e padallueshme prej liberalizmit, n\u00ebse vetqeverisja kolektive barazohet me t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut dhe qeverit\u00eb shekullare?<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb aq e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, q\u00eb meriton mobilizim t\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjeve e resursve t\u00eb st\u00ebrm\u00ebdha, at\u00ebher\u00eb njer\u00ebzit do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ken\u00eb ndonj\u00eb ide t\u00eb qart\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo. T\u00eb pakt\u00ebn di\u00e7ka prej mjerimit njer\u00ebzor t\u00eb \u00e7erekshekullit t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjeve p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e demokracis\u00eb ka rrjedh\u00eb prej faktit se klasa politike nuk ka ide t\u00eb qarta p\u00ebr komponentet e paket\u00ebs s\u00eb demokracis\u00eb liberale. N\u00ebse ia vlen t\u00eb luftohet p\u00ebr demokraci, \u00ebsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi q\u00eb t\u00eb kemi njohuri bazike p\u00ebr t\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kur shkollar\u00ebt p\u00ebrdorin termin demokraci n\u00eb kuptimin e ngusht\u00eb t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs, n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi n\u00ebnkuptohet \u2018sundimi i shumic\u00ebs, pik\u00eb\u2019, \u00a0n\u00eb krahasim me sundimin e ligjit. P\u00ebr ata q\u00eb, sikur se James Madison, autori kryesor i Kushtetut\u00ebs Amerikane, i frik\u00ebsohen prospektit t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb turm\u00ebs, demokracia pa liberaliz\u00ebm rrezikon t\u00eb b\u00ebhet tirani e shumic\u00ebs. Demokracit\u00eb e Greqis\u00eb s\u00eb Lasht\u00eb tregojn\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb gabim t\u00eb imagjinosh demokracin\u00eb si asgj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se sundim t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs. Demokracia, madje edhe demokracia para se t\u00eb jet\u00eb demokraci liberale, \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb fakt m\u00eb shum\u00eb se sundim i shumic\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb reduktosh demokracin\u00eb n\u00eb mazhoritariz\u00ebm i jep autoritet sundimit t\u00eb elitave. Platoni, me planin e tij p\u00ebr \u2018mbret\u00ebrit filozof\u00eb\u2019, qe ithtar i hersh\u00ebm i elitizmit t\u00eb till\u00eb. Ai besonte se qeveri e mir\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb mbash shumic\u00ebn e njer\u00ebzve larg prej pjes\u00ebmarrjes aktive n\u00eb politik\u00eb. Q\u00ebllimi i Platonit me kufizimin e qeveris\u00eb vet\u00ebm te disa njer\u00ebz qe q\u00eb t\u00eb promovonte virtytin. Bota moderne gjithashtu ka teoricien\u00eb politik me ndikim, si p\u00ebr shembull Ronald Dworkin, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt inkurajojn\u00eb q\u00eb njerezit e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb duhet t\u00eb mbahen larg n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtjes s\u00eb vlerave morale liberale t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb, t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave dhe drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarjen e t\u00eb mirave.<\/p>\n

Sado me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb mir\u00eb, qasja elitiste ndaj qeveris\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e rrezikshme (si dhe jodemokratike) sepse p\u00ebrkushtimi moral nuk mjafton p\u00ebr t\u00eb udh\u00ebzuar sjelljen e dit\u00ebp\u00ebrditshme t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb njer\u00ebzve shumic\u00ebn e koh\u00ebs. Moraliteti liberal si i vet\u00ebm nuk mund t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb rend social t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb lira t\u00eb individ\u00ebve t\u00eb vetinter\u00ebsuar. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb stabilitet social, liberalizmit bashk\u00ebkohor i duhet si themel politik o autokracia o demokracia.<\/p>\n

