{"id":4440,"date":"2019-01-22T11:44:08","date_gmt":"2019-01-22T09:44:08","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4440"},"modified":"2024-11-20T11:46:16","modified_gmt":"2024-11-20T09:46:16","slug":"keqkuptimet-me-liberalizmin-dhe-kercenimi-qe-i-vjen-tregut-te-lire-prej-biznesmeneve","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/uncategorized\/keqkuptimet-me-liberalizmin-dhe-kercenimi-qe-i-vjen-tregut-te-lire-prej-biznesmeneve\/","title":{"rendered":"Keqkuptimet me liberalizmin dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi q\u00eb i vjen tregut t\u00eb lir\u00eb prej biznesmen\u00ebve"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Debati publik p\u00ebr struktur\u00ebn e ekonomis\u00eb shqiptare po i jep jehon\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe shqet\u00ebsimit p\u00ebr formimin e nj\u00eb oligarkie, e cila ka p\u00ebrq\u00ebndruar n\u00eb pak duar, pjes\u00ebn kryesore t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb. N\u00eb opinionin e qytetar\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u \u00e7imentuar bindja se q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhesh biznesmen i fuqish\u00ebm sot duhet t\u00eb kesh lidhje t\u00eb ngushta me politik\u00ebn e krimin. Pra suksesin n\u00eb ekonomi nuk e shohin si rezultat t\u00eb pun\u00ebs s\u00eb palodhur, kuraj\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr risk, arsimit dhe talentit por si produkt t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb t\u00eb sigurimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitimeve e privilegjeve prej shtetit. Pra rruga drejt fuqizimit duket se \u00ebsht\u00eb shtrydhja e favoreve nga shteti duke marr\u00eb tendera, subvencione, amnesti, licensa, koncensione apo imunitet p\u00ebr evazion fiskal e kontraband\u00eb. Po ashtu p\u00ebrdorin qeverin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb eleminuar apo kufizuar konkurrenc\u00ebn duke minimizuar lirin\u00eb e konsumatorit p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjedhur. Kjo rrug\u00eb shkon t\u00ebr\u00ebsish ndesh me vlerat dhe parimet q\u00eb promovon liberalizmi e q\u00eb konsistojn\u00eb n\u00eb sip\u00ebrmarrje private q\u00eb funksionon n\u00eb kushtet e tregtis\u00eb s\u00eb hapur e t\u00eb lir\u00eb, konkurrenc\u00ebs s\u00eb lir\u00eb e t\u00eb ndershme, sundimit t\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb ligjit dhe t\u00eb nj\u00eb qeverie q\u00eb nuk i fut hund\u00ebt n\u00eb ekonomi por q\u00ebndron e distancuar dhe neutrale n\u00eb treg.<\/p>\n

Fatkeq\u00ebsisht ky reputacion negativ q\u00eb me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb kan\u00eb marr\u00eb k\u00ebto biznese t\u00eb m\u00ebdha \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u shfryt\u00ebzuar manipuluar nga neomarksist\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt po e lidhin me liberalizmit klasik apo neoliberalizmit sikurse i referohen shpesh. Krijimin e k\u00ebsaj kaste biznesmen\u00ebsh shqiptar\u00eb t\u00eb kapitalizmit t\u00eb kalbur apo \u201ccrony capitalism\u201d sikurse po i referohen shpesh n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb, ata po e trajtojn\u00eb si t\u00eb ishte pasoj\u00eb e aplikimit t\u00eb plot\u00eb t\u00eb sistemit ekonomiko-politik t\u00eb liberaldemokracis\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb spekulim i past\u00ebr q\u00eb vjen nga e majta ekstreme sepse ka nj\u00eb dallim t\u00eb madh mes t\u00eb qenit pro-tregut dhe pro-tregtar\u00ebve, mes t\u00eb qenit pro-biznesit si veprimtari ekonomike dhe pro-biznesmen\u00ebve t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb n\u00eb hapat e par\u00eb t\u00eb mendimit ekonomik liberal \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb dallim i qart\u00eb mes mbrojtjes s\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb tregut dhe mbrojtjes s\u00eb interesit t\u00eb biznesmen\u00ebve. Filozofi i par\u00eb liberal, Adam Smith, n\u00eb kryevep\u00ebrn e tij\u00a0Pasuria e Kombeve<\/em>, \u00a0kishte si nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr temat kryesore kund\u00ebrshtimin e merkantilizmit. Pra dilte kund\u00ebr favorizimit t\u00eb bizneseve t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta q\u00eb shteti b\u00ebnte duke penguar konkurrenc\u00ebn q\u00eb vinte nga mallrat e importuara. Babai i ekonomis\u00eb si disiplin\u00eb shkencore, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb kritikonte politikat pro-biznesit q\u00eb