{"id":4328,"date":"2019-01-04T13:54:04","date_gmt":"2019-01-04T11:54:04","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4328"},"modified":"2024-11-08T11:45:22","modified_gmt":"2024-11-08T09:45:22","slug":"ne-vend-te-urimit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/ne-vend-te-urimit\/","title":{"rendered":"N\u00eb vend t\u00eb urimit"},"content":{"rendered":"
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P\u00ebrballje me kriz\u00ebn e shtetnd\u00ebrtimit<\/strong><\/p>\n

2019′\u00a0 sh\u00ebnjon p\u00ebrvjetor\u00eb t\u00eb kthesave historike n\u00eb shtetnd\u00ebrtimin e Kosov\u00ebs. Tridhjet\u00eb vjet \u00a0prej kur shqiptar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs mor\u00ebn kursin e vendosur p\u00ebr refuzimin e sundimit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb, i cili po krijonte logjistik\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb kthehet me kapacitet t\u00eb plot\u00eb duke demontuar \u00a0autonomin\u00eb politike e territoriale t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Tridhjet\u00eb vjet prej kur Greva unike e minator\u00ebve t\u00eb Stan Tergut i kishte dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cno pasaran\u201d atij regjimi. Tridhjet\u00eb vjet prej kur delegat\u00ebt (deputet\u00ebt) e Kuvendit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, n\u00eb mars, i dor\u00ebzuan \u00e7el\u00ebsat e rr\u00ebnimit t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb Kuvendit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb, duke rip\u00ebrs\u00ebritur Prizrenin e 1945-s. E \u00a0b\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, po pan\u00eb se ishin tjet\u00ebrsuar, populli nuk ishte me ta, mbet\u00ebn t\u00ebr\u00eb faj dhe turp, t\u00eb vetmuar. Tridhjet\u00eb vjet prej kur u formua partia e par\u00eb politike me orientim demokratik e atdhetar – LDK q\u00eb n\u00eb vitet n\u00eb vijim do t\u00eb artikuloj\u00eb rezistenc\u00ebn aktive paq\u00ebsore p\u00ebr liri, demokraci dhe pavar\u00ebsi. Kjo rezistenc\u00eb do t\u00eb marr\u00eb njohje nga bota e civilizuar dhe \u00a0kishte arritur q\u00eb Kosova e brengat e saj t\u00eb d\u00ebgjohen e kuptohen m\u00eb mir\u00eb gjithandej. Po b\u00ebhen nj\u00ebzet\u00eb vjet kur lufta e U\u00c7K-s\u00eb, pas kriz\u00ebs n\u00eb vitin paraprak, qe strukturuar mir\u00eb, kishte marr\u00eb veten, qe rritur dhe e b\u00ebnte luft\u00ebn p\u00ebr liri n\u00eb thuaja t\u00eb gjitha pjes\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs duke krijuar oaza t\u00eb vogla territoresh t\u00eb lira, kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb akte heroike; n\u00eb Koshare U\u00c7K-ja kishte hequr kufrin Jugosllav. Po b\u00ebhen 20 vjet kur e \u201ckap\u00ebrcyem vetmin\u00eb\u201c \u00a0n\u00eb luft\u00ebn ton\u00eb p\u00ebr liri dhe kur bota demokratike u vu n\u00eb an\u00ebn ton\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar gjenocidin dhe katastrof\u00ebn humanitare; 20 vjet nga deportimi biblik i popullat\u00ebs jasht\u00eb vendit nga regjimi okupues; 20 vjet nga t\u00ebrheqja e forcave okupuese policiore dhe ushtarake t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb, pas disfat\u00ebs nga NATO. K\u00ebto jan\u00eb 20 vjet lirie q\u00eb sh\u00ebnojn\u00eb edhe etap\u00ebn m\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse t\u00eb shtetndr\u00ebtimit, pas p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb gjata e t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira t\u00eb shum\u00eb gjeneratave p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb shekulli t\u00eb mbrapsht\u00eb. Nj\u00ebzet\u00eb vjet n\u00eb liri q\u00eb soll\u00ebn edhe shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb (shkurt 2008) e cila u njoh nga pjesa d\u00ebrmuese e antar\u00ebve t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb. Po hyjm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb vit me p\u00ebrvjetor\u00eb t\u00eb ndrtish\u00ebm t\u00eb historis\u00eb son\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Por jan\u00eb k\u00ebtu, me gjith\u00eb ne e n\u00eb ne edhe dhimbjet p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre tri \u00a0dekadave n\u00eb ngritje e r\u00ebnie t\u00eb pushtimit t\u00eb liris\u00eb dhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrmushjen e q\u00ebllimeve p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri demokratike e shtet prosperues; nj\u00eb shtet \u00a0i cili kriojn shansa t\u00eb barabarta p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt, bizneset, investitor\u00ebt e brendsh\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm. Ato, dhimbjet e shtetnd\u00ebrtimit, po b\u00ebhen m\u00eb t\u00eb forta dhe m\u00eb degjenerative. E gjith\u00eb kjo po shoq\u00ebrohet me kriz\u00ebn serioze t\u00eb shtetnd\u00ebrtimit. Tiparet e k\u00ebsaj krize i shohim \u00a0midis t\u00eb tjerash:<\/p>\n

