{"id":4290,"date":"2018-11-12T12:36:12","date_gmt":"2018-11-12T10:36:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4290"},"modified":"2024-12-10T12:38:56","modified_gmt":"2024-12-10T10:38:56","slug":"te-gjithe-jemi-isaiah-berlin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/uncategorized\/te-gjithe-jemi-isaiah-berlin\/","title":{"rendered":"T\u00eb gjith\u00eb jemi Isaiah Berlin"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Nacionalizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer, por askush nuk duket se e di se \u00e7far\u00eb do thot\u00eb. Nj\u00eb ese i harruar q\u00eb sh\u00ebnon 40 vjetorin mund t\u00eb na ndihmoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb\u00a0Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a><\/p>\n

N\u00eb tubimin e mbajtur n\u00eb Hjuston m\u00eb 22 tetor, presidenti Donald Trump mori brohoritjet m\u00eb t\u00eb z\u00ebshme kur p\u00ebrdori \u2018fjal\u00ebn me n,\u2019 nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr fjal\u00eb q\u00eb figurat e respektueshme publike nuk do t\u00eb duhej ta p\u00ebrdornin. Duke ngacmuar publikun e tij fytmadh, Trump-i kakariti: \u201cP\u00ebrnjemend? S\u2019duhet ta p\u00ebrdorim at\u00eb fjal\u00eb? Pas nj\u00eb pushimi t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr, klithi: \u201cE dini \u00e7far\u00eb? Un\u00eb jam nacionalist. OK? Un\u00eb jam nacionalist.\u201d<\/p>\n

Natyrisht, turma bu\u00e7iti nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb komentator\u00ebt bluanin n\u00eb mendje dometh\u00ebnien e fjal\u00ebs. \u00c7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb, sakt\u00ebsisht, t\u00eb jesh nacionalist? A p\u00ebrmban t\u00eb njejtin kuptim p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb \u00e7irreshin me aprovim p\u00ebr Trump-it apo, sa p\u00ebr at\u00eb pun\u00eb, p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb vajtuan ndikimin e tij n\u00eb politik\u00ebn Per\u00ebndimore? P\u00ebrgjigjja \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb ashiqare jo \u2013 por shum\u00eb pak ashiqare \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb e kupton qart\u00eb secila pal\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kombi.<\/p>\n

Udh\u00ebzuesi m\u00eb i mir\u00eb p\u00ebr ballafaqimin e tash\u00ebm me nacionalizmin ngjan t\u00eb festoj\u00eb 40 vjetorin e lindjes. M\u00eb 1978, shkenc\u00ebtari i njohur politik dhe historiani i ideve Isaiah Berlin botoi \u201cNacionalizmi: Shp\u00ebrfillja e kaluar dhe pushteti i tash\u00ebm,\u201d [Nationalism: Past Neglect and Present Power] shpjegimi i tij p\u00ebrfundimtar dhe m\u00eb i plot\u00eb p\u00ebr nacionalizmin. Berlin-i provoi t\u00eb kapte drejt at\u00eb q\u00eb e quante \u201cl\u00ebvizjen e vetme m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme t\u00eb gjall\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e sotme.\u201d Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje e till\u00eb, paralajm\u00ebronte Berlin-i m\u00eb fjal\u00eb q\u00eb sot kumbojn\u00eb, q\u00eb p\u00ebr ata t\u00eb cilat d\u00ebshtuan s\u00eb parashikuari rritjen e saj \u201cpaguan \u00e7mimin me lirin\u00eb e tyre, \u00e7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, me jet\u00ebt e tyre.\u201d<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr Berlin-in, interesantja me nacionalizmin \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb atij ende i duhet t\u00eb flas\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb n\u00eb mes t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb 20-t\u00eb. Kur u shfaq s\u00eb pari n\u00eb sken\u00ebn europiane \u2013 dhe kjo sken\u00eb rajonale, th\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn, qe e vetmja q\u00eb v\u00ebrtet i interesonte Berlin-it \u2013 as aktor\u00ebt as publiku nuk parapriten q\u00eb do t\u00eb vazhdonte p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb. V\u00ebshguesit liberal n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti e n\u00ebnvleft\u00ebsuan nacionalizmin si faz\u00eb kaluese \u2013 nj\u00eb reagim ndaj sundimit despotik t\u00eb froneve e altareve mesp\u00ebrmes kontintentit. Sapo k\u00ebto gjurm\u00eb reaksionare t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs s\u00eb err\u00ebt t\u00eb ktheheshin thjesht n\u00eb garderob\u00eb, roli i nacionalizmit do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej i tep\u00ebrt.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, mes shum\u00eb izmave t\u00eb formuara n\u00eb vatr\u00ebn e Revolucionit Francez, nacionalizmi u d\u00ebshmua t\u00eb ket\u00eb jet\u00ebgjat\u00ebsin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe. Prej komunizmit te totalitarizmi, socializmit te liberalizmi, ai \u00ebsht\u00eb izmi m\u00eb i madh q\u00eb ka mbetur. P\u00ebr Berlin-in, burimet e k\u00ebsaj q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrie kan\u00eb baz\u00eb n\u00eb vet natyr\u00ebn ton\u00eb. \u201cD\u00ebshira p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb komuniteti apo ndonj\u00eb lloj nj\u00ebsie, e cila \u2026 ka qen\u00eb komb\u00ebtare n\u00eb 400 vitet e fundit,\u201d thot\u00eb Berlin-i,\u00a0(http:\/\/berlin.wolf.ox.ac.uk\/lists\/nachlass\/probnati.pdf),<\/a>\u00a0\u201c\u00ebsht\u00eb nevoj\u00eb ose d\u00ebshir\u00eb bazike njer\u00ebzore.\u201d P\u00ebr Berlin-in, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb pak nj\u00eb argument se sa pranim \u2013 th\u00ebn\u00eb tro\u00e7, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyra se si jemi t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar. Nevoja p\u00ebr komunitet \u00ebsht\u00eb rrembi i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt q\u00eb kalon n\u00ebp\u00ebr drurin e shtremb\u00ebr q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebn njer\u00ebzimin.<\/p>\n