siguronin p\u00ebrfitime p\u00ebr disa t\u00eb privilegjuar dhe promovonte tregtin\u00eb e lir\u00eb q\u00eb i sh\u00ebrben t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve. Po ashtu nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr shqet\u00ebsim q\u00eb paraqet ai n\u00eb at\u00eb lib\u00ebr t\u00eb shekullit XIIX \u00ebsht\u00eb rreziku q\u00eb vjen nga monopolet e kartelet. Ai vinte n\u00eb dukje se n\u00ebse b\u00ebhen me nj\u00ebri tjetrin biznesmen\u00ebt e nj\u00eb sektori, e p\u00ebson interesi publik sepse rriten artificialisht \u00e7mimet. Po ashtu k\u00ebshillat e tij vlejn\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr sot kur ai k\u00ebrkon maksimumin e vigjilenc\u00ebs p\u00ebrkundrejt p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb biznesmen\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur lidhjet politike n\u00eb interes t\u00eb tyre. Sipas tij “Propozimi i \u00e7do ligji apo rregulloreje t\u00eb re q\u00eb vjen nga biznesmen\u00ebt, duhet d\u00ebgjuar me kujdes t\u00eb madh dhe nuk duhet t\u00eb miratohet derisa t\u00eb jet\u00eb shqyrtuar, shtruar me kujdes… me dyshimin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh pasi vjen nj\u00eb lloj njer\u00ebzish, q\u00eb nuk i kan\u00eb interesat t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta me ato t\u00eb publikut\u201d.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrpos k\u00ebsaj duhet patur parasysh se biznese private kishte edhe m\u00eb her\u00ebt se epoka e Adam Smithit. Idelogjia e derat\u00ebhershme dhe vet\u00eb m\u00ebnyra si funksiononin gj\u00ebrat para p\u00ebrqafimit t\u00eb liberalizmit, konsistonin \u00a0tashm\u00eb n\u00eb ruajtjen e status quo-s\u00eb dhe privilegj\u00ebve t\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb pasurve dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishm\u00ebve. Demokracia n\u00eb Angli asokohe ishte rudimentare dhe t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vot\u00ebs e kishin vet\u00ebm meshkujt q\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb pasur. Mendimi i Adam Smith ishte kund\u00ebr status quo-s\u00eb dhe sigurimit t\u00eb privilegjeve dhe pro konkurrenc\u00ebs, iniciativ\u00ebs private e novacionit. Prandaj idet\u00eb e tij duhen konsideruar si propozime q\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb ofronin mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr m\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebrit e m\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebtit sesa p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasurit e t\u00eb fuqishmit q\u00eb tashm\u00eb e dominonin shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb. Thelbi i tez\u00ebs s\u00eb tij, q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebn edhe zanafill\u00ebn e liberalizmit, \u00ebsht\u00eb se tendenca e natyrshme e njer\u00ebzve drejt interesit vetjak sjell begatin\u00eb p\u00ebr gjith\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb prandaj p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur p\u00ebrparim m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe duhej q\u00eb t\u00eb hapeshin tregjet, t\u00eb promovohej konkurrenca dhe qeveria t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhynte sa m\u00eb pak n\u00eb ekonomi.<\/p>\n

Dallimin mes liberalizmit dhe interesave t\u00eb biznesmen\u00ebve e b\u00ebn t\u00eb qart\u00eb akoma m\u00eb mir\u00eb nj\u00eb nga mendimtar\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm bashk\u00ebkohor t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj doktrine ekonomike e politike. N\u00eb nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb n\u00eb 1974 Milton Friedman thoshte se \u201cdy armiqt\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj t\u00eb \u00a0shoq\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb lir\u00eb ose sip\u00ebrmarrjes s\u00eb lir\u00eb jan\u00eb intelektual\u00ebt nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb dhe biznesmen\u00ebt nga ana tjet\u00ebr, p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta. \u00c7do intelektual beson n\u00eb lirin\u00eb p\u00ebr veten, por \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebr liris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt. Ai d\u00ebshiron lirin\u00eb e fjal\u00ebs, lirin\u00eb akademike mir\u00ebpo kur vjen puna tek ekonomia\u2026 Ai mendon se duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb bord t\u00eb planifikimit qendror