–<\/strong>\u00a0N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si funksionojn\u00eb institutcionet m\u00eb t\u00eb larta t\u00eb shtetit<\/p>\n

–\u00a0<\/strong>Me ndjenj\u00ebn e mosperspektiv\u00ebs q\u00eb ka kapluar qytetar\u00ebt e shumt\u00eb e sidmos rinin\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen e sheh me ikje nga vendi<\/p>\n

–\u00a0<\/strong>Me faktin se qytetar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs jan\u00eb t\u00eb vetmit q\u00eb u mohohet l\u00ebvizja e lir\u00eb n\u00eb kontinentin e tyre<\/p>\n

–<\/strong>\u00a0Me faktin se \u00a0ka nj\u00eb vit e m\u00eb shum\u00eb q\u00eb nuk kemi njohje te reja t\u00eb shtetsis\u00eb dhe se ka filluar nj\u00eb proces i kund\u00ebrt<\/p>\n

–<\/strong>\u00a0Me faktin se lufta primitive e antagonistike e forcave politike p\u00ebr pushtet thuaja se ka metastazuar<\/p>\n

–<\/strong>\u00a0Me faktin se para bot\u00ebs dhe aleat\u00ebve ton\u00eb po paraqitemi me vesin e bajraktarizmit, protagonizmit dhe s\u00ebmurjes kronike t\u00eb paaft\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtuar marr\u00ebveshje e kompromis edhe p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje aq serioze si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb dialogu me Serbin\u00eb rreth t\u00eb cilit \u00a0mospjatimet nuk jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm midis pozit\u00ebs dhe opozit\u00ebs, por shprehen haptazi e me \u201cselame\u201d p\u00ebrmes mediave edhe midis dy udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit – Presidentit dhe Kryeministrit<\/p>\n

–<\/strong>\u00a0Me faktin se gjat\u00eb vitit q\u00eb po shkon kemi nj\u00eb rekord t\u00eb seancave t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuara dhe t\u00eb pap\u00ebrfunduara t\u00eb Kuvendit<\/p>\n

–\u00a0<\/strong>Me faktin se diskrusi i debatit politik n\u00eb Kuvend dhe jasht\u00eb tij ka r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb nivelin e \u201cma the … ta thash\u00eb\u201d, \u201cma bane … ta bana\u201d<\/p>\n

–<\/strong>\u00a0Me faktin se Sistemit gjyq\u00ebsor i grumbullohen l\u00ebnd\u00ebt e pazgjihdura e ai nuk arrin t\u00eb sanksionoj\u00eb rastet e r\u00ebnda t\u00eb krimit ekonomik e korrupsionit<\/p>\n

