{"id":4324,"date":"2018-12-31T15:31:37","date_gmt":"2018-12-31T13:31:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4324"},"modified":"2025-01-08T15:39:22","modified_gmt":"2025-01-08T13:39:22","slug":"cfare-iu-bejne-popullistet-demokracive","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/cfare-iu-bejne-popullistet-demokracive\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00c7far\u00eb iu b\u00ebjn\u00eb popullist\u00ebt demokracive"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb\u00a0The Atlantic<\/a><\/p>\n

N\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb hulumtimit ton\u00eb, qeverit\u00eb populliste kan\u00eb thelluar korupsionin, kan\u00eb minuar t\u00eb drejtat individuale dhe i kan\u00eb shkaktuar d\u00ebme serioze institucioneve demokratike<\/em><\/p>\n

Kur Jair Bolsonaro fitoi zgjedhjet presidenciale n\u00eb Brazil n\u00eb tetor, duke shtangur elit\u00ebn politike tradicionale t\u00eb vendit, komentuesit qen\u00eb thell\u00ebsisht t\u00eb ndar\u00eb rreth asaj se \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb ndodhte. Disa paralajm\u00ebronin se Bolsonaro, nj\u00eb popullist i ekstremit t\u00eb djatht\u00eb, i cili ka shprehur haptas admirim p\u00ebr diktatur\u00ebn brutale ushtarake q\u00eb sundoi Brazilin prej 1964 deri m\u00eb 1985, paraqiste k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim t\u00eb qart\u00eb dhe t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm ndaj demokracis\u00eb. T\u00eb tjer\u00ebt pohonin se institucionet e forta t\u00eb Brazilit, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb shtypin agresiv dhe gjyq\u00ebsorin shum\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur, do t\u00eb frenonin prirjet e tij autoritare.<\/p>\n

Beteja rreth Bolsonaro-s i b\u00ebn jehon\u00eb debatit akademik mbi t\u00eb ashtuquajturit figura populliste rreth e p\u00ebrreth bot\u00ebs. Disa akademik\u00eb kan\u00eb paralajm\u00ebruar se popullist\u00ebt priren t\u00eb jen\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb koruptuar, t\u00eb zgjasin pambarimisht mbajtjen e pushtetit duke \u00e7legjitimizuar opozit\u00ebn dhe duke\u00a0 i shkaktuar d\u00ebme t\u00eb m\u00ebdha institucioneve demokratike t\u00eb vendit. T\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb historianin Niall Ferguson, kan\u00eb propozuar q\u00eb qeverit\u00eb populliste jan\u00eb zakonisht aq jokompentente sa q\u00eb s\u2019mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb jet\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb teoricienen politike Chantal Mouffe, kan\u00eb theksuar potencialin pozitiv t\u00eb popullizmit, si dhe kan\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb kuptohet se kritik\u00ebt e k\u00ebtyre l\u00ebvizjeve jan\u00eb ve\u00e7se mbrojt\u00ebs t\u00eb statuskuos\u00eb s\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar.<\/p>\n

Tash p\u00ebr tash, kat\u00ebr prej demokracive m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb bot\u00eb qeverisen prej popullist\u00ebve: Narendra Modi n\u00eb Indi, Donald Trump n\u00eb SH.B.A., Joko Widodo n\u00eb Indonezi, Bolsonaro n\u00eb Brazil. Kjo e b\u00ebn edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr t\u00eb ditur se cil\u00ebt akademik\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb: ose demokracia \u00ebsh\u00ebt n\u00eb mes t\u00eb nj\u00eb zmbrapsjeje globale t\u00eb paprecedent\u00eb, ose po shohim nd\u00ebrrim t\u00eb dobish\u00ebm kursi ku m\u00eb n\u00eb fund qytetar\u00ebt po i mbajn\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs elitat globale p\u00ebr d\u00ebshtimet e tyre. (Ose, n\u00ebse Ferguson-i ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, asgj\u00eb s\u2019do t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb.)<\/p>\n