q\u00eb do t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsit\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore. Biznesmen\u00ebt jan\u00eb thjesht e kund\u00ebrta – \u00e7do biznesmen \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb favor t\u00eb liris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, por kur b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr vete, sipas tyre kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje tjet\u00ebr. Ai mendon se gjithmon\u00eb rasti i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb. Ai mendon se meriton t\u00eb marr\u00eb privilegje t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta nga qeveria. Ata thon\u00eb duhet t\u00eb kemi k\u00ebt\u00eb tarif\u00eb doganore p\u00ebr t\u2019u mbrojtur prej konkurrenc\u00ebs q\u00eb vjen nga jasht\u00eb. Ne duhet t\u00eb kemi at\u00eb leht\u00ebsim n\u00eb taksa. Ne duhet ta kemi k\u00ebt\u00eb subvencion.\u201d<\/p>\n

Trajtimi i liberalizmit si nj\u00eb idelogji q\u00eb promovon ekskluzivisht interesat e biznesmen\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb fakt nj\u00eb rudiment apo reminishenc\u00eb e trash\u00ebguar nga teoria marksiste e klasave. P\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrmbledhur shpejt e shkurt, Marksi mendonte se pozicioni i nj\u00eb individi n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri lidhet me rolin q\u00eb ai ka n\u00eb procesin e prodhimit dhe m\u00eb konkretisht me zot\u00ebrimin ose jo t\u00eb mjeteve t\u00eb prodhimit. Klasa p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga individ\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb gjendje dhe interesa t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta ekonomike, jan\u00eb t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr ato interesa dhe angazhohen n\u00eb veprime kolektive q\u00eb i \u00e7ojn\u00eb p\u00ebrpara ato interesa. Sipas Marksit historia shikohet bazuar n\u00eb antagonizmin e pashmangsh\u00ebm mes dy shtresave duke shprehur bindjen se shoq\u00ebria ec\u00ebn p\u00ebrpara n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet luft\u00ebs s\u00eb dy klasave. N\u00eb nj\u00eb an\u00eb ai thoshte se \u00ebsht\u00eb proletariati q\u00eb konsiderohet klasa e pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve q\u00eb nuk ka pron\u00eb mjetet e prodhimit por t\u00eb ardhurat i sigurojn\u00eb nga shitja e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre t\u00eb pun\u00ebs. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr borgjezia q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb klasa sociale q\u00eb gjat\u00eb industrializimit ka sht\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00eb mjetet e prodhimit dhe q\u00eb ka p\u00ebr prioritet kryesor mbrojtjen apo rritjen e vler\u00ebs s\u00eb pron\u00ebs dhe kapitalit t\u00eb tyre duke ruajtur k\u00ebshtu dominimin n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri. \u00a0Pra th\u00ebn\u00eb thjesht: n\u00ebse individi zot\u00ebronte mjetet e prodhimit ishte borgjez dhe n\u00ebse jo ishte proletar.<\/p>\n

Ajo q\u00eb duhet theksuar \u00ebsht\u00eb se teoria marksiste mendonte se \u00e7do klase i korrespondon nj\u00eb ideologji specifike q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson m\u00eb s\u00eb miri interesat, vullnetin apo d\u00ebshirat e pjestar\u00ebve t\u00eb asaj klase. K\u00ebshtu komunizmi ishte doktrina q\u00eb parashtronte rrug\u00ebn e \u00e7lirimit t\u00eb proletariatit n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet revolucionit. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb frym\u00eb t\u00eb materializmit historik edhe liberalizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb konsideruar e trajtuar si doktrina politike q\u00eb mbron e mb\u00ebshtet kapitalist\u00ebt apo borgjez\u00ebt. Pra n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre duke folur p\u00ebrdit\u00eb p\u00ebr shtres\u00ebn e mesme si mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebse e natyrshme e sistemit kapitalist apo liberalizmi, thjesht aplikohet teoria marksiste e klasave. N\u00eb fakt, liberalizmi nuk duhet par\u00eb me nj\u00eb sy marksist sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ideologji q\u00eb promovon\u00eb lirin\u00eb n\u00eb vet\u00ebvete, pavar\u00ebsisht se kush p\u00ebrfiton prej saj. U b\u00eb koh\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb hedhur posht\u00eb m\u00ebnyra materialiste marksiste e t\u00eb parit t\u00eb individit si nj\u00eb dele brenda nj\u00eb kopeje q\u00eb s\u2019ka individualitet por q\u00eb i p\u00ebrket nj\u00eb shtrese dhe reflekton kryek\u00ebput interesat e asaj shtrese. N\u00eb shkencat sociale t\u00eb epok\u00ebs s\u00eb sotshme vler\u00ebsohet dhe respektohet individi dhe individualiteti dhe nj\u00ebr\u00ebzit nuk trajtohen vet\u00ebm si pjes\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb klase monolite.