–<\/strong>\u00a0Me faktin se secili mundohet t\u00eb grabis\u00eb nga buxheti i konsoliduar i Kosov\u00ebs<\/p>\n

–<\/strong>\u00a0Dhe me faktin se ka edhe shum\u00eb\u00e7ka p\u00ebr t\u2019u numruar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb list\u00eb degradimesh<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb hulumtim i Institutit D4D, i publikuar sivjet n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb n\u00ebntorit, prezantoi disa t\u00eb dh\u00ebna shqet\u00ebsuese gjithashtu. Vet\u00ebm \u00a027.7 e respondent\u00ebve konsiderojn\u00eb se ndihem t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht ose t\u00eb mir\u00ebp\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar n\u00eb institucionet e shtetit, vet\u00ebm 36.6% e ndjejn\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsin\u00eb ndaj shtetit, simbolet e t\u00eb cilit u ngjallin krenari; 62% e respondent\u00ebve as nuk kan\u00eb provuar nj\u00eb participim p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndikuar n\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn e gj\u00ebrave (8.6% kan\u00eb provuar pa sukses, e \u00a04% me p\u00ebrpjekjet e tyre munden t\u00eb arrijn\u00eb nj\u00eb ndryshim).<\/p>\n

Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se mungojn\u00eb kritikat p\u00ebr klas\u00ebn \u00a0politike e lider\u00ebt politik\u00eb. Por edhe kritika vuan pak a shum\u00eb nga sindromet e diskursit t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm politik dhe p\u00ebrcjell pak a shum\u00eb ekon e konfliktit mbi bazat partike ose \u00a0mbi bazat e klientelizmit politik, biznesor e t\u00eb nepotizmit. Mediat u b\u00ebjn\u00eb ekon p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsueve t\u00eb diskursit m\u00eb degjenerativ politik n\u00eb institucione, njer\u00ebz t\u00eb akuzuar e n\u00ebn hetime shesin \u201cmoral\u201d, politikan\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrgrushtuar e t\u00eb nd\u00ebrshar\u00eb; popullist\u00eb impotent\u00eb e primitiv mbushin emisionit e debateve n\u00eb TV nacioanle dhe t\u00eb protaleve gjithashtu. Shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile dhe qarqeve akademike e intelektual\u00ebve mezi u ndihet z\u00ebri. Ndaj nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb faji vet\u00ebm i klas\u00ebs politike e i lider\u00ebve politik\u00eb. Nuk b\u00ebjm\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb pun\u00ebn n\u00ebse akuzojm\u00eb vet\u00ebm ata e nuk e shikojm\u00eb secili \u201coborrin ton\u00eb\u201d. Faji \u00ebsht\u00eb i yni ndoshta edhe po aq kur b\u00ebhemi si struc\u00ebt, duke futur kok\u00ebn n\u00eb r\u00ebr\u00eb, p\u00ebrse ndoshta disa u rrahim shpatullat politikan\u00ebve se po punojn\u00eb mir\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim t\u00eb favoreve. Faji \u00ebsht\u00eb se nuk po b\u00ebjm\u00eb pun\u00ebn ton\u00eb me guximin dhe objektivitetin q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb spikas\u00eb intelektual\u00ebt dhe qytetarin\u00eb. Faji \u00ebsht\u00eb i yni sepse politikan\u00ebt e lider\u00ebt nuk i kemi detyruar ta kuptojn\u00eb se shteti, Republika jon\u00eb parlamentare, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pron\u00eb tyre. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb as \u00a0instrument sundimi i lider\u00ebve politik\u00eb q\u00eb dominojn\u00eb partit\u00eb politike. Faji \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe yni se po e l\u00ebm\u00eb shtetin e uzurpuar apo t\u00eb mb\u00ebrthyer (kapur).<\/p>\n