M\u00ebnyra m\u00eb e qart\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje urgjente \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb shohim ndikimin q\u00eb qeverit\u00eb populliste kan\u00eb pasur n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00ebllim, ne kemi themeluar nj\u00eb baz\u00eb gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse t\u00eb dh\u00ebnash t\u00eb qeverive populliste. Kjo qe nj\u00eb pun\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb: po t\u00eb pyes\u00ebsh tre akademik\u00eb p\u00ebr natyr\u00ebn e popullizmit, me gjas\u00eb do t\u00eb merrni pes\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb ndryshme. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, popullizmi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb si \u00e7el\u00ebs drite q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb o ndezur o fikur; disa lider\u00eb shfaqin disa (por jo t\u00eb gjitha) karakteristika klasike t\u00eb popullizmit.<\/p>\n

Ja si e b\u00ebm\u00eb list\u00ebn ton\u00eb: zgjodh\u00ebm 66 revistat m\u00eb t\u00eb mira t\u00eb shkencave politike, sociologjis\u00eb dhe studimeve rajonale; identifikuam t\u00eb gjith\u00eb artikujt t\u00eb botuar n\u00eb k\u00ebto revista mbi tem\u00ebn e popullizmit, si dhe mbi lider\u00ebt politik\u00eb t\u00eb lidhur me popullizmin; pastaj shqyrtuam me kujdes secilin rast t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm studimi, duke u konsultuar me ekspert\u00eb vendor\u00eb e rajonal\u00eb. Qeverit\u00eb populliste, n\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizmin ton\u00eb, bashkohen n\u00eb dy pohime themelore: (1) Elitat dhe \u201ct\u00eb huajt\u201d punojn\u00eb kund\u00ebr interesave t\u00eb \u201cpopullit t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb,\u201d dhe (2) meq\u00eb popullist\u00ebt i japin z\u00eb \u201cpopullit t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb,\u201d asgj\u00eb s\u2019guxon t\u2019iu dal\u00eb p\u00ebrpara.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrfundimisht, identifikuam\u00a046 lider\u00eb popullist\u00eb ose parti politike<\/a>\u00a0 q\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb 33 vendeve demokratike mes viteve 1990 e 2018, q\u00eb na e dha mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb zgjidhim debatin teorik rreth tensionit mes popullizmit dhe demokracics\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb rigoroze dhe emprike dhe n\u00eb shkall\u00eb globale.\u00a0Rezultatet jan\u00eb alarmuese\u00a0<\/a>\u00a0popullist\u00ebt jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb zot\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mbesin n\u00eb pushtet dhe\u00a0 paraqesin rr\u00ebzik t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb p\u00ebr institucionet demokratike.<\/p>\n

