{"id":4296,"date":"2018-11-22T13:39:41","date_gmt":"2018-11-22T11:39:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4296"},"modified":"2024-11-07T13:42:33","modified_gmt":"2024-11-07T11:42:33","slug":"autoritaret-e-rinj","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/autoritaret-e-rinj\/","title":{"rendered":"Autoritar\u00ebt e rinj"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb Aeon<\/a><\/p>\n

Diktator\u00ebt e shekullit t\u00eb kaluar donin t\u00eb rishpiknin n\u00ebnshtetasit e tyre n\u00eb \u2018njer\u00ebz t\u00eb rinj\u2019.\u00a0Diktator\u00ebt e k\u00ebtij shekulli thjesht s\u2019e\u00a0\u00e7ajn\u00eb kok\u00ebn.\u00a0P\u00ebrse?<\/em><\/p>\n

Mund t\u00eb marrim shembullin e r\u00ebnies demonstrative t\u00eb diktator\u00ebve si Nicolae Ceausescu n\u00eb Rumani, Saddam Hussein-i n\u00eb Irak dhe Fidel Castro-s n\u00eb Kub\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar se, n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe, epoka e diktatorit ka kaluar. P\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, autoritarizmi po inskenon rikthimin. Megjithat\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb si p\u00ebr poet\u00ebt edhe shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebt politik\u00eb se autoritar\u00ebt e rinj \u2013 Vladimir Putin-i n\u00eb Rusi, Recep Tayyip Erdogan-i n\u00eb Turqi, e Viktor Orban-i n\u00eb Hungari \u2013 nuk jan\u00eb si t\u00eb vjetrit. N\u00eb poezin\u00eb e tij \u2018Ca k\u00ebshilla p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb e re\u2019, poeti Adam Zagajewski i jep kabinetit t\u00eb sapozgjedhur t\u00eb Polonis\u00eb ca k\u00ebshilla tall\u00ebse se si t\u00eb b\u00ebhesh autoritar i ri:<\/p>\n

T\u00eb gjith\u00eb profesor\u00ebt e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs kushtetuese duhet t\u00eb internohen p\u00ebr jet\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Poet\u00ebt mund t\u00eb lihen rehat. K\u00ebshtu e ashtu, s\u2019i lexon njeri.<\/p>\n

Do iu duhen kampe izolimi, aso t\u00eb k\u00ebndshme q\u00eb t\u00eb mos bezdisin Kombet e Bashkuara.<\/p>\n

Shumica e gazetar\u00ebve duhet t\u00eb d\u00ebrgohen n\u00eb Madagaskar.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebta burra t\u00eb fort\u00eb duken m\u00eb t\u00eb but\u00eb, m\u00eb pak hapurazi brutal se sa tipat si Stalini apo Hitleri. Me fjal\u00ebt e publicistit dhe historianit austriak Hans Rauscher: \u2018dhuna brutale dhe e hapur ndaj n\u00ebnshtetasve nuk shpallet hapur, p\u00ebrderisa Putin\u00ebt, Erdogan\u00ebt dhe Orban\u00ebt qeverisin me p\u00eblqimin e nj\u00eb pupulli t\u00eb fashitur, \u201ct\u00eb liruar\u201d prej t\u00eb gjith\u00eb z\u00ebrave kritik\u00eb.\u2019<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, dallimi shkon p\u00ebrtej zgjedhjes se tyre se k\u00eb ta shtypin dhe si. Autokrati i mesit t\u00eb shekullit 20t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb baba i ashp\u00ebr dhe k\u00ebrkues q\u00eb dont\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb form\u00ebsonte n\u00eb nj\u00eb ideal. Ai dont\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb modernizonte, t\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebsonte vet\u00ebdisiplin\u00ebn dhe mbi t\u00eb gjitha, vet\u00ebsakrificen. Kur Mustafa Kemal Ataturk-u iu drejtua ushtar\u00ebve gjat\u00eb sulmit t\u00eb Aleat\u00ebve mbi Galipoli-n e otoman\u00ebve m\u00eb 1915, ai iu tha: \u2018S\u2019po iu urdh\u00ebroj t\u00eb luftoni. Po iu urdh\u00ebroj t\u00eb vdisni.\u2019 \u2018N\u00eb ushtrin\u00eb sovjetike,\u2019 thoshte Stalin-i, \u2018t\u00eb duhet m\u00eb shum\u00eb kuraj\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqesh se sa t\u00eb shkosh p\u00ebrpara.\u2019<\/p>\n