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb epok\u00ebn postindustriale q\u00eb po p\u00ebrjeton Evropa, p\u00ebrqindja e klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore apo e shtres\u00ebs s\u00eb ul\u00ebt ka r\u00ebn\u00eb shum\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb shumica d\u00ebrrmuese i p\u00ebrket shtres\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme. K\u00ebshtu sipas organizat\u00ebs OECD, p\u00ebrqindja e shtres\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme n\u00eb Danimark\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb 80%, Finland\u00eb 75%, Franc\u00eb 74%, Gjermani 72%, Irland\u00eb 69%, Itali 67%, Luksemburg 75%, Holland\u00eb 79%, \u00a0Norvegji 80%, Mbret\u00ebri t\u00eb Bashkuar 67% e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo pavar\u00ebsisht rritjes s\u00eb p\u00ebrqindjes s\u00eb popullsis\u00eb q\u00eb i takon shtres\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme, liberalizmi si ideologji nuk g\u00ebzon mb\u00ebshtetjen e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb me k\u00ebto p\u00ebrmasa sikurse do t\u00eb pretendonte marksizmi me k\u00ebto shifra, p\u00ebrkundrazi, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e mir\u00eb e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb ende beson tek nd\u00ebrhyrja e fort\u00eb kapilare e shtetit n\u00eb ekonomi. Po ashtu edhe pse p\u00ebrqindja e proletar\u00ebve, pra e qytetar\u00ebve q\u00eb nuk zot\u00ebrojn\u00eb mjetet e prodhimit ka r\u00ebn\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht; idet\u00eb e frym\u00ebzuara nga Marksi jan\u00eb ende t\u00eb forta n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri dhe e majta q\u00eb promovon barazin\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet rishp\u00ebrndarjes ende fiton rregullisht zgjedhje n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb Evrop\u00eb t\u00eb dominuar nga shtresa e mesme. Kjo situat\u00eb tregon se sa e paq\u00ebndrueshme \u00ebsht\u00eb sot teoria e klasave e Marksit.<\/p>\n

Por edhe sikur ta merrnim hipotetikisht t\u00eb mir\u00ebq\u00ebn\u00eb at\u00eb teori, p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb se historia bashk\u00ebkohore ka d\u00ebshmuar q\u00eb liberalizmi m\u00eb s\u00eb miri i ka sh\u00ebrbyer interesave t\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebrve. Liberalizmi jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb triumfoi mbi komunizmin por p\u00ebrhapja e tij ka nxjerr\u00eb nga varf\u00ebria qindra milion\u00eb qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, Indis\u00eb e vendeve t\u00eb tjera ku po aplikohet. Studiuesi Johan Norberg n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb sfid\u00ebs s\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7arit 2008-2018 q\u00eb ka qarkulluar koh\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit ka nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb pah disa t\u00eb dh\u00ebna interesante q\u00eb nxjerrin n\u00eb pah suksesin e p\u00ebrhapjes s\u00eb liris\u00eb dhe ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb tregut n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb. T\u00eb dh\u00ebnat e nxjerra nga organizata si UNDP, Banka Bot\u00ebrore dhe UNESCO tregojn\u00eb se varf\u00ebria ekstreme ka r\u00ebn\u00eb nga 21.3% n\u00eb 2008 n\u00eb 8.6% n\u00eb 2018, vdekshm\u00ebria foshnjore nga 5.8% n\u00eb 3.8%, analfabetizmi nga 11.3% n\u00eb 8.6% nd\u00ebrsa jet\u00ebgjat\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur nga 69.8% n\u00eb 72.2%.<\/p>\n