Sa p\u00ebr p\u00ebrkufizimin e nacionalizmit, Berlin mund t\u00eb tregohej po aq i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u mb\u00ebrthyer sa edhe vet koncepti t\u00eb cilin e ndiqte. Madje, edhe kritik\u00ebt e tij p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebs v\u00ebrejt\u00ebn se mund t\u00eb binte n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshti me veten jo vet\u00ebm nga nj\u00eb artikull te tjetri, por ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb edhe p\u00ebrbrenda artikullit t\u00eb njejt\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, Berlin-i nuk ofroi taksonomi aq sa ofroi tregime. Shkrimet e tij mbi nacionalizmin, me kaskadat e tij t\u00eb njohura t\u00eb fjalive dhe n\u00ebnfjalive jan\u00eb diskursive dhe shpesh digresive. (Pa dyshim se Berlin-i do t\u00eb pajtohej me pohimin e Herodotit se digresionet e tij t\u00eb shumta jan\u00eb historia e tij.) N\u00eb fund, si student i nacionalizmit, ai ishte m\u00eb rehat n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb e atyre q\u00eb mendonin dhe shkruanin rreth nacionalizmit se sa me ata q\u00eb thirreshin e vepronin n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb tij.<\/p>\n

Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, Berlin-i paraqet nj\u00eb shqyrtim p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht koherent t\u00eb nacionalizmit, q\u00eb ai e nd\u00ebrton prej pohimeve themelore. S\u00eb pari, nacionalizmi pretendon se t\u00eb gjith\u00eb qeniet njer\u00ebzore i p\u00ebrkasin grupeve t\u00eb posa\u00e7me, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt p\u00ebr nga m\u00ebnyra e jetes\u00ebs \u2013 gjuha, zakonet dhe kultura \u2013 dallojn\u00eb nga nj\u00ebri tjetri. Rrjedha logjike me e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme e k\u00ebsaj \u00ebsht\u00eb se an\u00ebtar\u00ebt e k\u00ebtij grupi thjesht nuk mund t\u00eb kuptohen jasht\u00eb grupit q\u00eb i ka formuar dhe zhvilluar. S\u00eb dyti, e portretizon grupin si nj\u00eb lloj organizmi biologjik, zhvillimi dhe q\u00ebllimet e s\u00eb cilit jan\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebmotshme. N\u00eb rast se grupi p\u00ebrballet me vlera t\u00eb caktuara q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb vetat, vlerat e tyre duhet t\u00eb ngadhnjejn\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Si pasoj\u00eb \u2013 dhe ky \u00ebsht\u00eb pretendimi i tret\u00eb \u2013 nacionalizmi deklaron q\u00eb besimet dhe parimet e k\u00ebtij grupi duhet t\u00eb privilegjohen pik\u00ebrisht ngase jan\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij grupi. Nuk ka standard m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb a m\u00eb t\u00eb madh. Krejt n\u00eb fund dhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb vendimtare, pohon se nj\u00eb grup ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb detyr\u00eboj\u00eb grupet tjera t\u2019i n\u00ebnshtrohen n\u00eb rast se konfliktuohen me t\u00eb. \u201cAsgj\u00eb q\u00eb pengon at\u00eb q\u00eb un\u00eb e njoh si q\u00ebllimin suprem timin \u2013 do t\u00eb thot\u00eb, t\u00eb kombit tim \u2013 nuk mund t\u00eb lejohet q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb vler\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb me t\u00eb,\u201d shkruante Berlin-i.<\/p>\n