Dashuria e ashp\u00ebr pra, qe vetia kryesore e diktatorit t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb 20t\u00eb. Edhe at\u00ebher\u00eb kur nuk k\u00ebrkonte sakrific\u00ebn absolute, t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte q\u00eb t\u00eb humb\u00ebsh ca kile, t\u00eb pastrosh qeleshen, t\u00eb palos\u00ebsh ca tulla, t\u2019i bashkohesh nj\u00eb (a pes\u00eb) organizatave rinore, t\u00eb m\u00ebsosh alfabet (a ndonj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb) t\u00eb ri dhe ta quash t\u00ebndin, t\u00eb m\u00ebsosh p\u00ebrmendsh ca poema, k\u00ebng\u00eb a fragmente t\u00eb shkruara nga udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi suprem dhe t\u2019i quash \u2018histori\u2019. Madje, dikur edhe kryetar\u00ebt demokratik\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit kishin pritje me t\u00eb madhe nga qytetar\u00ebt e tyre. Ajo fjali e John F Kennedy-t n\u00eb fjalimin inaugurues t\u00eb vitit 1961 \u2013\u2018Mos pyet \u00e7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb vendi p\u00ebr ty, por \u00e7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebsh ti p\u00ebr vendin\u2019 \u2013 tash ting\u00ebllon si v\u00ebrejtje prej nj\u00eb shekulli m\u00eb t\u00eb larg\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pamohueshme, diktator\u00ebt ushtruan m\u00eb shum\u00eb pushtet p\u00ebr t\u00eb transformuar vart\u00ebsit e tyre gjat\u00eb asaj epoke t\u00eb pritjeve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. Titujt q\u00eb iu mvesheshin e b\u00ebnin t\u00eb qart\u00eb se kush ishte shefi: Mussolini quhej\u00a0Il<\/em>\u00a0Duce<\/em>, Hitler\u00a0der<\/em>\u00a0Fuhrer<\/em>\u00a0dhe Stalini\u00a0Vozhd<\/em>\u00a0(udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi), vet emri i Ataturkut, q\u00eb iu dha atij n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti m\u00eb 1934, do t\u00eb thot\u00eb \u2018baba i turqve,\u2019 dhe pikturat e statujat paraqitnin figura t\u00eb idealizuara t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve prej tyre. Si nj\u00eb baba i rrept\u00eb, diktatori duket se ishte \u00e7doku p\u00ebrnj\u00ebher\u00eb: i gjith\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm, i plot\u00ebfuqish\u00ebm, i kudondodhur, surrogat i zotit po t\u00eb kishte ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb. Figura e tij ishte n\u00eb muret e secil\u00ebs zyr\u00eb t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb dhe secil\u00ebs shkoll\u00eb, statujat e bustet e tij zbukuronin bankat shkollore, kthinat e sheshet dhe gjith\u00e7ka prej rrug\u00ebve, qyteteve e shkollave merrnin emrin e tij.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr dallim, autoritar\u00ebt e sot\u00ebm presim shum\u00eb pak prej \u2018f\u00ebmij\u00ebve\u2019 t\u00eb tyre. Ata nuk orvaten t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrojn\u00eb n\u00ebnshtetasit e tyre apo t\u2019i modelojn\u00eb sipas nj\u00eb ideali. Mund t\u2019iu t\u00ebrheqin v\u00ebrejtjen me t\u00eb but\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb duhanin e alkoolin (Erdogani), ose q\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00eb (Orban-i, Putin-i, Erdogan-i), por p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht nuk do t\u2019i d\u00ebrgojn\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr kampe apo burgje, e as t\u2019iu thon\u00eb tro\u00e7 se \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb a \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb mendojn\u00eb. Natyrisht se disa gj\u00ebra jan\u00eb t\u00eb ndaluara: t\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqesh t\u00eb krijosh \u00e7ifligje alternative, t\u00eb nisesh grushtet, t\u00eb tradhtosh t\u00eb tut\u00eb, etj. Provo nj\u00ebr\u00ebn nga k\u00ebto dhe shpejt do t\u00eb m\u00ebsosh se tirania e koh\u00ebs s\u00eb vjet\u00ebr ende ka hap\u00ebsirat e veta t\u00eb operimit. Megjithat\u00eb, po e kritikove qeverin\u00eb, politikat e saj, ose vet udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsin (posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht n\u00eb vende si Twitter ose mediat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb, ku dikush mund ta lexoj\u00eb), ke m\u00eb shum\u00eb gjas\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ngacmohesh e t\u00eb sulmohesh nga p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit (shpesh t\u00eb paguar) t\u00eb autoritarit t\u00eb ri, se sa t\u00eb d\u00ebrgohesh n\u00eb miniera.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn e rasteve, autoritar\u00ebt e sot\u00ebm jan\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb si baballar\u00ebt e koh\u00ebs ton\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt, n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb q\u00eb f\u00ebmijet e tyre t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb sipas pritjeve idealiste, jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb prirur q\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebrgojn\u00eb porosi t\u00eb tipit: \u201cMos i d\u00ebgjo se \u00e7far\u00eb thon\u00eb p\u00ebr aty ata pisa! Boll t\u00eb kan\u00eb keqkuptuar e keqtrajtuar. E di cili je\u00a0i v\u00ebrteti\u00a0<\/em>dhe do t\u00eb sigurohem q\u00eb t\u00eb mos iu p\u00ebrshtatesh pritjeve\u00a0t\u00eb tyre.\u2019<\/em>\u00a0Babi e kupton se \u00e7far\u00eb ndjen e mendon i vogli: sa i fyer \u00ebsht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, edhepse k\u00ebta diktator\u00eb t\u00eb rinj p\u00ebrpiqen t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb veten e tyre mbi politik\u00ebn e p\u00ebrditshme duke siguruar p\u00ebrjet\u00eb pozit\u00ebn e lidershipit, ose t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn p\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb pacaktuar, ata veprojn\u00eb me kujdes kur vjen puna te kulti i personalitetit. Asnj\u00eb prej tyre nuk pretendon tituj t\u00eb rinj dhe madje, autoritari i ri i Polonis\u00eb Jaroslaw Kaczynski, duket i k\u00ebnaqur t\u00eb mos mbaj\u00eb kurrfar\u00eb pozit\u00eb formale udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsie p\u00ebrtej asaj t\u00eb liderit t\u00eb partis\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, asnj\u00ebri prej k\u00ebtyre burrave nuk duket se ka ndonj\u00eb vizion p\u00ebr \u2018njeriun e ri\u2019, e as \u2018p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb e re\u2019. P\u00ebrkundrazi. Ata jan\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb ndodh kur aspiratat e p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimit shkrihen me utopizmin e korruptuar: vdesin.<\/p>\n