Ka dy m\u00ebnyra p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur te kuptimi thelb\u00ebsor i demokracis\u00eb. E para \u00ebsht\u00eb duke shikuar prapa te shoq\u00ebra e lasht\u00eb greke q\u00eb shpiku demokracin\u00eb. P\u00ebr ta, ajo do t\u00eb thoshte pushtet i nj\u00eb trupi t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gj\u00ebra: p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar dhe ekzekutuar politika publike. E pse do t\u00eb duhej q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt e shekullit t\u00eb 21-t\u00eb t\u00eb brengosen se \u00e7far\u00eb mendon p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb nj\u00eb tuf\u00eb burrash skllavopronar\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt i mohuan grave dhe imigrant\u00ebve pjes\u00ebmarrjen politike? P\u00ebrgjigjja \u00ebsht\u00eb se ne ende aspirojm\u00eb konceptin e tyre themelor t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Fjala \u2018demokraci\u2019 erdhi nga qytet-shteti i Athinas, pas Revolucionit Athinas m\u00eb 508 p.e.s. N\u00eb at\u00eb revolucion, populli i Athin\u00ebs p\u00ebrmbysi udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsin politik me p\u00ebrkrahje t\u00eb huaj i cili p\u00ebrjashtoi kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e tij dhe u p\u00ebrpoq t\u00eb mbivendoste qeveri shtyp\u00ebse t\u00eb plot\u00ebsuar me personel t\u00eb af\u00ebrmish. Si pasoj\u00eb e revolucionit, athinasit fitimtar\u00eb rikthyen prej ekzilit Klaistenin (Cleisthenes), udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsin e tyre t\u00eb preferuar. Klaisteni e kuptoi se nuk qe e mundur thjesht t\u00eb ktheheshe pas te sundimi i tiran\u00ebve dhe koalicioneve t\u00eb ngushta t\u00eb aristokrat\u00ebve. Populli i Athin\u00ebs tash do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej autor dhe garantues kolektiv i nj\u00eb rendi t\u00eb ri kushtetues. Revolucioni kishte sjell\u00eb popullin athinas n\u00eb sken\u00ebn e historis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sistemi eksperimental i dizajnuar prej Klaistenit n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs u d\u00ebshmua jasht\u00ebzakonisht i suksessh\u00ebm. Me qeverin\u00eb e tyre t\u00eb re, athinasit u shquan n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn greke. Qytetar\u00ebt e klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore q\u00eb sapo kishin fituar t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vot\u00ebs i ofruan Athin\u00ebs nj\u00eb ushtri t\u00eb madhe dhe shum\u00eb t\u00eb motivuar. T\u00eb \u00e7liruar prej frik\u00ebs se tiran\u00ebt do t\u00eb rr\u00ebmbejn\u00eb profitet e nism\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre, athinasit investuan n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb e tyre. Artet dhe zejet lul\u00ebzuan. Prodhimtaria e tregtia u ngriten n\u00eb qiell. Athina iu bashkua rivalit t\u00eb saj Spart\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb mposhtur pushtimin masiv t\u00eb Perandoris\u00eb s\u00eb fuqishme Persiane, pastaj nd\u00ebrtuan nj\u00eb perandori Egjease, mbijetuan luft\u00ebn katastrofike me Spart\u00ebn dhe udh\u00ebhoqen p\u00ebr dy shekuj zhvillimin ekonomik grek. Ngritja dhe vitaliteti demokracis\u00eb klasike athinase ndihmoi q\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebheshin themelet kulturore p\u00ebr qytet\u00ebrimin per\u00ebndimor.<\/p>\n

Athinasit e quajt\u00ebn qeverin\u00eb e tyre t\u00eb re \u2018demokraci\u2019, apo\u00a0demokratia<\/em>\u00a0n\u00eb greqisht, q\u00eb nd\u00ebrthur\u00a0demos<\/em>\u00a0(\u2018popullin\u2019) dhe\u00a0kratos<\/em>\u00a0(\u2018pushtetin\u2019). Pra demokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb \u2018pushtet i popullit\u2019 \u2013 por posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht\u00a0demos<\/em>\u00a0n\u00eb kuptimin \u2018t\u00eb gjith\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt\u2019, dhe\u00a0kratos<\/em>\u00a0n\u00eb kuptimin e \u2018kapacitetit p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gj\u00ebra\u2019. Emri i ri pohonte sa nj\u00eb ideal edhe nj\u00eb fakt praktik. S\u00eb pari, fjala shpallte se qytetar\u00ebt si kolektivitet, e jo nj\u00eb tiran a nj\u00eb band\u00eb e vog\u00ebl aristokrat\u00ebsh, do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb qeverisnin shtetin e tyre: populli qe autoriteti m\u00eb legjitim publik. Ideali i demokracis\u00eb gjithashtu do t\u00eb thoshte se populli qe moralisht dhe intelektualisht i zoti p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur vetveten. Ata ishin t\u00eb gabuesh\u00ebm, por kompetent\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur interesin publik n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb racionale.<\/p>\n