Nga vetia e par\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb katr\u00ebn, Berlin-i pak a shum\u00eb udh\u00ebton distanc\u00ebn mes asaj \u00e7far\u00eb mund t\u2019i quajm\u00eb nacionalizma dashamire dhe dashakeqe. Filozofi i par\u00eb i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb i nacionalizmit, e mbase edhe i vetmi, Johann Gottfried Herder, t\u00eb cilin Berlin-i e kishte pik\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebt, i dha z\u00eb form\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb dashur e m\u00eb fisnike t\u00eb nacionalizmit. Duke qen\u00eb shok i romantik\u00ebve e armik i racionalist\u00ebve, si dhe njeriu q\u00eb sajoi termin \u201cnacionaliz\u00ebm\u201d \u2013 Nationalismus \u2013 Herder-i p\u00ebrshkruajti njer\u00ebzimin si mozaik shk\u00eblqyes i popujve, secili i mbrujtur me vlerat dhe bot\u00ebkuptimet e veta t\u00eb posa\u00e7me dhe secili i entuziazmuar nga prospekti i bashk\u00ebjetes\u00ebs paq\u00ebsore. P\u00ebr t\u00eb, grupi nuk p\u00ebrkufizohej nga gjaku apo raca, por nga nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb e histori e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, i z\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb kthesat ideologjike t\u00eb 1848, nacionalizmi i Herder-it pati jet\u00ebgjat\u00ebsin\u00eb e nj\u00eb mize pem\u00ebsh. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb bukur t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb, kush\u00ebriri i tij dashakeq u b\u00eb mbizot\u00ebrues i \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve europiane, d\u00ebrrmoi kontinentin p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb pjes\u00ebs s\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb shkeullit 20 dhe tash, pas 50 vitesh pushim, k\u00ebrc\u00ebnon ta zhb\u00ebj\u00eb Bashkimin Europian dhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara. \u00c7far\u00eb ndodhi? P\u00ebr Berlin-in, p\u00ebrgjigjja gjendet n\u00eb metafor\u00ebn e thupr\u00ebs s\u00eb lakuar. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb figur\u00eb, ai nd\u00ebrtoi rastin p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb tash mund ta quajm\u00eb \u201ckund\u00ebrplasje kulturore\u201d \u2013 akumulimi i ngadalt\u00eb i l\u00ebndimeve e ofendimeve reale a t\u00eb imagjinuara t\u00eb nj\u00eb grupi t\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebm, i cili n\u00eb rastin kur faktor\u00ebt ekonomik\u00eb, politik\u00eb dhe kulturor\u00eb p\u00ebrkojn\u00eb me nj\u00ebra tjetr\u00ebn, shp\u00ebrthen n\u00eb dhun\u00eb t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr e t\u00eb papritur.<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 pranohet, Berlin nuk qe gjithmon\u00eb konsistent n\u00eb q\u00ebndrimin e tij ndaj nacionalizmit. Me raste, ai duket ta pranoj\u00eb, jo ta p\u00ebrqafoj\u00eb, p\u00ebrderisa n\u00eb raste t\u00eb tjera ai e krahason jo p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00eb me at\u00eb q\u00eb ai e quan \u201cvet\u00ebdije komb\u00ebtare.\u201d P\u00ebrderisa kjo e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb fakt i ekzistenc\u00ebs njer\u00ebzore, besonte ai, e para \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cgjendje patologjike.\u201d Duke u sh\u00ebrbyer me nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr metafor\u00eb, ai e p\u00ebrshkruante si \u201cgjendje t\u00eb vet\u00ebdij\u00ebs s\u00eb plagosur,\u201d e till\u00eb q\u00eb sulet ose ndaj armiqve t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb ose ndaj atyre imagjinar\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb tjera raste, megjithat\u00eb, ai duket se beson se nacionalizmi, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn n\u00eb variantin e tij tolerant t\u00eb asociuar me Herder-in, nuk ishte vet\u00ebm i pashmangsh\u00ebm, por edhe i vlefsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Jo m\u00eb pak i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb fakti q\u00eb Berlin-i argumentonte se p\u00ebrderisa demagog\u00ebt mund dhe do t\u00eb eksploatojn\u00eb vet\u00ebdij\u00ebn e plagosur, nuk jan\u00eb ata q\u00eb e kan\u00eb shpikur. K\u00ebto plag\u00eb jan\u00eb pasoj\u00eb e ritmit t\u00eb eg\u00ebr t\u00eb ndryshimeve financiare, teknologjike e shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb liberale. Politikan\u00ebt ambicioz\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt pozojn\u00eb si nacionalist\u00eb ose popullist\u00eb nuk shkaktojn\u00eb plag\u00eb t\u00eb tilla por i p\u00ebrndezin ato p\u00ebr q\u00ebllimet e veta. Ata q\u00eb Berlin-i i quajti \u201cpopullist\u00ebt falso\u201d [\u201cfaux populists\u201d] k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb\u00a0(http:\/\/berlin.wolf.ox.ac.uk\/lists\/bibliography\/bib111bLSE.pdf)<\/a>\u00a0\u201cregjim elitist ose t\u00eb pabarabart\u00eb n\u00eb aspektin shoq\u00ebror ose racor, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht n\u00eb mosp\u00ebrputhje me egalitarizmin themelor, n\u00ebse jo v\u00ebllaz\u00ebrin\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb gjithsesi egalitarizmin pasionant t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeve t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta populliste.\u201d<\/p>\n