\u00c7far\u00eb vdekje se! P\u00ebrpjekjet e shekullit t\u00eb nj\u00ebzet\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar \u2018njeriun e ri\u2019 nuk p\u00ebrfunduan mir\u00eb dhe kjo trash\u00ebgimi i ka b\u00ebr\u00eb europian\u00ebt dhe trash\u00ebgimtar\u00ebt e tyre posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht kund\u00ebr politik\u00ebs vizionare. P\u00ebrtej\u00a0\u00dcbermensch-it<\/em>\u00a0t\u00eb nacist\u00ebve, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ndiheshin se n\u00eb saj\u00eb t\u00eb superioritetit t\u00eb tyre racor kishin t\u00eb drejt\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb pushtonin e skllav\u00ebronin ose ndryshe t\u00eb n\u00ebnshtronin t\u00ebr\u00eb bot\u00ebn, aty ishte edhe \u2018njeriu i ri\u2019 sovjetik, i cili kish p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim t\u00eb riprodhohej n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn, pararend\u00ebs i nj\u00eb bote t\u00eb bashkuar n\u00ebn diktatur\u00ebn e proletariatit.<\/p>\n

\u00dcbermensch-i<\/em>\u00a0vdiq nj\u00eb vdekje t\u00eb palavdishme me disfat\u00ebn e Gjermanis\u00eb n\u00eb Luft\u00ebn e Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore. Sipas standardeve t\u00eb Hitlerit, nj\u00eb ushtri humb\u00ebse meritonte t\u00eb humbte. \u2018N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb luft\u00eb s\u2019mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb kompromis, mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb vet\u00ebm fitore dhe shkat\u00ebrrim,\u2019 tha ai m\u00eb 1944. \u201cDhe n\u00ebse populli gjerman nuk mund t\u00eb rr\u00ebmbej\u00eb fitoren nga armiku, at\u00ebher\u00eb do t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrohet. Po, at\u00ebher\u00eb ai meriton t\u00eb zhduket.\u2019 P\u00ebr ironi, disfata e Gjermanis\u00eb n\u00eb duart e Aleat\u00ebve dhe mbi t\u00eb gjitha sovjetik\u00ebve, la t\u00eb paprekur nj\u00eb aspekt ky\u00e7 t\u00eb bot\u00ebkuptimit nacist:\u00a0\u00dcbermensch-i i<\/em>\u00a0v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nuk humb. Gjermania humbi. Pra, n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit gjerman\u00ebt nuk mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb qen\u00eb edhe aq\u00a0\u2018\u00fcber alles\u2019.<\/em><\/p>\n

\u2018Njeriu i ri\u2019 sovjetik pati fatin q\u00eb t\u00eb vdiste nj\u00eb vdekje m\u00eb t\u00eb ngadalt\u00eb por m\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse. N\u00eb fakt, p\u00ebr aq sa autoritarizmi i ri ka rr\u00ebnj\u00ebt n\u00eb ish vendet socialiste, mes tyre Jugosllavia e Rusia, tregimi i r\u00ebnies s\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e ironike t\u00eb \u2018njeriut t\u00eb ri socialist\u2019 ndihmon n\u00eb t\u00eb shpjeguarit e tipit t\u00eb ri t\u00eb liderit q\u00eb shohim n\u00eb Europ\u00eb dhe rrethin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

\u2018Njeriu i ri\u2019 ka histori t\u00eb gjat\u00eb n\u00eb Rusi, q\u00eb prej idealit t\u00eb \u2018popullit t\u00eb ri\u2019 t\u00eb imagjinuar nga socialisti utopik rus i shekullit 19-t\u00eb Nikolai Chernyshevsky, e deri te shkrimtari bolshevik Maxim Gorky, i cili deklaroi se Lenini dhe bolshevik\u00ebt po \u2018prodhonin eksperimentin shkencor m\u00eb t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr mbi trupin e Rusis\u00eb\u2019, q\u00ebllimi i s\u00eb cilit ishte \u201cmodifikimi i materialit njer\u00ebzor\u2019. M\u00eb 1919, kineasti Dziga Vertov shkroi nj\u00eb manifesto q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruante m\u00ebnyrat e tij p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar \u2018njeriun m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrsosur se Adami\u2019:<\/p>\n