E v\u00ebrteta \u00ebsht\u00eb se n\u00eb shum\u00eb raste biznesmen\u00ebt e p\u00eblqejn\u00eb dhe e mb\u00ebshtesin iden\u00eb e tregut t\u00eb lir\u00eb deri sa t\u00eb futen n\u00eb treg, m\u00eb pas b\u00ebjn\u00eb \u00e7mos q\u00eb t\u00eb pengojn\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt q\u00eb t\u00eb hyjn\u00eb, kryesisht duke u p\u00ebrpjekur q\u00eb t\u00eb merren me politik\u00eb. Bizneset kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb \u00e7mos p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur presionet, rreziqet apo paparashikueshm\u00ebrit\u00eb q\u00eb shkaktohen prej nj\u00eb konkurrence t\u00eb lir\u00eb e t\u00eb ndershme dhe shpesh p\u00ebrdorin ndihm\u00ebn e qeveris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb evituar konkurrenc\u00ebn. Aktualisht konsumatori shtet \u00ebsht\u00eb konsumatori kryesor e jo konsumatori individ i thjesht\u00eb. Duke qen\u00eb se shteti \u00ebsht\u00eb ai q\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb vendos p\u00ebr suksesin apo d\u00ebshtimin e nj\u00eb biznesi, e jo konsumatori, at\u00ebher\u00eb bizneset kanalizojn\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb energji e burime p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar privilegje nga shteti duke shp\u00ebrfillur k\u00ebshtu gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushjen e konsumatorit. Kjo gj\u00eb stimulon edhe kalbjen e demokracis\u00eb sepse n\u00ebse shteti e ka nd\u00ebrhyrjen n\u00eb ekonomi t\u00eb madhe at\u00ebher\u00eb biznesmen\u00ebt kan\u00eb interes gjithmon\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb ndikim n\u00eb politik\u00eb duke korruptuar, lobuar, financuar parti apo garuar vet\u00eb n\u00eb parlament. Prandaj n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb ideologjis\u00eb liberale q\u00ebndron ideja e miniarkis\u00eb, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb e nj\u00eb qeverisje sa m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl, e taksave dhe e shpenzimeve qeveritare sa m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb suksesi i bizneseve t\u00eb jen\u00eb gjithher\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb var\u00ebsi t\u00eb konsumatorit e jo t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb dhe loj\u00ebs politike.<\/p>\n

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Debati publik p\u00ebr struktur\u00ebn e ekonomis\u00eb shqiptare po i jep jehon\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe shqet\u00ebsimit p\u00ebr formimin e nj\u00eb oligarkie, e cila ka p\u00ebrq\u00ebndruar n\u00eb pak duar, pjes\u00ebn kryesore t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb. N\u00eb opinionin e qytetar\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u \u00e7imentuar bindja se q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhesh biznesmen i fuqish\u00ebm sot duhet t\u00eb kesh lidhje t\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":373,"featured_media":10509,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[1897,1896,1895],"ppma_author":[367],"class_list":["post-4440","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-bizneset","tag-liberalizimi","tag-tregu-i-lire"],"authors":[{"term_id":367,"user_id":373,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adri-nurellari","display_name":"Adri Nurellari","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Nurellari","first_name":"Adri","description":"Adri Nurellari \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, k\u00ebshilltar dhe kolumnist i angazhuar kryesisht n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs dhe medias. Ai ka vijuar studimet universitare n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe ato pasuniversitare n\u00eb Cambridge, London School of Economics dhe University College London. Adri \u00ebsht\u00eb ish-k\u00ebshilltar i kryeministrit Sali Berisha dhe ish-sekretar i PDIU-s\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ka punuar si pedagog n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb. Ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar si analist dhe konsulent nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb prej vitit 2013 punon si k\u00ebshilltar i Hashim Tha\u00e7it."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4440","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/373"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4440"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4440\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10510,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4440\/revisions\/10510"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10509"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4440"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4440"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4440"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4440"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}