S\u00eb bashku me Richard Hofstadter-in, Berlin-i kuptoi m\u00eb her\u00ebt se shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb m\u00ebrin\u00eb n\u00eb rritje t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve kunderjt elitave kozmopolitane. N\u00eb nj\u00eb konferenc\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 1966 dedikuar popullizmit, Berlin vuri n\u00eb dukje armiq\u00ebsine e asaj q\u00eb vet\u00ebm s\u00eb fundmi u em\u00ebrua si \u201cshumica e heshtur\u201d ndaj \u201cqytet\u00ebrimit t\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb Bregut Lindur, kapitalizmit t\u00eb saj t\u00eb centralizuar, Wall Street-it, kryq\u00ebzimit t\u00eb formave t\u00eb arta, t\u00eb shkujdesura, t\u00eb sjellshme e t\u00eb qeta t\u00eb sjelljeve t\u00eb pasinqerta n\u00eb an\u00ebn e profesor\u00ebve t\u00eb Harvard-it e Yale-it, apo an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.\u201d<\/p>\n

N\u00eb shikim t\u00eb par\u00eb, pozicioni i Berlin-it mban er\u00eb ironie. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, vet jeta e tij, si personalja ashtu edhe profesionalja, ishte duksh\u00ebm kozmopolitane. Prap\u00eb se prap\u00eb, ai p\u00ebrbuzte kozmopolitanizmin si pretendim \u201ct\u00eb zbraz\u00ebt\u201d. Njer\u00ebzit, ngulmonte Berlin-i \u201cnuk mund t\u00eb zhvillohen n\u00ebse nuk i p\u00ebrkasin nj\u00eb kulture\u201d. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, Berlin-i mund t\u00eb kishte konkluduar se t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetat e v\u00ebt\u00ebkuptueshme t\u00eb Deklarat\u00ebs s\u00eb Pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb jan\u00eb homazhi q\u00eb partikularizmi amerikan i paguan univerzalizmit filozofik.<\/p>\n

