N\u00eb nj\u00eb shkrim t\u00eb para disa dit\u00ebve t\u00eb titulluar \u2018Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie katundare apo marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare\u201d Z. Besnik Pula p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb shpjegoj\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me t\u00eb ashtuquajturat \u201cmarr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie katundare\u201d duke b\u00ebr\u00eb madje edhe nj\u00eb analogji me fshatrat berbere t\u00eb Algjeris\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb pa vend dhe pa shije.\u00a0 Kjo qasje mund t\u00eb konsiderohet n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb nj\u00eb forc\u00eb zakoni apo deformim profesional e n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb keq nj\u00eb sjellje snob\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrbaltur elit\u00ebn politike kosovare me nofk\u00ebn \u201ckatundare\u201d.<\/p>\n
Deformimi profesional n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb tendenc\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i par\u00eb gj\u00ebrat vet\u00ebm n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb ngusht\u00eb prej profesionit t\u00ebnd pa marr\u00eb n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb panoram\u00ebn e plot\u00eb apo p\u00ebr t\u00eb pranuar se profesione t\u00eb tjera jan\u00eb m\u00eb kompetente p\u00ebr t\u00eb shpjeguar disa fenomene. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast sociologjia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aspak mjeti i p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb shpjeguar politik\u00ebn e jashtme t\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kurth q\u00eb ndryshe quhet edhe ligji i instrumentit i cili thot\u00eb q\u00eb \u201cn\u00ebse gjith\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb ke n\u00eb dor\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7eki\u00e7 at\u00ebher\u00eb gjith\u00e7ka t\u00eb duket si gozhd\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast \u00e7eki\u00e7i i bie t\u00eb jet\u00eb dallimi urban-rural si qasje sociologjike.<\/p>\n
Mir\u00ebpo mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe damka katundar q\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret dendur n\u00eb t\u00eb folur\u00ebn e p\u00ebrditshme disa ambiente urbane primitive q\u00eb refuzojn\u00eb mobilitetin social si nj\u00eb vler\u00eb e vyer e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb moderne. \u00a0N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast ky \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb manifestim i banalitetit t\u00eb ligj\u00ebrimit publik q\u00eb v\u00ebrtitet dendur n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb ku kritika kryesore q\u00eb b\u00ebhet p\u00ebr figurat kryesore t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe mbart\u00ebsve t\u00eb legjitimitetit t\u00eb vot\u00ebs s\u00eb popullit kosovar\u00a0 \u00ebsht\u00eb ad hominem dhe lidhet shpesh me p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsin\u00eb apo origjin\u00ebn e tyre rurale. Kjo qasje primitive spikat sidomos tek pinjoll\u00ebt e segmentit shoq\u00ebror m\u00eb t\u00eb privilegjuar t\u00eb epok\u00ebs jugosllave t\u00eb cil\u00ebt njoll\u00ebn e kolaboracionizmit me okupatorin q\u00eb mbart familja e tyre duan ta kompensojn\u00eb apo shlyejn\u00eb\u00a0 duke pretenduar \u201cep\u00ebrsi urbane\u201d apo intelektuale.<\/p>\n
Disiplina e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare \u00ebsht\u00eb goxha e konsoliduar dhe ka arsyetime dhe shpjegime t\u00eb qarta e t\u00eb arsyeshme p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si vepron Kosova n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme. N\u00ebse autori i shkrimit n\u00eb fjal\u00eb mendon se teoria e tij e shpjegimit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme me katundarin\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb solide pra beson p\u00ebr nj\u00eb fuzion teorik mes sociologjis\u00eb dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare at\u00ebher\u00eb le ta hedh\u00eb n\u00eb tregun bot\u00ebror akademik sepse do ishte nj\u00eb novacion revolucionar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb disiplin\u00eb e padyshim ne do na b\u00ebhej qejfi shum\u00eb t\u00eb shihnim nj\u00eb em\u00ebr shqiptar karshi Keohane, Mearsheimer, Nye, Jervis etj. Mir\u00ebpo p\u00ebr momentin le t\u00eb shohim \u00e7far\u00eb thon\u00eb teorit\u00eb e konsoliduara ekzistuese p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si e b\u00ebn politik\u00ebn e jashtme Kosova dhe p\u00ebr faktin q\u00eb b\u00ebn mir\u00eb q\u00eb e b\u00ebn k\u00ebshtu si\u00e7 e b\u00ebn.<\/p>\n
Si fillim duhet kuptuar q\u00eb p\u00ebrmasat e shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs ( territori, demografia, ekonomia, ushtria, pozicioni i pafavorsh\u00ebm etj) diktojn\u00eb veprime m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtura dhe modeste n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme dhe ngjasojn\u00eb me aktivitetin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb vogla. Studiuesit e hersh\u00ebm marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi jan\u00eb fokusuar tek fuqit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha dhe i kan\u00eb neglizhuar shtetet e vogla duke konsideruar se objektivi kryesor i tyre ishte mbijetesa. Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenjt\u00eb e fush\u00ebs, Morgentau n\u00eb kryevepr\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb 1948 mendonte se shtetet e vogla ia dedikojn\u00eb pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb ekuilibrit t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb mes shteteve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, mbrojtjes s\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb prej nj\u00eb fuqie si dhe munges\u00ebs s\u00eb interesit p\u00ebr fuqit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha.<\/p>\n