Krijoj mij\u00ebra njer\u00ebz t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me planet dhe diagramet e llojeve t\u00eb ndryshme \u2026 Prej nj\u00ebrit person marr duart, m\u00eb t\u00eb fortat e m\u00eb t\u00eb zhd\u00ebrvjelltat; prej tjetrit marr k\u00ebmb\u00ebt, m\u00eb t\u00eb shpejtat e m\u00eb t\u00eb form\u00ebsuarat; prej t\u00eb tretit, kok\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb bukur e m\u00eb ekspresive \u2013 dhe p\u00ebrmes montazhit krijoj njeriun e ri e t\u00eb p\u00ebrsosur.<\/p>\n

Njeriu i ri i Vertovit ishte abstraksion: pjell\u00eb e montazhit vizionar. Por n\u00ebn diktatur\u00ebn e Stalin-it, q\u00eb zgjati prej 1922 deri n\u00eb vdekjen e tij m\u00eb 1953, \u2018njeriu i ri\u2019 u b\u00eb mish e shpirt. Ai madje kishte em\u00ebr: Alexei Stakhanov, minatori i cili thuhet se m\u00eb 1935 nxori 227 ton qymyr n\u00eb nj\u00eb turn gjasht\u00ebor\u00ebsh, duke e dyfishuar rekordin e tij t\u00eb m\u00ebhersh\u00ebm. Ai em\u00ebr u b\u00eb sinonim i l\u00ebvizjes (pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt stakhanovit\u00eb q\u00eb tejkaluan kuotat e pun\u00ebs dhe prodhimit n\u00eb margjina t\u00eb st\u00ebrm\u00ebdha), si dhe i tipit t\u00eb personalitetit (Stakhanovit: \u2018person jasht\u00ebzakonisht pun\u00ebtor dhe i zellsh\u00ebm\u2019). Edhe p\u00ebr Stalin-in thuhej se rrall\u00eb flinte dhe shpesh portretizohej i k\u00ebrrusur mbi tavolin\u00ebn e pun\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb 1940, dama e madhe e kinemas\u00eb sovjetike Lyubov Orlova luajti n\u00eb mjuzikllin\u00a0Udha e Ndri\u00e7uar<\/em>. Personazhi i saj ishte nj\u00eb Hirushe sovjetike q\u00eb ngritet mbi sh\u00ebrbimin sht\u00ebpiak p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb tezgjahiste rekordmene stakhanovite. N\u00eb nj\u00eb sken\u00eb kulmore, nj\u00eb fabrik\u00eb plot me tezgjah\u00eb t\u00eb trazuar japin ritmin p\u00ebr himnin e saj ngadh\u00ebnjimtar p\u00ebr personin e ri sovjetik:<\/p>\n

Shok, mos u dor\u00ebzo<\/p>\n

Ti vet\u00ebbesim dhe krijo tregimin t\u00ebnd<\/p>\n

Puna \u00ebsht\u00eb nderi yn\u00eb, nderi \u00ebsht\u00eb lavdia jon\u00eb<\/p>\n

Stalinizmi sh\u00ebnoi pik\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb manis\u00eb s\u00eb \u2018njeriut t\u00eb ri\u2019, por gjithashtu fillimin e fundit t\u00eb ides\u00eb. Propaganda shtet\u00ebrore rreth Stakhanov-it dhe pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve heronj t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, pati p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim t\u2019i jepte fytyr\u00eb trim\u00ebrore \u00e7mimit njer\u00ebzor t\u00eb Planit t\u00eb dyt\u00eb Pes\u00ebvje\u00e7ar (1933-37), i cili vendosi rit\u00ebm t\u00eb eg\u00ebr p\u00ebr industrializimin. V\u00ebshtir\u00eb se qe rast\u00ebsi q\u00eb spastrimi stalinist filloi m\u00eb 1935, vitin kur si minator Stakhanovi theu rekordin komb\u00ebtar dhe pastaj edhe t\u00eb tijin. P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb viteve pasuese, disa prej stakhanovit\u00ebve t\u00eb mir\u00ebnjohur kund\u00ebrshtuan menaxher\u00ebt, duke leht\u00ebsuar p\u00ebrhapjen e spastrimeve ku u burgos\u00ebn m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb million njer\u00ebz, e u vran\u00eb qindra mij\u00ebra sosh. N\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb, i kund\u00ebrt me nj\u00eb stakhanovit ishte \u2018sabotuesi\u2019, em\u00ebrtim q\u00eb, n\u00eb kulmin e spastrimeve, praktikisht garantone burgosjen dhe shpesh ekzekutimin ose deportimin p\u00ebr n\u00eb gulag. Edhe te\u00a0Udha e Ndri\u00e7uar,<\/em>\u00a0n\u00eb sken\u00ebn pas turnit rekord e frym\u00ebzues prej nj\u00eb gruaje, personazhi i Orlova-s \u2013 bashk\u00eb me tezgjahistet tjera \u2013 i g\u00ebzohet lajmit t\u00eb pushimit nga puna t\u00eb menaxherit t\u00eb fabrik\u00ebs dhe z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimit t\u00eb tij me nj\u00eb inxhinier.<\/p>\n