Populli sundoi duke p\u00ebrdorur institucione t\u00eb reja t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb tyre demokratike p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar e ekzekutuar politika, pa pasur shef. Qytetar\u00ebt nga t\u00eb gjitha sferat e jet\u00ebs diskutuan p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb politikave n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb sa bashk\u00ebpunuese aq edhe garuese. Ata mblodh\u00ebn informacione dhe dije p\u00ebr t\u00eb dizajnuar zgjedhje inovative t\u00eb problemeve. Argumenti m\u00eb i mir\u00eb, e jo z\u00ebri m\u00eb i lart\u00eb, kishte shansin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb korrte fitore. N\u00eb lotarin\u00eb e p\u00ebrvitshme, athinasit zgjidhnin 500 an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e K\u00ebshillit demokratik. K\u00ebshilltar\u00ebt konsultonin ekspert\u00eb, debatonin politika dhe vendosnin agjenda p\u00ebr takime t\u00eb shpeshta t\u00eb nj\u00eb Asambleje t\u00eb hapur p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt. Nj\u00eb takim tipik i Asambles\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e Aristotelit t\u00ebrhiqte diku 6000 \u2013 8000 qytetar\u00eb me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb vote.<\/p>\n

Disa iu druajt\u00ebn pushtetit t\u00eb popullit. Aristokrat\u00eb t\u00eb pezmatuar, t\u00eb t\u00ebrbuar ngase kishin humbur monopolin e tyre politik, p\u00ebr\u00e7muan qeverin\u00eb e re si mbizot\u00ebrim t\u00eb nj\u00eb shumice t\u00eb vet\u00ebinteresuar mbi pakic\u00ebn e ngeshme e t\u00eb edukuar. Si mundet, pyesnin ata, q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb \u2013 bujqit, po\u00e7ar\u00ebt, tregtar\u00ebt, e k\u00ebpucatar\u00ebt \u2013 t\u00eb din\u00eb gj\u00eb rreth \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb shtetit? Si dallonin ata prej skllev\u00ebrve pun\u00ebtor\u00eb? P\u00ebr aristokrat\u00ebt e zem\u00ebruar,\u00a0demos-i<\/em>\u00a0u b\u00eb term pezhorativ, q\u00eb i shkonte p\u00ebr shtat atyre qytetar\u00ebve q\u00eb duhej t\u00eb punonin p\u00ebr t\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb buk\u00ebn e goj\u00ebs. P\u00ebr refuzuesit, klasa pun\u00ebtore shumic\u00eb mbante pushtetin jasht\u00ebligjsh\u00ebm mbi \u2018pakic\u00ebn e shk\u00eblqyeshme\u2019, burrat q\u00eb besonin se duhej t\u00eb sundonin p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb pasuris\u00eb, arsimimit e emrit superior.<\/p>\n