Mesatarisht, qeverit\u00eb e zakonshme demokratike mbesin n\u00eb pozit\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr: tre vite. Gjasht\u00eb vite pas zgjedhjeve t\u00eb para, kat\u00ebr nga pes\u00eb qeverit\u00eb jopopulliste do t\u00eb jen\u00eb larguar tashm\u00eb nga pushteti. Qeverit\u00eb populliste, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, ia arrijn\u00eb t\u00eb mbajn\u00eb kapjen e pushtetit p\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb duksh\u00ebm m\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb; mesatarisht, ata mbajn\u00eb pushtetin p\u00ebr rreth 6 vite e gjysm\u00eb, apo m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy her\u00eb m\u00eb gjat\u00eb se rival\u00ebt e tyre jopopullist\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Popullist\u00ebt nuk kan\u00eb t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb vet\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb rizgjedhez\u00ebn nj\u00ebher\u00eb a dyher\u00eb; ata kan\u00eb gjithashtu m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb mbesin n\u00eb pushtet p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar. Gjasht\u00eb vite pasi t\u00eb jen\u00eb zgjedhur p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, lider\u00ebt popullist\u00eb kan\u00eb dy her\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mbesin ende n\u00eb pushtet se sa lider\u00ebt jopopullist\u00eb; nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb pes\u00eb her\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb, dymb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vite pasi t\u00eb jen\u00eb zgjedhur p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Mund t\u00eb thuhet se, n\u00eb vetvete, k\u00ebto gjetje nuk jan\u00eb edhe aq brengos\u00ebse: shkalla m\u00eb e gjat\u00eb e mbijetes\u00ebs p\u00ebr popullist\u00ebt mund t\u00eb pasqyroj\u00eb thjesht efektshm\u00ebrin\u00eb ose popullaritetin e tyre. Por mes lider\u00ebve popullist\u00eb q\u00eb erdhen n\u00eb pushtet mes viteve 1990 dhe 2015, vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb pakic\u00eb e vog\u00ebl dor\u00ebzoi pushtetin si pasoj\u00eb e procesit normal demokratik.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fakt, vet\u00ebm 17 p\u00ebrqind e popullist\u00ebve u larguan nga detyra pas humbjes s\u00eb zgjedhjeve t\u00eb lira e t\u00eb ndershme. 17 p\u00ebrqind t\u00eb tjer\u00eb dor\u00ebzuan postet e larta pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb mandatit. Megjithat\u00eb, vet\u00ebm 23 p\u00ebrqind lan\u00eb pushtetin n\u00ebn rrethana m\u00eb dramatike \u2013 ata ishin rr\u00ebzuar ose ishin sforcuar t\u00eb jepnin dor\u00ebheqje. 30 p\u00ebrqind t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb lider\u00ebve popullist\u00eb n\u00eb baz\u00ebn ton\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave mbesin ende n\u00eb pushtet edhe sot. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00ebrisht funksion i ngritjes s\u00eb popullizmit n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e fundit: 36 p\u00ebrqind e atyre udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve popullist\u00eb q\u00eb ende jan\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet jan\u00eb zgjedhur gjat\u00eb pes\u00eb viteve t\u00eb fundit. Por edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb prej tyre kan\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet mjaft gjat\u00eb sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjuar shqet\u00ebsim: gati gjysma e tyre udh\u00ebhoqen vendin p\u00ebr s\u00eb paku n\u00ebnt\u00eb vite.<\/p>\n

Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, \u00e7\u00ebshtja m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as sa gjat\u00eb rrin\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet popullist\u00ebt, as si largohen ata p\u00ebrfundimisht, por se \u00e7far\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb m\u00eb pushtetin e tyre \u2013 dhe, n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, se a shkakton mandati i tyre at\u00eb q\u00eb shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebt politik\u00eb e quajn\u00eb \u201cprapashkuarje demokratike\u201d [\u201cdemocratic backsliding,\u201d] keq\u00ebsim i qen\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb nivelin n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin qytetar\u00ebt g\u00ebzojn\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat themelore.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu, gjithashtu, gjetjet tona qen\u00eb kthjelluese: n\u00eb shum\u00eb vende, popullist\u00ebt rishkruan rregullat e loj\u00ebs q\u00eb ta kthejn\u00eb p\u00ebrher\u00eb fush\u00ebn zgjedhore t\u00eb loj\u00ebs n\u00eb favorin e tyre. \u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, nj\u00eb p\u00ebrqindje marramend\u00ebse prej 50 p\u00ebrqind e popullist\u00ebve ose rishkruan ose ndryshuan kushtetut\u00ebn e vendit t\u00eb tyre me t\u00eb ardhur n\u00eb pushtet, shpesh me synimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb eliminuar mandatet presidenciale dhe institucionet q\u00eb kufizojn\u00eb pushtetet e ekzekutivit.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb kuptimplote, nj\u00eb vend duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb lirin\u00eb e shtypit, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb informuara; t\u00eb mbroj\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat civile, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb lir\u00eb t\u00eb shprehin parap\u00eblqimet e tyre dhe t\u00eb organizohen rreth interesave t\u00eb tyre; dhe t\u00eb mbroj\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat politike, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb rriturit t\u00eb ken\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb marrin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb lira dhe t\u00eb ndershme. N\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto raste, qeverit\u00eb populliste d\u00ebshtojn\u00eb. Duke par\u00eb m\u00ebnyrat e ndryshme n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat vendet q\u00eb zgjedhin popullist\u00ebt mund t\u00eb dallohen prej vendeve q\u00eb nuk i zgjedhin ata \u2013 p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurat p\u00ebr kok\u00eb banori, performanc\u00ebn ekonomike t\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb fundit, historin\u00eb e nj\u00eb vendi me institucionet demokratike, si dhe konfliktin civil \u2013, kemi gjetur se qeverisja populliste asociohet me nj\u00eb r\u00ebnie prej 7 p\u00ebrqind n\u00eb lirin\u00eb e shtypit, r\u00ebnie prej 8 p\u00ebrqind n\u00eb lirit\u00eb civile, si dhe r\u00ebnie prej 13 p\u00ebrqind n\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat politike.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, 23 p\u00ebrqind e qeverive populliste nisin prapashkuarjen demokratike, e p\u00ebrkufizuar si r\u00ebnie prej s\u00eb paku nj\u00eb pike n\u00eb rezultatin demokratik t\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi si\u00e7 p\u00ebrkufizohet nga projekti\u00a0Polity IV\u00a0<\/a>. P\u00ebr krahasim, vet\u00ebm 6 p\u00ebrqind e qeverive jopopulliste jan\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebse p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj keq\u00ebsimi. N\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, nj\u00eb qeveri populliste ka kat\u00ebr her\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebmtoj\u00eb institucionet demokratike se sa nj\u00eb qeveri jopopulliste. (Ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb q\u00eb nuk po i num\u00ebrojm\u00eb rastet aktuale t\u00eb dob\u00ebsimit demokratik p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb animeve drejt statuskuos\u00eb t\u00eb organizatave q\u00eb masin fuqit\u00eb e demokracive. P\u00ebr shembull, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr fakteve t\u00eb mjaftueshme t\u00eb dob\u00ebsimit t\u00eb sundimit t\u00eb ligjit dhe liris\u00eb s\u00eb medias n\u00eb Hungari dhe Poloni, Polity IV nuk ka regjistruar ende prapashkuarjen demokratike n\u00eb k\u00ebto vende q\u00eb nga viti 2017.)<\/p>\n