Por ky q\u00ebndrim nuk e b\u00ebri Berlin-in konservator \u2013 ose, n\u00eb fakt, e b\u00ebri at\u00eb konservator po aq t\u00eb \u00e7uditsh\u00ebm sa edhe liberal. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ishte thell\u00ebsisht skeptik ndaj mulitikulturalizmit, ai p\u00ebrqafoi pluralizmin e vlerave q\u00eb pohon se vlerat njer\u00ebzore nuk rrjedhin t\u00eb gjitha nga nj\u00eb burim i vet\u00ebm. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, vlerat jan\u00eb gati po aq t\u00eb larmishme sa edhe popujt dhe si pasoj\u00eb shpesh \u201ct\u00eb pakrahasueshme\u201d [\u201cincommensurable\u201d] me nj\u00ebra tjetr\u00ebn \u2013 nj\u00eb prej fjal\u00ebve m\u00eb t\u00eb dashura t\u00eb Berlin-it. Nacionalizmi, besonte ai, nuk ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb dashakeq. P\u00ebr t\u00eb njejt\u00ebn arsye, liberalizmi nuk ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb i verb\u00ebr ndaj nevoj\u00ebs njer\u00ebzore p\u00ebr t\u2019u njohur si an\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb di\u00e7kaje m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe se individi dhe zem\u00ebrimit q\u00eb qelb\u00ebzohet kur kjo njohje mohohet.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrfundimisht, Berlin-i besonte se ila\u00e7i p\u00ebr nacionalizmin \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb nacionaliz\u00ebm. Megjithat\u00eb, jo format e mbyllura dhe agresive t\u00eb nacionalizmit politik q\u00eb po vlojn\u00eb tash n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim, por nacionalizmi i hapur dhe defanziv i mishnuar prej Herder-it. Kjo form\u00eb e nacionalizmit liberal, ose qytetar ose kushtetues, i marr\u00eb m\u00eb pas prej mendimtar\u00ebve si Jurgen Habermas, ngulmon n\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb ekzistenciale t\u00eb individit q\u00eb identifikohet me nj\u00eb grup t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizuar nga gjuha dhe vlerat e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta, por gjithashtu ngulmon n\u00eb rrezikun ekzistencial t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj ndjenjeje t\u00eb p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb refleks t\u00eb t\u00eb urryerit t\u00eb grupeve t\u00eb tjera.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pyetje e hapur se a mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet nj\u00eb ur\u00eb drejt k\u00ebsaj forme dashamire dhe t\u00eb mbar\u00eb t\u00eb nacionalizmit, draftuar nga Herder-i e zhvilluar nga Berlin-i, n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb lemeritur nga tehu i mpreht\u00eb i joliberalizmit dhe nacionalizmit q\u00eb po rropos Amerik\u00ebn dhe Europ\u00ebn. Sidoqoft\u00eb, \u00e7far\u00eb nuk vihet n\u00eb pyetje \u00ebsht\u00eb parashikimi i v\u00ebrejtjes s\u00eb fundit t\u00eb Berlin-it: \u201cPak gj\u00ebra kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb d\u00ebm m\u00eb t\u00eb madh se besimi n\u00eb an\u00ebn e individ\u00ebve apo grupeve (klaneve, apo shteteve apo kombeve apo kishave) se ai ose ajo ose ata jan\u00eb t\u00eb vetmit q\u00eb posedojn\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn.\u201d Natyrisht, truku nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb bind\u00ebsh grupet e tjera p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb pohim por edhe grupin t\u00ebnd poashtu.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

Robert Zaretsky<\/strong>\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb profesor i historis\u00eb n\u00eb Universitetin e Hjustonit dhe autor i librit\u00a0 Katarina dhe Diderot-i: Perandoresha, Filozofi dhe Fati i Iluminizmit [Catherine & Diderot: The Empress, the Philosopher, and the Fate of the Enlightenment.]<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrktheu:\u00a0Bardhi Bakija<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nacionalizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer, por askush nuk duket se e di se \u00e7far\u00eb do thot\u00eb. Nj\u00eb ese i harruar q\u00eb sh\u00ebnon 40 vjetorin mund t\u00eb na ndihmoj\u00eb. Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb\u00a0Foreign Policy N\u00eb tubimin e mbajtur n\u00eb Hjuston m\u00eb 22 tetor, presidenti Donald Trump mori brohoritjet m\u00eb t\u00eb z\u00ebshme kur p\u00ebrdori \u2018fjal\u00ebn me n,\u2019 nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr fjal\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":172,"featured_media":10828,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[1986,1103],"ppma_author":[201],"class_list":["post-4290","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-isaiah-berlin","tag-nacionalizmi"],"authors":[{"term_id":201,"user_id":172,"is_guest":0,"slug":"robert-zaretsky","display_name":"Robert Zaretsky","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-27.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-27.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Zaretsky","first_name":"Robert","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4290","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/172"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4290"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4290\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10829,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4290\/revisions\/10829"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10828"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4290"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4290"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4290"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4290"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}