Me t\u00eb hedhur posht\u00eb demokracin\u00eb, aristokrat\u00ebt grek\u00eb shpik\u00ebn fiksionin se ajo n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte \u2018tirani e shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb pap\u00ebrmbajtur\u2019. Nj\u00eb krahasim me fjal\u00ebt tjera greke q\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me qeverisjen (aristokracia, oligarkia, monarkia, etj) shpalos\u00eb qart\u00eb se n\u00eb fakt \u2018demokracia\u2019 s\u00eb pari u shfaq si term pozitiv, fillimisht i p\u00ebrdorur prej atyre q\u00eb p\u00ebrqafuan shtetin si pron\u00ebsi e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr demokrat\u00ebt e Athin\u00ebs,\u00a0demos-i<\/em>\u00a0p\u00ebrfshint\u00eb secilin q\u00eb mund t\u00eb mendohej se qe i aft\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ushtronte aktivisht autoritetin politik p\u00ebrbrenda nj\u00eb territory t\u00eb kufizuar shtet\u00ebror. Imagjinata kulturore e grek\u00ebve t\u00eb lasht\u00eb rreth asaj se \u2018kush mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb qytetar\u2019<\/em>\u00a0i shtetit privilegjonte \u2018meshkujt e lir\u00eb e t\u00eb rritur (mbi 18 vje\u00e7), t\u00eb cil\u00ebt o ishin vendas o kishin d\u00ebshmuar besnik\u00ebrin\u00eb e tyre ndaj shtetit\u2019. N\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb historike, imagjinata e tyre qe e gj\u00ebr\u00eb sepse p\u00ebfshinte t\u00eb gjith\u00eb vendasit meshkuj, pa kualifikim pron\u00ebsor e arsimor. Niveli i qytetaris\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse t\u00eb athinasve t\u00eb lasht\u00eb mbeti i pashoq t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn deri n\u00eb Epok\u00ebn e Revolucionit t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb 18-t\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sigurisht se n\u00eb shekullin e 21-t\u00eb, imagjinata kulturore e grek\u00ebve t\u00eb lasht\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb se kush mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb qytetar pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs duket aq e kufizuar sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb jolegjitime. Ajo p\u00ebrjashtonte grat\u00eb, skllev\u00ebrit dhe shumic\u00ebn e rezident\u00ebve t\u00eb huaj n\u00eb territorin athinas. Disa student\u00eb t\u00eb historis\u00eb greke prandaj, pohojn\u00eb se Athina nuk qe demokratike. Por ajo q\u00eb n\u00eb fakt duan t\u00eb thon\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se Athina nuk qe demokraci liberale, n\u00eb kuptimin q\u00eb athinasit nuk njihnin t\u00eb drejtat njer\u00ebzore t\u00eb skllev\u00ebrve, grave dhe qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb huaj. \u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, Athina nuk qe demokraci liberale, por demokraci \u2013 q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb, qeverisej prej qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

Fundi i shekullit t\u00eb pest\u00eb p.e.s. pa ndryshimin m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm kushtetues n\u00eb historin\u00eb e demokracis\u00eb athinase. Rregulla t\u00eb reja, t\u00eb adoptuara prej qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb Athin\u00ebs pas periudh\u00ebs sfilit\u00ebse t\u00eb luft\u00ebrave t\u00eb jashtme, mortaj\u00ebs dhe luft\u00ebs civile, qart\u00ebsoi marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien mes urdh\u00ebresave politike dhe parimeve themelore t\u00eb ligjit kushtetues. Rregullat e reja hap\u00ebn ligjet e kaluara n\u00eb Asamblen\u00eb e qytetar\u00ebve ndaj sfidave ligjore. Rishikimi ligjor mund t\u00eb zhvleft\u00ebsonte \u00e7far\u00ebdo urdh\u00ebrese. Ky kontroll mbi pushtetin e demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb stabilizoi shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb athinase pas luft\u00ebs civile, duke siguruar q\u00eb si t\u00eb pasurit ashtu edhe t\u00eb varf\u00ebrit t\u00eb rip\u00ebrkushtoheshin drejt bashk\u00ebjetes\u00ebs n\u00eb komunitetin e tyre. Rregullat e reja qen\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsim i demokracis\u00eb, e jo kthes\u00eb 180 shkall\u00ebshe prej tiranis\u00eb s\u00eb shumic\u00ebs te sundimi kushtetues i ligjit. Athinasit n\u00eb fakt kishin vendosur kufij mbi pushtetin e Parlamentit n\u00eb ngjizje t\u00eb epok\u00ebs demokratike.<\/p>\n

Urdh\u00ebri q\u00eb rregullonte praktik\u00ebn e ostracizmit [d\u00ebbimit] ofron nj\u00eb shembull ilustrues p\u00ebr kufijt\u00eb e autoriteti legjislativ t\u00eb Asambles\u00eb \u2013 kufi q\u00eb ishte demokratik por jo liberal. \u00c7do vit, gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb mbledhjeje t\u00eb Asambles\u00eb, athinasit votonin se a t\u00eb d\u00ebbonin dik\u00eb a jo. Zakonisht votonin \u2018jo\u2019. N\u00eb 15 rastet e njohura, ata votuan \u2018po\u2019. Pastaj mbanin mbledhjen e dyt\u00eb n\u00eb shesh, ku secili qytetar sillte nj\u00eb fragment po\u00e7erie\u00a0(ostrakon)<\/em>\u00a0mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn kishin sh\u00ebnuar emrin e njeriut q\u00eb mendonte se e meritonte azilin m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti prej Athin\u00ebs p\u00ebr 10 vjet. K\u00ebshtu \u2018fituesi\u2019 i k\u00ebsaj gare p\u00ebrjashtohej. S\u2019kishte gjyq, e as t\u00eb drejt\u00eb apeli.<\/p>\n