Ky inxhinjering i p\u00ebr\u00e7arjes s\u00eb klas\u00ebs politike dhe i mb\u00ebrthyerjes s\u00eb shtetit fillon q\u00eb nga mungesa e demokracis\u00eb dhe debatit t\u00eb hapur tek partit\u00eb politike q\u00eb edhe vet\u00eb jan\u00eb kapur nga grupe q\u00eb servisojn\u00eb klientelizmin dhe kamuflojn\u00eb t\u00eb palarat me populliz\u00ebm. \u00a0Kjo pastaj bartet tek koalicionet, tek p\u00ebrb\u00ebrja e kabineteve, grupeve t\u00eb d\u00ebgjueshme parlamentare, q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb servis dhe makin\u00eb votimi p\u00ebr interesat e k\u00ebtyre grupeve dhe t\u00eb luft\u00ebs s\u00eb eg\u00ebr primitve p\u00ebr pushtet. Dhe kjo teknologji e mb\u00ebrthyerjes e frym\u00ebz\u00ebnies s\u00eb demokracis\u00eb ka filluar jo tash, po ndjek nj\u00eb trend keq\u00ebsimi nga viti n\u00eb vit. N\u00eb ver\u00eb e vjesht\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 2012, si deputet q\u00eb isha pash\u00eb fillet e k\u00ebsaj q\u00eb tash po ndodh n\u00eb p\u00ebrmasa gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. Nj\u00eb taks\u00eb banale, nj\u00eb akciz\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7imento t\u00eb impotuar prej 35% e cila i d\u00ebmton r\u00ebnd\u00eb, me rrezik falimentimi, kontraktuesit vendor\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimor\u00eb, ve\u00e7mas ata me Bechtel – Enka por edhe gjetiu, nd\u00ebrsa favorizonte tep\u00ebr e pa merit\u00eb Fabrik\u00ebn n\u00eb Han t\u00eb Elezit, e nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb nga MTI, e mb\u00ebshetur nga Qeveria, megjithat\u00eb u kund\u00ebrshtua nga deputet\u00eb t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs por edhe disa t\u00eb pozit\u00ebs. U krijua nj\u00eb mas\u00eb kritike e votave q\u00eb do ta rr\u00ebzonte k\u00ebt\u00eb vendim n\u00eb Kuvend. \u00a0Dhe ndodhi ajo q\u00eb nuk kam par\u00eb t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb parlament tjet\u00ebr. Grupet pralamentare n\u00eb pushtet i nxorr\u00ebn deputet\u00ebt e tyre jasht\u00eb salle p\u00ebr t\u00eb moskrijuar forumin p\u00ebr votim e vendimmarrje. Kjo pastaj u p\u00ebrs\u00ebrit po at\u00eb vit me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn teknologji kur duhej apropvuar nj\u00eb vendim – Rezolut\u00eb t\u00eb Kuvendit p\u00ebr ta v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb binar\u00eb legal\u00eb, e t\u00eb interesit publik, procesin e privatizimit duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe privatizimin e PTK. Dhe kjo erdhi duke u zhvilluar si praktik\u00eb e paralizimit t\u00eb forumit e marrjes s\u00eb vendimeve n\u00eb Kuvend nga viti n\u00eb vit. Tash u pasuruam edhe me taktik\u00ebn e pranis\u00eb n\u00eb sall\u00eb, por edhe t\u00eb mosvotimit as \u201cp\u00ebr\u201d, as \u201ckund\u00ebr\u201de as \u201cabstenim\u201d, p\u00ebr ta prishur forumin. K\u00ebt\u00eb instrument po e p\u00ebrdor edhe opozita edhe \u00e7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb absurde edhe pozita. Kjo u praktikua sivjet intensivisht, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb targjiko-komike, edhe tek votimet p\u00ebr rezolutat q\u00eb duheshin aprovuar lidhur me dialogun me Serbin\u00eb. Gjykata Kushtetuese pat konsideruar se deptetet jan\u00eb t\u00eb obliguar \u00a0t\u00eb marrin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb seanca dhe t\u00eb votojn\u00eb, kur interpretoi rastin e problemeve p\u00ebr konstituimin e Kuvendit dhe t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb pas zgjedhjve t\u00eb qershorit 2014. Por gjith\u00e7ka vazhdon me nj\u00eb rit\u00ebm p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsimi. N\u00ebse nuk zbatohen mendimet e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb dhe partit\u00eb politike e grupet parlamentare nuk heqin dor\u00eb nga kjo praktik\u00eb absurde, autoriteti i Kuvendit si pushtet suprem e demokratik mbetet vet\u00ebm n\u00eb let\u00ebr. Duhet nj\u00eb presion gjithandej q\u00eb mos t\u00eb tolerohet kjo praktik\u00eb, e cila manifeston qart\u00eb tiparin e luft\u00ebs primitve politike p\u00ebr pushtet. Shumica n\u00eb Kuvend, partit\u00eb n\u00eb koalicionin q\u00eb form\u00ebson pushtetin duhet ta dij\u00eb se edhe ata kan\u00eb obligim q\u00eb t\u00eb ushtrojn\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrjen e Qeveris\u00eb, n\u00eb interes t\u00eb qeverisjes s\u00eb mir\u00eb e t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegjshme dhe n\u00eb inters t\u00eb partive e votuesve t\u00eb tyre e jo ta kuptoj\u00eb si detyr\u00eb t\u00eb \u201cshenjt\u00eb\u201d e ta reduktojn\u00eb rolin e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur gjithnj\u00eb e me \u00e7do kusht p\u00ebr gjith\u00e7ka \u201cqeverin\u00eb e partis\u00eb\/partive t\u00eb tyre\u201d.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nga rezultatet q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb evidentoheshin \u00ebsht\u00eb se p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr problemeve me cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e qeverisjes makroekonomike, edhe monitorimin e FMN-s\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb arritur q\u00eb t\u00eb ruhet stabiliteti makroekonomik e fiskal. Por kjo sa po vjen e po vihet n\u00eb sprov\u00eb. P\u00ebrfitimet nga pakoja e transferave sociale, pensioneve dhe p\u00ebrfituesve t\u00eb shumt\u00eb t\u00eb skemave sociale (rasti i listave p\u00ebr veteran\u00eb p.sh.) por tash edhe rritja e pagave tek sektori publik ka marr\u00eb p\u00ebrmasat e nj\u00eb euforie p\u00ebr grabitje nga buxheti. Pa marr\u00eb parasysh se ka disa k\u00ebrkesa q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb drejta, si ajo e e mjek\u00ebve specialist\u00eb (me pag\u00eb 600 Euro), q\u00eb n\u00ebse nuk adresohen do ta rrezikojn\u00eb seriozisht edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb cil\u00ebsin\u00eb sherbimeve n\u00eb QKU. Por \u00a0po shohim k\u00ebrkesa nj\u00eb pas nj\u00eb n\u00eb Qeveri, n\u00eb Kuvend dhe t\u00eb shum\u00eb sindikatave p\u00ebr rritje t\u00eb pag\u00ebs. Po rrezikohet ajo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb si rregull q\u00eb rritja e pagave ta p\u00ebrcjell\u00eb p\u00ebrqindjen e rritjes ekonomike dhe t\u00eb produktivitetit. Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb diku n\u00eb 60% t\u00eb mesatar\u00ebs s\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb zhvillimit t\u00eb rajonit (GDP p\u00ebr nj\u00eb banor\u00eb), por pagat e sektorit publik dhe lider\u00ebve dhe shum\u00eb kategorive tjera jan\u00eb duksh\u00ebm mbi mesatren e rajonit. N\u00ebse sektori publik vazhdon k\u00ebshtu t\u00eb grryej\u00eb nga pasuria komb\u00ebtare edhe kjo e rrezikon shtetnd\u00ebrtimin dhe stabilitetin e vendit. Esht\u00eb koha q\u00eb k\u00ebtu gjith\u00e7ka t\u00eb b\u00ebhet transparente dhe t\u2019i n\u00ebnshtrohet nj\u00eb debati t\u00eb angazhuar dhe presioni publik. Buxheti dhe sektori publik nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pron\u00eb e partive n\u00eb pushtet dhe e lider\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n