\u2018Njeriu i ri\u2019 po b\u00ebhej \u2018puthador\u2019, figur\u00eb jo fort guximtare dhe vizionare. Dhe nuk u ndal me kaq. M\u00eb 1956 n\u00eb kongresin e 20t\u00eb t\u00eb Bashkimit Sovjetik, pasardh\u00ebsi i Stalinit Nikita Khrushchev denoncoi diktatorin e vdekur n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u2018fjalim t\u00eb fsheht\u00eb\u2019 q\u00eb nuk mbeti i fsheht\u00eb p\u00ebr shum\u00eb gjat\u00eb. \u2018Jemi t\u00eb brengosur me pyetj\u00ebn q\u00eb ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme p\u00ebr Partin\u00eb tash dhe n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen,\u2019 iu tha t\u00eb mbledhurve, \u2018si u b\u00eb kulti i Stalinit\u2026 n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar specifike, burimi i nj\u00eb serie t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb perverzioneve gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnda e serioze t\u00eb parimeve t\u00eb Partis\u00eb, demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb Partis\u00eb, t\u00eb ligjshm\u00ebris\u00eb revolucionare.\u2019<\/p>\n

N\u00ebnteksti i fjalimit t\u00eb Khruschev-it ishte q\u00eb, n\u00ebse \u2018njeriu i ri\u2019 donte t\u00eb mbetej n\u00eb sy t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb partis\u00eb, ai duhej t\u00eb kthente p\u00ebrmbys t\u00eb gjitha b\u00ebsimet dhe p\u00ebrkushtimet e m\u00ebparshme, duke hequr dor\u00eb nga vet babai q\u00eb e kishte sjell\u00eb n\u00eb jet\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht \u00e7far\u00eb b\u00ebri \u2018njeriu i ri\u2019, duke marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb rregullisht dhe me entuziaz\u00ebm n\u00eb spastrimin e spastruesit: duke shkat\u00ebrruar statujat e Stalinit, riem\u00ebruar rrug\u00ebt dhe sheshet t\u00eb quajtura sipas Stalinit, dhe duke rehabilituar ish viktimat e tij. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb Khruschev-i po zhvendoste theksin e ekonomis\u00eb sovjetike prej industris\u00eb s\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb mirat e konsumit, stakhanovit\u00ebt u shnd\u00ebrruan nga prodhues model n\u00eb \u2018konsumator\u00eb model\u2019.<\/p>\n

Deri n\u00eb vitet 1970, \u2018njeriu i ri\u2019 u duk se ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb prap\u00ebsimi ironik i gjith\u00e7kas\u00eb q\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb dikur. Sociologu dhe shkrimtari Alexander Zinoviev popullarizoi nj\u00eb em\u00ebr p\u00ebr \u2018njeriun e ri\u2019 2.0:\u00a0Homo sovieticus<\/em>, ose \u2018Homosos\u2019 shkurt. Zinoviev shkroi\u00a0Homo Sovieticus<\/em>\u00a0(1982), q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruan marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien dashuri-urrejtje me idealizmin e kombinuar me serviliz\u00ebm t\u00eb \u2018njeriut t\u00eb ri\u2019:<\/p>\n

Un\u00eb vet jam Homosos. Prandaj jam i pam\u00ebshirsh\u00ebm e mizor kur e p\u00ebrshkruaj.<\/p>\n

Na gjykoni, sepse vet ju do t\u00eb gjykoheni prej nesh.<\/p>\n

Homososi ishte i vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm se po p\u00ebrmbushte m\u00eb t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn q\u00eb pritej prej tij, ishte cinik n\u00eb lidhje me pushtetin e paran\u00eb dhe e dinte si t\u00eb pic\u00ebrrohej drejt nj\u00eb ekzistence t\u00eb pranueshme. Shkurt, ai ishte \u2018reaksionar ekstrem q\u00eb marshon n\u00eb trenin e progresit ekstrem. Si mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb? P\u00ebr Homosos-in, asgj\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur.\u2019 Filozofi dhe historiani polak Lezsek Kolakowski shkroi m\u00eb 1978 p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb \u2018nj\u00ebri t\u00eb ri sovjetik\u2019 se ishte \u2018skizofren ideologjik, g\u00ebnjeshtar q\u00eb besonte n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb thoshte, njeri i aft\u00eb p\u00ebr vepra t\u00eb pareshtura e t\u00eb vullnetshme t\u00eb vet\u00ebgjymtimit intelektual\u2019.<\/p>\n