Ostracizmi diskreditonte t\u00eb drejtat individuale q\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb do t\u00eb konsiderohen thelbi i liberalizmit. Megjithat\u00eb, kjo ishte v\u00ebrtet demokratike dhe athinasit e p\u00ebrkufizuan fije p\u00ebr pe fush\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb veprimit. Rregullat kufizonin opsionin e d\u00ebbimit n\u00eb nj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb vit. Votimi se kush d\u00ebbohej mbahej vet\u00ebm n\u00eb mbledhjen e dyt\u00eb. Me ligjin e ostracizmit, athinasit kufizuan me kushtetut\u00eb autoritetin e tyre legjislativ m\u00ebnjeher\u00eb pas revolucionit t\u00eb tyre demokratik. Reformat e m\u00ebvonshme ligjore formalizuan dhe zgjeruan parimin e kufizimit legjislativ q\u00eb kishin ekzistuar q\u00eb prej fillimit.<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi, sepse shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz sot supozojn\u00eb se kufizimi i pushtetit t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shpikje moderne dhe liberale. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ashtu. Demokracia q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb liberale mund t\u2019i vendos\u00eb kufij vetvetes. Qytetar\u00ebt demokratik\u00eb mund t\u00eb zgjedhin sundimin e ligjit si parim kushtetues dhe ata mund t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb ashtu pa u thirrur n\u00eb nocionin mistik se jan\u00eb ligjet ato q\u00eb qeverisin. Demokracia s\u2019ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb rr\u00ebnim mazhoritarian.<\/p>\n

Demokracia e pjekur e lasht\u00eb greke, p\u00ebrb\u00ebhej nga vetqeverisja e kufizuar dhe kolektive e qytetar\u00ebve. A \u00ebsht\u00eb ky ende thelbi i demokracis\u00eb sot? Pyetjes mund t\u2019iu p\u00ebrgjigjet filozofikisht. Paramendoni nj\u00eb popullat\u00eb t\u00eb madhe e moderne, q\u00eb banon n\u00eb nj\u00eb territor t\u00eb caktuar; quajeni Demopolis. Popullata e llojllojshme e Demopolisit p\u00ebrmban t\u00eb pasur e t\u00eb varf\u00ebr. Qytetar\u00ebt e Demopolisit vijn\u00eb prej prapavijave t\u00eb ndryshme etnike. Disa jan\u00eb liberal\u00eb, t\u00eb tjer\u00eb libertarian\u00eb, republikan\u00eb dhe besimtar\u00eb religjioz\u00eb t\u00eb feve t\u00eb ndryshme.<\/p>\n

Populli i Demopolisit \u00ebsht\u00eb i vet\u00eb-interesuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt jan\u00eb zakonisht njer\u00ebzit, dhe jo m\u00eb shum\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunues se sa popujt tjer\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, ata pajtohen p\u00ebr tri gj\u00ebra: duan t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb 1) i qendruesh\u00ebm e i sigurt, 2) mjaftuesh\u00ebm prosperues q\u00eb t\u00eb garoj\u00eb me shtetet rivale, dhe 3) jotiranik \u2013 nuk sundohet prej nj\u00eb individi a koalicioni t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm. Populli i Demopolisit mund t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb rregulla t\u00eb reja kushtetuese p\u00ebr shtetin e tyre, por, q\u00eb rendi i ri t\u00eb ket\u00eb sukses, ata duhet t\u2019i kufizojn\u00eb ato rregulla n\u00eb ato q\u00eb popullata e shum\u00ebllojshme e tij t\u2019i mb\u00ebshtes\u00eb aktivisht.<\/p>\n