Por a jan\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb popullist\u00ebt nj\u00ebsoj t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm? Sipas mendimtareve si Mouffe, akademik\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb qart\u00eb dallimin n\u00eb mes popullist\u00ebve t\u00eb majt\u00eb dhe atyre t\u00eb djatht\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb popullist\u00ebt e djatht\u00eb viktimizojn\u00eb pakicat jopopullore dhe e p\u00ebrdorin zem\u00ebrimin publik si arm\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime t\u00eb paligjshme, popullist\u00ebt e majt\u00eb pretendohet se kan\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb ndreqin d\u00ebshtimet e elitave n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebrve dhe n\u00ebp\u00ebrk\u00ebmburve. P\u00ebrgjigjja m\u00eb e mir\u00eb ndaj popullist\u00ebve t\u00eb djatht\u00eb, sipas k\u00ebtij kampi, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb parap\u00eblqimi p\u00ebr partit\u00eb dhe kandidat\u00ebt q\u00eb respektojn\u00eb rregullat dhe normat tradicionale demokratike \u2013 por, n\u00eb fakt, zgjedhja e popullist\u00ebve t\u00eb majt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb dh\u00ebnat nuk e mb\u00ebshtesin k\u00ebt\u00eb pohim. Q\u00eb prej vitit 1990, jan\u00eb zgjedhur 13 qeveri populliste t\u00eb djathta; prej tyre, pes\u00eb shkaktuan prapashkuarje t\u00eb konsiderueshme demokratike. P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb s\u00eb njejt\u00ebs periudh\u00eb, u zgjodh\u00ebn 15 qeveri populliste t\u00eb majta; prej\u00a0 tyre, po i njejti num\u00ebr prej pes\u00eb shkaktuan prapashkuarje t\u00eb konsiderueshme demokratike. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb popullist\u00ebt e majt\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb ila\u00e7 p\u00ebr popullist\u00ebt e djatht\u00eb; p\u00ebrkundrazi, ata kan\u00eb t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u2019i japin vrull zjarrit n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin digjet demokracia.<\/p>\n

Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, matjet ideologjike tradicionale mund t\u00eb mos b\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00eb pun\u00eb posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht t\u00eb mir\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb kuptuarit e natyr\u00ebs s\u00eb k\u00ebtyre l\u00ebvizjeve. Poashtu, q\u00eb prej vitit 1990, 17 qeveri populliste kan\u00eb ardhur n\u00eb pushtet dhe t\u00eb cilat nuk mund t\u00eb cil\u00ebsohen leht\u00eb as si t\u00eb majta as si t\u00eb djathta. P\u00ebrs\u00ebri, pes\u00eb prej k\u00ebtyre qeverive nisen prapashkuarjen demokratike, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se p\u00ebr d\u00ebmin q\u00eb nj\u00eb qeveri ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u2019i shkaktoj\u00eb institucioneve demokratike, ngjyrimi ideologjik \u00ebsht\u00eb parashikues m\u00eb pak i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm se sa masa n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb populliste.<\/p>\n

Popullist\u00ebt shpesh zgjedhen n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb premtimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u00e7rr\u00ebnjosur korupsionin. N\u00eb Brazil, popullaritet i Bolsonaro-s u ngrit n\u00eb qiell duke shfryt\u00ebzuar zem\u00ebrimin publik\u00a0rreth skandalit \u201cAutolarja\u201d<\/a>, nj\u00eb skem\u00eb gjigante e ryshfeteve nga kontratat e nd\u00ebrtimeve q\u00eb implikoi shumic\u00ebn prej klas\u00ebs politike t\u00eb vendit, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe ish-presidentin Luiz Inacio da Silva. N\u00eb Itali, popullistja Lega Nord ka mallkuar p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb politikan\u00ebt e koruptuar n\u00eb \u201cRom\u00ebn e hajnave.\u201d N\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara, presidenti Trump \u00ebsht\u00eb zotuar q\u00eb t\u00eb \u201cthaj\u00eb mo\u00e7alin\u201d [\u201cdrain the swamp\u201d].<\/p>\n

Larg prej s\u00eb thari mo\u00e7alin, si\u00e7 e ka th\u00ebn\u00eb\u00a0ekonomiste Barry Eichengreen<\/a>, shum\u00eb popullist\u00eb thjesht kan\u00eb zev\u00ebnd\u00ebsuar krokodil\u00ebt e njohur me t\u00eb tyr\u00ebt edhe m\u00eb vdekjeprur\u00ebs. N\u00eb fakt, kemi gjetur se 40 p\u00ebrqind e kryeministrave popullist\u00eb n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit paditen p\u00ebr korupsion. Meq\u00eb shum\u00eb popullist\u00eb grumbullojn\u00eb pushtet t\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb penguar hetimet e pavarura ndaj veprave t\u00eb tyre, ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb q\u00eb kjo figur\u00eb n\u00eb fakt n\u00ebnvleft\u00ebson shtrirjen e plot\u00eb t\u00eb keqp\u00ebrdorimeve t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n

Ky dyshim v\u00ebrtetohet nga nj\u00eb informacion i dyt\u00eb: t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat tona tregojn\u00eb se qeverit\u00eb populliste i kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb vendet e tyre q\u00eb t\u00eb zbresin mesatarisht p\u00ebr pes\u00eb vende n\u00eb Indeksin e Korupsionit t\u00eb Transparency International. Disa raste jan\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb ekstreme se aq: Venezuela, p\u00ebr shembull, ra p\u00ebr 83 vende n\u00ebn udh\u00ebheqjen e Hugo Chavez-it.<\/p>\n