Trajektorja personale e Zinoviev-it zbulon poashtu dilem\u00ebn e \u2018njeriut t\u00eb ri\u2019. Pasi kaloi shum\u00eb vjet n\u00eb ekzil n\u00eb Mynih, duke shkruar libra e duke b\u00ebr\u00eb emisione radiosh q\u00eb kritikonin komunizmin sovjetik (si dhe at\u00eb per\u00ebndimor), Zinoviev-i m\u00eb von\u00eb u orvat t\u00eb mbronte komunizmin sovjetik \u2013 p\u00ebrfshi Stalin-in \u2013 dhe t\u00eb faj\u00ebsonte Per\u00ebndimin p\u00ebr fundin e tij. M\u00eb 1999, ai u kthye n\u00eb Rusi, ku q\u00ebndroi deri sa vdiq m\u00eb 2006. Nj\u00ebra prej kauzave t\u00eb tij t\u00eb fundit politike qe mbrojtja e flakt\u00eb dhe e z\u00ebshme e liderit serb Slobodan Milosevic, i akuzuar p\u00ebr krime lufte n\u00eb tribunalin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb Hag\u00eb m\u00eb 2002. Zinoviev-i formoi Komitetin Komb\u00ebtar Rus p\u00ebr Mbrojtjen e Slobodan Milosevic-it, q\u00eb e cil\u00ebsoi tribunalin si \u2018gjykat\u00eb lin\u00e7imi\u2019.<\/p>\n

Mbrotja q\u00eb Zinoviev-i i b\u00ebn Milosevic-it \u00ebsht\u00eb treguese p\u00ebr nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr arsye: Milosevic-i qe m\u00eb gjas\u00eb nj\u00ebri prej pak autoritar\u00ebve q\u00eb kaloi prej form\u00ebs s\u00eb vjet\u00ebr t\u00eb diktatur\u00ebs vizionare e transformative te autoritarizmi i ri. Trajektorja e tij \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb prej shembujve m\u00eb t\u00eb ankthsh\u00ebm se \u00e7far\u00eb i ndodhi ides\u00eb s\u00eb \u2018njeriut t\u00eb ri\u2019 n\u00eb fund t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar. \u00cbsht\u00eb e mundur madje t\u00eb vihet gishti te momenti i sakt\u00eb kur tipi i vjet\u00ebr iu n\u00ebnshtrua t\u00eb riut: fjalimi q\u00eb Milosevic-i mbajti m\u00eb 1987 n\u00eb Fush\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, n\u00eb p\u00ebrvjetorin e betej\u00ebs epike s\u00eb vitit 1389. Shumica e fjalimit kishte t\u00eb b\u00ebnte me socializmin dhe mbrojtjen standarde t\u00eb ides\u00eb s\u00eb shum\u00ebkomb\u00ebsis\u00eb jugosllave, solidaritetit mes popujve jugosllav\u00eb, duke k\u00ebrkuar sjellje \u2018heroike\u2019 dhe nj\u00eb bot\u00eb progresive t\u00eb re, e m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment gjat\u00eb dit\u00ebs, Milosevic-i tha di\u00e7ka ndaj s\u00eb cil\u00ebs turma reagoi me entuziaz\u00ebm t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, e jo vet\u00ebm m\u00eb duartrokitje t\u00eb sjellshme. Qe nj\u00eb fraz\u00eb e cila ndryshoi tonin n\u00eb nj\u00eb drejtim krejt\u00ebsisht tjet\u00ebr, dhe Milosevic-i e shoq\u00ebroi. Nj\u00eb grup serb\u00ebsh q\u00eb kishin provuar t\u00eb arrinin te Milosevic-i dhe ishin kthyer mbrapsht me pendrek\u00eb nga policia, filluan t\u00eb thirrnin: \u201cPo na rrahin!\u2019 Milosevic-i, i cili nuk ishte n\u00eb podiumin prej ku kishte dh\u00ebn\u00eb fjalimin, por q\u00ebndronte mes turm\u00ebs, tha: \u201cAskush nuk guxon t\u2019iu rrah\u00eb!\u2019 Kjo deklarat\u00eb pati dy kuptime \u2013 nj\u00ebri kishte t\u00eb b\u00ebnte me situat\u00ebn konkrete me policin\u00eb, tjetri me deklarat\u00ebn e p\u00ebrgjithshme p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e kombit \u2013 dhe ishte ura prej autoritarizmit t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr utopik tek i riu.<\/p>\n

Pask\u00ebtaj, fjalimet e Milosevic-it erdh\u00ebn u b\u00ebn\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrq\u00ebndruara n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e sovranitetit dhe mbrojtjes komb\u00ebtare, tem\u00eb e parap\u00eblqyer e autoritar\u00ebve t\u00eb rinj dhe ato u fiksuan te ideja e huazuar nga retorika sovjetike se Per\u00ebndimi, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe Europa, ishte problemi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb: nj\u00eb shtyp\u00ebs i p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb konspiracion p\u00ebr t\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar dhe shkat\u00ebrruar kombin. Ai fjalim ishte gjithashtu nj\u00eb prej t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin Milosevic-i foli p\u00ebr \u2018nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme t\u00eb re e m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb\u2019. N\u00eb fjalimin q\u00eb dha m\u00eb 24 dhjetor 1996, lideri serb deklaroi se \u2018Serbia e fuqishme nuk i p\u00eblqen shum\u00eb forcave p\u00ebrtej vendit ton\u00eb dhe prandaj i bashkojn\u00eb forcat me tradhtar\u00ebt k\u00ebtu q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb ta dob\u00ebsojn\u00eb Serbin\u00eb. Natyrisht se nuk do ta lejojm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb.\u2019<\/p>\n