Autor\u00ebt e Kushtetut\u00ebs s\u00eb Demopolisit nuk supozojn\u00eb se po v\u00ebn\u00eb system q\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb i mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb popujt, kudo. Ata p\u00ebrpiqen p\u00ebr nj\u00eb qeveri q\u00eb do t\u2019i mund\u00ebsoj\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb popullit t\u00eb Demopolisit t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitoj\u00eb tri q\u00ebllimet e siguris\u00eb, prosperitetit dhe jotiranis\u00eb. Ata do t\u00eb paguajn\u00eb \u00e7mimin n\u00eb fom\u00ebn e koh\u00ebs dhe taksave p\u00ebr t\u00eb jetuar pa shef, por nuk kan\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim t\u2019i kushtojn\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb jet\u00ebn qeverisjes. Autor\u00ebt hipotetik\u00eb t\u00eb kushtetut\u00ebs s\u00eb Demopolisit jan\u00eb kolektivisht p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb rregulla t\u00eb arsyeshme e t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme p\u00ebr veten dhe brezat e ardhsh\u00ebm. Rregullat duhet t\u2019iu mund\u00ebsojn\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve dhe pasardh\u00ebsve t\u00eb tyre q\u00eb t\u2019i zbatojn\u00eb dhe kur t\u00eb jet\u00eb nevoja, edhe t\u2019i ndryshojn\u00eb po ato rregulla. Prandaj, qytetar\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb ken\u00eb vullnetin dhe t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb angazhohen n\u00eb vepra t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta, si agjent kolektiv.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb arrijn\u00eb tre q\u00ebllimet e tyre, populli i Demopolisit duhet t\u00eb vendos\u00eb rregulla themelore. Rregulla e par\u00eb k\u00ebrkon pjes\u00ebmarrje n\u00eb b\u00ebrjen dhe zbatimin e rregullave. K\u00ebrkesa e pjes\u00ebmarrjes do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha ata persona q\u00eb paramendohen kulturalisht si qytetar\u00eb potencial\u00eb jan\u00eb v\u00ebrtet qyetetar\u00eb. Ngase ky \u00ebsht\u00eb moderniteti, q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin t\u00eb gjitha burrat e grat\u00eb dhe t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn disa t\u00eb huaj t\u00eb natyralizuar. Rregulla e pjes\u00ebmarrjes do t\u00eb thot\u00eb gjithashtu q\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ndajn\u00eb \u00e7mimin e qeveris\u00eb. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt kan\u00eb p\u00ebr detyr\u00eb t\u00eb sanksionojn\u00eb k\u00ebdo q\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrmbush detyr\u00ebn e pjes\u00ebmarrjes. Rregulla e pjes\u00ebmarrjes \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme q\u00eb t\u00eb reduktohet p\u00ebrfitimi pa pjes\u00ebmarrje [free-riding]. Secili qytetar, p\u00ebrderisa m\u00eb arsye ndjek vetinteresin, mund t\u00eb zgjedh\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitoj\u00eb nga t\u00eb mirat e siguris\u00eb, prosperitetit dhe jotiranis\u00eb, pa kontribuar n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjen p\u00ebr t\u2019i mir\u00ebmbajtur ato. Por shteti nuk do t\u00eb mbetet i sigurt e prosperues p\u00ebr shum\u00eb gjat\u00eb, p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb mbushet me p\u00ebrfitues.<\/p>\n

Rregulla e dyt\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me vendimet q\u00eb do t\u00eb merren. Jotirania do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb as nj\u00eb fraksion i caktuar i\u00a0demos-it<\/em>\u00a0nuk mund t\u00eb sundoj\u00eb ligj\u00ebrisht, si autokrat kolektiv, mbi pjes\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb\u00a0demos-it<\/em>. Pjes\u00ebmarrja plus jotirania n\u00ebnkupton q\u00eb secili qytetar duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb vot\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb dhe mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb barabart\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i bashkohet krijimit t\u00eb ligjeve, si dhe t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdo role tjera politike q\u00eb jan\u00eb krijuar p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb vendosjes s\u00eb k\u00ebtyre rregullave. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, politikat legjislative duhet t\u00eb synojn\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm procesin jotiranik, por edhe efikasitetin. N\u00ebse duan t\u00eb arrijn\u00eb q\u00ebllimin e siguris\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb ambient t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm e t\u00eb ndryshues\u00ebhm, vendimet qeveritare t\u00eb marra nga qytetar\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mira se zgjedhjet e r\u00ebndomta kok\u00eb a pil. P\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb vendime m\u00eb t\u00eb mira, nga qytetar\u00ebt pra, k\u00ebrkoh\u00ebt liria e t\u00eb menduarit, shpresjes dhe mbledhjes.<\/p>\n