Dhe m\u00eb n\u00eb fund \u00a0vjen paralajm\u00ebrimi, n\u00eb kontinuitet, i kompromiseve t\u00eb dhimbshme dhe i frik\u00ebsimit ose k\u00ebshtu ose gjith\u00e7ka do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet m\u00eb keq lidhur me dialogun. Kemi ardh\u00eb deri aty kur partit\u00eb politike dhe lider\u00ebt politik\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb takohen bashk\u00eb dhe po shohim mir\u00eb se cilat jan\u00eb shansat dhe rrisqet lidhur me dialogun. N\u00eb nj\u00eb bised\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegjshme n\u00eb grup ose nj\u00eb nga nj\u00eb, kok\u00eb me kok\u00eb dhe t\u00eb marrin vendimin e duhur q\u00eb do ta verifikojn\u00eb bashk\u00eb edhe me kuvendin dhe opinionin. Bajraktarizmi e protagonizmi, pasojat e luft\u00ebs primitive politike p\u00ebr pushtet kan\u00eb ngushtuar horizontin e k\u00ebtyre lider\u00ebve q\u00eb nuk i b\u00ebn bashk\u00eb as n\u00eb nj\u00eb nivel bazik, elementar. N\u00eb p\u00ebrballje me rrezikimin e procesve t\u00eb shtetnd\u00ebrtimit duhet t\u2019u b\u00ebjm\u00eb \u00a0medije lider\u00ebve politik\u00eb dhe institucional\u00eb se t\u00eb till\u00eb nuk na duhen. N\u00eb p\u00ebrballje me k\u00ebt\u00eb rrezik uroj t\u00eb ndryshojm\u00eb s\u00eb paku shumica prej nesh n\u00eb nj\u00eb vit me paralajm\u00ebrime p\u00ebr vendime \u201ct\u00eb r\u00ebnda\u201d.<\/p>\n