Milosevic-i e b\u00ebri t\u00eb qart\u00eb se autoritarizmi i ri nuk do t\u00eb drejtohej m\u00eb kah e ardhmja dhe krijimi i \u2018njeriut t\u00eb ri\u2019, por kah e shkuara: lavdit\u00eb e shkuara, disfatat dhe \u2018m\u00ebsimet\u2019 e historis\u00eb. E ardhmja kishte t\u00eb b\u00ebnte me t\u00eb mbrojturit kund\u00ebr armiqve t\u00eb \u2018sovranitetit popullor\u2019 dhe demonstrimin e forc\u00ebs p\u00ebrmes projekteve mburr\u00ebse t\u00eb liderit: pallat gjigand presidencial (Erdogan-i), stadium futbolli (Orban-i), ceromoni t\u00eb begata inaugurimi q\u00eb pikojn\u00eb ar (Putin-i), dhe parada ushtarake t\u00eb madh\u00ebsive t\u00eb papara (p\u00ebrs\u00ebri Putin-i).<\/p>\n

Edhe pse historia \u00ebsht\u00eb elementi i tyre, autoritar\u00ebt e rinj nuk jan\u00eb historian\u00eb. Diktator\u00ebt e shekullit t\u00eb kaluar prireshin edhe t\u00eb lexonin edhe t\u00eb shkruanin histori: Stalini me\u00a0Historia e Partis\u00eb Komuniste t\u00eb Bashkimit Sovjetik (Bolshevik\u00ebt): Kurs i Shkurt\u00ebr [History of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks): Short Course ](1938), Hitileri me Mein Kampf (1925), Ataturku me Nutuk (1927)<\/em>\u00a0dhe bashk\u00ebrendimi i dat\u00eblindj\u00ebs s\u00eb tij t\u00eb zgjedhur me fillimin e Luft\u00ebs Turke p\u00ebr Pavar\u00ebsi, Mao me\u00a0Citime nga Kryetari Mao Tse-tung (1965)<\/em>, i njohur poashtu si \u201cLibri i Vog\u00ebl i Kuq\u2019. Autoritar\u00ebt e sot\u00ebm, p\u00ebrkundrazi, nuk jan\u00eb ideologjik\u00eb dhe madje sipas d\u00ebshir\u00ebs nuk do t\u00eb marrin parasysh skena t\u00eb t\u00ebra prej manualit historik nacionalist (antisemitizmin, revizionizmin territorial, rivalitetet e kahershme komb\u00ebtare). Si\u00e7 shkroi\u00a0Kolakowski te Moderniteti n\u00eb Gjyqin e Pafund (1990)<\/em>, si rrejdhim i t\u00eb gjith\u00eb atyre turbullurave rreth \u2018totalitarizmit\u2019 \u00ebsht\u00eb gati e pamundur t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtosh nj\u00eb kult t\u00eb ideologjizuar personaliteti:<\/p>\n

Ka shum\u00eb m\u00eb pak gatishm\u00ebri p\u00ebr t\u00eb ofruar p\u00ebrkrahje pa kushte ndaj idelogjive ekzistuese dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0prirje\u00a0p\u00ebr t\u00eb q\u00ebndruar larg \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve politike, me tendenc\u00eb pasuese p\u00ebr t\u2019u t\u00ebrhequr n\u00eb fusha m\u00eb t\u00eb sigurta e m\u00eb t\u00eb specializuara. Si pasoj\u00eb, me gjas\u00eb tash kemi m\u00eb pak t\u00eb \u00e7mendur dhe batak\u00e7inj me influenc\u00eb, por gjithashtu m\u00eb pak m\u00ebsues intelektual\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vend t\u00eb ideologjis\u00eb, autoritari i ri ofron paradoksin e disidenc\u00ebs s\u00eb miratuar nga shteti. Liberalizmit mbizot\u00ebrues q\u00eb e sheh n\u00eb BE, ai i kund\u00ebrv\u00eb joliberalizmin. \u2018Kombi hungarez nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht shum\u00eb individ\u00ebsh,\u2019 thot\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb fjalim t\u00eb vitit 2014 disidenti i dikursh\u00ebm antikomunist, tash kryeministri Orban, \u2018por komunitet q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb organizohet, forcohet dhe zhvillohet dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, shteti i ri q\u00eb po nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shtet joliberal.\u2019 Kjo retorik\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb pak me frym\u00ebzimin e qytetar\u00ebve p\u00ebr arritje t\u00eb m\u00ebdha se sa me t\u00eb shpjeguarit e asaj se kush ka penguar popullin q\u00eb t\u00eb arrij\u00eb gj\u00ebra t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. \u2018Ekziston nj\u00eb problem vet\u00ebbesimi n\u00eb an\u00ebn e popojve t\u00eb rajonit q\u00eb n\u00eb parim d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb sundimin demokratik, por mbeten dyshues si ndaj m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn prezentohet demokratizimi, ashtu edhe q\u00ebllimeve t\u00eb bot\u00ebs demokratike,\u2019 tha Erdogani n\u00eb nj\u00eb fjalim t\u00eb vitit 2003.<\/p>\n