Rregulla e tret\u00eb i v\u00eb kufij autoritetit kolektiv: legjislativi, procesi politikb\u00ebr\u00ebs duhet t\u00eb kufizoj\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb kolektive t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb rregulla q\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnojn\u00eb barazin\u00eb funksionale ose lirin\u00eb e qytetar\u00ebve. Mbrojtje t\u00eb forta duhen, sepse liria politike dhe barazia qytetare jan\u00eb t\u00eb domosdoshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar q\u00ebllimet themelore p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat ekziston shteti. Meq\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt pajtohen se duan shtet t\u00eb sigurt, prosperues dhe jotiranik, qytetar\u00ebt \u2013 si ligjv\u00ebn\u00ebs- kuptojn\u00eb se nuk duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb rregulla q\u00eb kan\u00eb gjas\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb shtetin t\u00eb pasigurt, t\u00eb varf\u00ebr e autokratik. Shkurt, rregullat duhet t\u2019i p\u00ebrmbahen nj\u00eb standardi kushtetues: rregulla q\u00eb ndalon legjislatur\u00ebn q\u00eb c\u00ebnon tri q\u00ebllimet e siguris\u00eb, prosperitetit dhe jotiranis\u00eb duhet t\u00eb rr\u00ebnjos\u00ebn ligj\u00ebrisht dhe t\u00eb zbatohen.<\/p>\n

Tre rregullat themelore \u2013 q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrje n\u00eb b\u00ebrjen dhe zbatimin e rregullave, vendosjen e procedurave p\u00ebr vendimmarrje t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme dhe t\u00eb frytshme, dhe ndalimin e legjislacionit q\u00eb do t\u00eb c\u00ebnonte kushtet e domosdoshme p\u00ebr b\u00ebrjen dhe zbatimin e vendimeve \u2013 japin nj\u00eb qeveri themelore p\u00ebr Demopolis-in imagjinar. Ajo qeveri ka tipare thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb njejta me ato t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb lasht\u00eb greke: vet\u00ebqeverisjen kolektive dhe t\u00eb kufizuar nga nj\u00eb trup i gj\u00ebr\u00eb dhe i shum\u00ebllojsh\u00ebm qytetar\u00ebve politikisht t\u00eb lir\u00eb dhe t\u00eb barabart\u00eb. Ajo qeveri nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb liberale, n\u00eb kuptimin bashk\u00ebkohor t\u00eb garantimit t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave universale t\u00eb njeriut, por as nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb tirani mazhoritariane. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb, n\u00eb fakt, demokraci.<\/p>\n