Meq\u00eb popullist\u00ebt shpesh lul\u00ebzojn\u00eb n\u00eb zem\u00ebrimin rreth problemeve shum\u00eb reale \u2013 elitat q\u00eb v\u00ebrtet jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb distancuara, sistemet politike q\u00eb jan\u00eb pabesueshm\u00ebrisht t\u00eb koruptuara \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb tunduese q\u00eb t\u00eb shpresohet se ato mund t\u00eb ndihmojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb rigjall\u00ebrojn\u00eb demokracit\u00eb e pap\u00ebrsosura n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb. P\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, d\u00ebshmit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mira sugjerojn\u00eb se, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn deri tash, ato kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn. Mesatarisht, qeverit\u00eb populliste kan\u00eb thelluar korupsionin, kan\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar t\u00eb drejtat individuale dhe kan\u00eb shkaktuar d\u00ebme serioze mbi institucionet demokratike.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb gjithashtu kritike q\u00eb t\u00eb vihet re se \u00e7far\u00eb nuk tregohet n\u00eb rezultatet tona. S\u00eb pari, si\u00e7 thuhet shpesh n\u00eb reklamat p\u00ebr produktet financiare, performanca e kaluar nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrisht treguese p\u00ebr rezultatet e ardhshme. \u00cbsht\u00eb e mundur se ndryshimi i rrethanave, sikur se evolucioni ideologjik i l\u00ebvizjeve populliste ose ndikimi n\u00eb rritje i mediave sociale, mund t\u2019i b\u00ebjn\u00eb qeverit\u00eb populliste t\u00eb ken\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb ose m\u00eb pak t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb minojn\u00eb institucionet demokratike n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti, \u00ebsht\u00eb e paqart\u00eb deri m\u00eb tash sa leht\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthehet p\u00ebrvoja e qeverive populliste t\u00eb kaluara, t\u00eb cilat n\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruara n\u00eb vendet me t\u00eb ardhura t\u00eb mesme me p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb t\u00eb fresk\u00ebt t\u00eb sundimit autoritar, te vendet e pasura me tradita t\u00eb gjata demokratike. Fal\u00eb fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb saj civile dhe p\u00ebrkushtimet t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb ndaj rendit kushtetues, Shtetet e Bashkuara, p\u00ebr shembull, mund t\u00eb d\u00ebshmohen si m\u00eb t\u00eb afta p\u00ebr t\u2019i b\u00ebr\u00eb ball\u00eb nj\u00eb presidenti popullist.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb fundmi, mesataret nuk thon\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr rastet individuale. Qytetar\u00ebt e vendeve q\u00eb qeverisen nga popullist\u00eb autoritar\u00eb duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb v\u00ebrtet t\u00eb brengosur q\u00eb qeverit\u00eb e ngjashme kan\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar institucionet q\u00eb kufizojn\u00eb pushtetin e ekzkekutivit, n\u00eb nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb madh rastesh. Megjithat\u00eb, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsye p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb se sa arsye p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb fatalist.<\/p>\n

—-<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n
\n

\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb\u00a0The Atlantic N\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb hulumtimit ton\u00eb, qeverit\u00eb populliste kan\u00eb thelluar korupsionin, kan\u00eb minuar t\u00eb drejtat individuale dhe i kan\u00eb shkaktuar d\u00ebme serioze institucioneve demokratike Kur Jair Bolsonaro fitoi zgjedhjet presidenciale n\u00eb Brazil n\u00eb tetor, duke shtangur elit\u00ebn politike tradicionale t\u00eb vendit, komentuesit qen\u00eb thell\u00ebsisht t\u00eb ndar\u00eb rreth asaj se \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":576,"featured_media":11721,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1047,1048],"ppma_author":[2217,2216],"class_list":["post-4324","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-demokracia","tag-populizmi"],"authors":[{"term_id":2217,"user_id":576,"is_guest":0,"slug":"yascha-moung","display_name":"Yascha Moung","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/vVNOIF5B_400x400.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/vVNOIF5B_400x400.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Mounk","first_name":"Yascha","description":"Yascha Mounk is a contributing writer at The Atlantic and the author, most recently, of The Identity Trap: A Story of Ideas and Power in Our Time."},{"term_id":2216,"user_id":575,"is_guest":0,"slug":"jordan-kyle","display_name":"Jordan Kyle","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/ed3968ca0e0a23c32a148dbedadcd83048684088bf173fab69ee3fc898e73f7f?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"Kyle","first_name":"Jordan","description":"Jordan Kyle is a senior fellow at the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change and holds a Ph.D. in political science from Columbia University"}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4324","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/576"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4324"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4324\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11722,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4324\/revisions\/11722"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11721"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4324"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4324"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4324"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4324"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}