Autoritar\u00ebt e rinj pra jan\u00eb produkt i flak\u00ebrimit epik t\u00eb kultit ideologjik t\u00eb \u2018njeriut t\u00eb ri\u2019, \u00e7iftuar me suksesin e disident\u00ebve t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb. Nga libri\u00a0Antipolitika (1982)\u00a0<\/em>i disidentit hungarez Gyorgy Konrad: \u2018Nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri nuk b\u00ebhet e vet\u00ebdijshme politikisht kur ndan mes vete di\u00e7ka prej filozofis\u00eb politike, por kur refuzon t\u00eb mashtrohet nga cilado prej tyre.\u2019 N\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr kthes\u00eb ironike, disidenti antipolitik fillon t\u2019i sh\u00ebmb\u00ebllej\u00eb\u00a0Homo sovieticus-it.<\/em>\u00a0Te\u00a0Homo Sovieticus<\/em>\u00a0\u2013 i botuar n\u00eb t\u00eb njejtin vit me\u00a0Antipolitik\u00ebn<\/em>\u00a0\u2013 Zinoviev-i shkruan: \u2018Ja ku \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr mister p\u00ebr ju: \u00e7far\u00eb them k\u00ebtu nuk shpreh bindjet e mia. Dhe, p\u00ebr t\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, vet\u00ebm sa duket si mister: Nuk kam bindje fare.\u2019 Homosos-\u00ebt, deklaronte ai, ishin nj\u00ebher\u00ebsh \u2018administrator\u00eb t\u00eb lindur, kritik\u00eb t\u00eb regjimit dhe agjent\u00eb t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimit sekret\u2019. Mbase ky kombinim i t\u00eb kund\u00ebrtave n\u00eb nj\u00eb, t\u00eb puthadorit dhe disidentit, \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse Zinoviev-i p\u00ebrshkruajti Rusin\u00eb e Putin-it si \u2018hibrid\u2019 dhe \u2018lepur me brinj\u2019.<\/p>\n

Zinoviev-i urr\u00ebnte eg\u00ebrsisht Putin-in, por Homosos-i qe tashm\u00eb i xhindosur prej pabindjeve, skepticizmit ideologjik dhe ndjenj\u00ebs s\u00eb ankes\u00ebs q\u00eb e b\u00ebri pre t\u00eb leht\u00eb p\u00ebr autoritarin e ri. U shfaq nj\u00eb staz\u00eb entropike: i ati pushoi s\u00eb prituri gj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dashuri t\u00eb vak\u00ebt nga f\u00ebmija, nd\u00ebrsa f\u00ebmija pushoi s\u00eb prituri gj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dashuri t\u00eb vak\u00ebt nga i ati.<\/p>\n

Autoritari i ri nuk pretendon q\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, por vet\u00ebm t\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb t\u00eb ndihesh m\u00eb mir\u00eb q\u00eb nuk do q\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshosh. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, ai ka derdhur fontan\u00ebn e\u00a0Zeitgeist-it<\/em>\u00a0q\u00eb arrin larg e p\u00ebrtej domenit t\u00eb socializmit shtet\u00ebror, q\u00ebndrim q\u00eb shkrimtarja Marilynne Robinson e n\u00ebn\u00e7mon si \u201cmosd\u00ebshtim\u2019, dhe q\u00eb shkrimtari Walter Mosley e lart\u00ebson n\u00eb virtyt: \u2018Na duhet t\u2019i ngrisim pap\u00ebrsosurit\u00eb tona n\u00eb platform\u00eb politike q\u00eb thot\u00eb: \u201cT\u00eb metave t\u00eb mia iu duhen v\u00ebmendje gjithashtu.\u201d Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb e quaj \u201c\u00e7utopi\u201d.\u2019 Mir\u00ebse erdhet n\u00eb jo m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebn prej bot\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

—-<\/p>\n

Holly Case<\/strong>\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb profesore e historis\u00eb n\u00eb Universitetin Brown dhe autore e\u00a0Mes Shteteve<\/em>:\u00a0Pyetja Transilvane dhe Ideja Europiane gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore (2009).<\/em><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkthyer nga\u00a0Bardhi Bakija<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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 <\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb Aeon Diktator\u00ebt e shekullit t\u00eb kaluar donin t\u00eb rishpiknin n\u00ebnshtetasit e tyre n\u00eb \u2018njer\u00ebz t\u00eb rinj\u2019.\u00a0Diktator\u00ebt e k\u00ebtij shekulli thjesht s\u2019e\u00a0\u00e7ajn\u00eb kok\u00ebn.\u00a0P\u00ebrse? Mund t\u00eb marrim shembullin e r\u00ebnies demonstrative t\u00eb diktator\u00ebve si Nicolae Ceausescu n\u00eb Rumani, Saddam Hussein-i n\u00eb Irak dhe Fidel Castro-s n\u00eb Kub\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar se, n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":9842,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1724,1725],"ppma_author":[292],"class_list":["post-4296","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-autoritaret","tag-autoritaret-e-rinj"],"authors":[{"term_id":292,"user_id":0,"is_guest":1,"slug":"holly-case","display_name":"Holly Case","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/case.jpeg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/case.jpeg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"","first_name":"","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4296","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4296"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4296\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9843,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4296\/revisions\/9843"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9842"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4296"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4296"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4296"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4296"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}