Demopolisi \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb eksperiment mendimi, megjithat\u00eb ai ka analogji t\u00eb p\u00ebraf\u00ebrta me bot\u00ebn reale. N\u00eb \u00e7erekshekullin e fundit, shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz u p\u00ebrpoq\u00ebn t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb qeveri t\u00eb reja q\u00eb do t\u00eb ishin jotiranike, t\u00eb sigurta dhe prosperuese \u2013 kujtoni Pranver\u00ebn Arabe dhe \u2018revolucionet me ngjyra\u2019 europianolindore. Sikurse athinasit e lasht\u00eb dhe qytetar\u00ebt e Demopolis-it imagjinar, ata synuan demokracin\u00eb, si vet\u00ebqeverisje kolektive. Por jo t\u00eb gjith\u00eb p\u00ebrqafuan liberalizmin. P\u00ebr disa liberal\u00eb, kjo duhet t\u00eb shihet si d\u00ebshtim moral. Anarkia dhe autokracia q\u00eb shpesh kan\u00eb rezultuar gjat\u00eb periudh\u00ebs q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb menduar t\u00eb jet\u00eb tranzicion demokratik, megjithat\u00eb shp\u00ebrfaqin nj\u00eb d\u00ebshtim edhe m\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor politik. Ai d\u00ebshtim mund t\u2019i mveshet pjes\u00ebrisht faktit se demokracia bazike, pa liberaliz\u00ebm, nuk ka qen\u00eb asnj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb menyn\u00eb e politikb\u00ebrjes nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Ka shum\u00eb arsye pse Pranvera Arabe dhe l\u00ebvizja t\u00eb tjera revolucionare t\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit nuk kan\u00eb rezultuar n\u00eb shtete t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme, prosperuese e jotiranike. Megjithk\u00ebt\u00eb, prirja moderne p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkrir\u00eb demokracin\u00eb me liberalizmin e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb zbatimin e regjimeve t\u00eb sukseshme demokratike joliberale. Regjimi i till\u00eb nuk i plot\u00ebson k\u00ebrkesat e liberal demokrat\u00ebve: mund t\u00eb mos i p\u00ebrkrah\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut, mund t\u00eb imponoj\u00eb konformitetin fetar, mund t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndaj\u00eb t\u00eb mirat materiale n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb jobarabart\u00eb. Praseprap\u00eb, nj\u00eb regjim demokratik joliberal mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e th\u00ebn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb devalvoj\u00eb n\u00eb tirani mazhoritariane. Ai do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ofronte barazi politike krahas lirive themelore politike p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt. Kur alternativat jan\u00eb autokraci shtyp\u00ebse ose anarki, demokracia \u2013 vet\u00ebqeverisja kolektive \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00ebllim q\u00eb ia vlen. Demokracia mund t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb themele t\u00eb forta p\u00ebr rendin politik. Mundet edhe t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb drejt demokracis\u00eb liberale.<\/p>\n

Si demokracia edhe liberalizmi ofrojn\u00eb tipare t\u00eb lavd\u00ebrueshme p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb modern. Megjithat\u00eb, nuk duhet t\u00eb n\u00ebnvler\u00ebsojm\u00eb sa e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb mbahet vetqeverisja kolektive prej qytetar\u00ebve nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb mbrohen dhe p\u00ebrparohen t\u00eb drejtat liberale. Kjo v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi \u00ebsht\u00eb e dukshme n\u00eb SHBA-t\u00eb e shekullit 21, p\u00ebrderisa vendi po p\u00ebrballet me terrorizmin vendor dhe global, polarizimin politik, format e vjetra e t\u00eb reja t\u00eb diskriminimit dhe identitetit grupor, dhe rritjen e pabarazis\u00eb ekonomike. Si prospektet e demokracis\u00eb dhe ato t\u00eb liberalizmit, n\u00eb vend dhe jasht\u00eb tij, do t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsoheshin duksh\u00ebm sikur njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb dallimin mes tyre.<\/p>\n

————-<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkthyer nga: Bardhi Bakija\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

Josiah Ober<\/strong>\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb profesor i shkencave politike dhe klasicizmit n\u00eb Stanford University. Libri i tij i fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb Ngritja dhe R\u00ebnia e Greqis\u00eb Klasike [The Rise and Fall of Classical Greece].<\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal i botuar ne Aeon:\u00a0\u00a0https:\/\/aeon.co\/essays\/the-marriage-of-democracy-and-liberalism-is-not-inevitable<\/a><\/p>\n

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M\u00ebsime nga Greqia e vjet\u00ebr: demokracia dhe liberalizmi jan\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb n\u00ebse e kuptojn\u00eb dallimin mes tyre *Josiah Ober Para nj\u00eb \u00e7erekshekulli, shkenc\u00ebtari politik amerikan Francis Fukuyama deklaroi se historia kishte marr\u00eb fund. K\u00ebrkimit t\u00eb gjat\u00eb p\u00ebr rendin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm politik i kishte ardhur fundi. Demokracia liberale \u2013 e p\u00ebrkufizuar si sovranitet […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":130,"featured_media":10578,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[1934,1933],"ppma_author":[157],"class_list":["post-4257","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-demopolisi","tag-leksione"],"authors":[{"term_id":157,"user_id":130,"is_guest":0,"slug":"josiah-ober","display_name":"Josiah Ober","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-2-7.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-2-7.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ober","first_name":"Josiah","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4257","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/130"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4257"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4257\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10579,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4257\/revisions\/10579"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10578"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4257"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4257"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4257"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4257"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}