Urime pra 2019!<\/p>\n

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\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

P\u00ebrballje me kriz\u00ebn e shtetnd\u00ebrtimit 2019′\u00a0 sh\u00ebnjon p\u00ebrvjetor\u00eb t\u00eb kthesave historike n\u00eb shtetnd\u00ebrtimin e Kosov\u00ebs. Tridhjet\u00eb vjet \u00a0prej kur shqiptar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs mor\u00ebn kursin e vendosur p\u00ebr refuzimin e sundimit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb, i cili po krijonte logjistik\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb kthehet me kapacitet t\u00eb plot\u00eb duke demontuar \u00a0autonomin\u00eb politike e territoriale t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Tridhjet\u00eb vjet prej […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":321,"featured_media":9910,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[664],"ppma_author":[333],"class_list":["post-4328","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kosovo"],"authors":[{"term_id":333,"user_id":321,"is_guest":0,"slug":"muhamet-mustafa","display_name":"Muhamet Mustafa","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/mustafa_bio.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/mustafa_bio.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Mustafa","first_name":"Muhamet","description":"Profesor Mustafa ligj\u00ebron Menaxhimin e Zhvillimit, Strategjit\u00eb dhe Politikat e Zhvillimit Ekonomik dhe ka p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb n\u00eb hartimin dhe menaxhimin e politikave publike. \u00cbsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebthemelues i Institutit Riinvest (1995) dhe sh\u00ebrbeu si kryetar deri n\u00eb vitin 2010. P\u00ebr dy mandate (2010-2017) ishte deputet n\u00eb Kuvendin e Kosov\u00ebs (jo partiak) dhe kryesoi Komisionin p\u00ebr Zhvillim Ekonomik dhe Tregti dhe Industri. Aktualisht an\u00ebtar i lart\u00eb n\u00eb Institutin Riinvest."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4328","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/321"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4328"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4328\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9912,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4328\/revisions\/9912"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9910"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4328"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4328"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4328"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4328"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}