Mir\u00ebpo pas procesit t\u00eb dekolonizimit dhe mbarimit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb numri i shteteve t\u00eb vogla u shtua si k\u00ebrpudhat pas shiut dhe n\u00ebse shtetet themeluese t\u00eb Lidhjes s\u00eb Kombeve n\u00eb vitin 1920 ishte 42 sot Organizata e Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara ka 193 shtete. Kjo ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb politika e jashtme e shteteve t\u00eb vogla t\u00eb marr\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb v\u00ebmendje t\u00eb akademik\u00ebve t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nxjerrin n\u00eb pah se strategjit\u00eb e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme m\u00eb t\u00eb mira t\u00eb mundshme p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb vog\u00ebl jan\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht ato q\u00eb po ndjek Kosova, garantimi i siguris\u00eb dhe interesave t\u00eb veta n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet aleancave dhe multilateralizmit.<\/p>\n
Historikisht n\u00eb epok\u00ebn kur marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare mbizot\u00ebrohej nga fuqia relative e shteteve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi e garimi me t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt,\u00a0 dhe jo nga institucionet dhe e drejta nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb e karakterizojn\u00eb sot, shtetet e vogla p\u00ebrpiqeshin ta siguronin mbijetes\u00ebn duke hyr\u00eb n\u00eb aleanc\u00eb me nj\u00eb fuqi t\u00eb madhe. P\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb m\u00eb i sinqert\u00eb kjo aleanc\u00eb n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e rasteve ishte nj\u00eb lloj n\u00ebnshtrimi ndaj nj\u00eb fqinji m\u00eb t\u00eb madh e t\u00eb fort\u00eb ose nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie e ngusht\u00eb me nj\u00eb fuqi diku tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb ishte armike e k\u00ebtij fqinji k\u00ebrc\u00ebnues. Po ashtu shpesh \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb aleanc\u00eb me ish-sundimtarin pra shtetin koloni t\u00eb t\u00eb cilit kishin qen\u00eb dikur\u00a0 e prej t\u00eb cilit kishin fituar pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb jo shum\u00eb koh\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb.\u00a0 Kuptohet q\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aleanc\u00eb shteti i vog\u00ebl detyrohet t\u00eb b\u00ebj di\u00e7ka n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim p\u00ebr shtetin e madh q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kosto e pashmangshme e aleanc\u00ebs.\u00a0 Madje ka shtete liliputiane q\u00eb jan\u00eb aq t\u00eb pafuqishme sa q\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mund\u00ebsuar mbijetes\u00ebn e tyre politike dhe ekonomike ia kan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb sovranitetit nj\u00eb fqinji m\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb. Lihtenshtajni \u00ebsht\u00eb protektorat i Zvicr\u00ebs, San Marino i Italis\u00eb, Monako i Franc\u00ebs, Andorra e Franc\u00ebs dhe Spanj\u00ebs, Mikronezia, Palau dhe Ishujt Marshall jan\u00eb t\u00eb SHBA-ve e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Mir\u00ebpo arena e politik\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikuar e sofistikuar shum\u00eb n\u00eb dekadat e fundit dhe q\u00ebllimet dhe rrethanat p\u00ebr krijimin e aleancave jan\u00eb nga m\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshmet si konjuktura interesash, lidhje historike, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsi ideologjike, p\u00ebraf\u00ebrsi fetare apo etno-kulturore etj.\u00a0 Formimi i aleancave n\u00eb vetvete \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0 subjekt i shum\u00eb studimeve t\u00eb fush\u00ebs s\u00eb Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe ka nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb konsideruesh\u00ebm teorish p\u00ebr q\u00ebllimin dhe rrethanat n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat krijohen aleancat. K\u00ebshtu Kenneth Waltz flet p\u00ebr ekuilibrimin e fuqis\u00eb dhe mandej Stephan Walt e \u00e7on m\u00eb tej k\u00ebt\u00eb teori duke folur p\u00ebr ekuilibrimin e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit. Pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb dol\u00ebn teori si ajo e realizimit m\u00ebsym\u00ebs t\u00eb Mearsheimer, n\u00ebn-balancimit t\u00eb Shweller t\u00eb dilem\u00ebs s\u00eb aleanc\u00ebs t\u00eb Snyder etj.<\/p>\n
Nga ana tjet\u00ebr duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb se ndryshe nga Kosova sot ka pasur shtete q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb zgjedhur aleanc\u00ebn por alternativa t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr strategjit\u00eb kryesore p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar mbijetes\u00ebn e p\u00ebrdorur nga shtetet e vogla n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shekulli t\u00eb kaluar kaq qen\u00eb neutraliteti. Mir\u00ebpo kjo strategji\u00a0 nuk e ka t\u00eb sigurt suksesin. P\u00ebr disa vende si Suedia, Spanja, Turqia, Zvicra, Irlanda dhe Portugalia kjo qe strategji e suksesshme sepse i shp\u00ebtuan Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore dhe dol\u00ebn prej saj edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme mir\u00ebpo p\u00ebr disa shtete te tjera si Danimarka, Belgjika dhe Norvegjia neutraliteti nuk i shp\u00ebtoi nga pushtimi dhe shkat\u00ebrrimi i luft\u00ebs. Shumica e shteteve t\u00eb vogla e ka braktisur neutralitetin pasi n\u00eb kushte krize apo p\u00ebrplasjesh nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare neutraliteti ua dyfishon rrezikun pasi t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebt kund\u00ebrshtare mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb oreks p\u00ebr t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin shtet duke e shtuar cenueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e k\u00ebtij vendi.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr strategji e shteteve t\u00eb vogla p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar sovranitetin e tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0 vet\u00ebmjaftueshm\u00ebria e p\u00ebrdorur nga shtete si\u00a0 Zvicra, Singapori\u00a0 apo Suedia q\u00eb kan\u00eb investuar shum\u00eb n\u00eb mbrojtjen e vendit duke nd\u00ebrtuar ushtri popullore q\u00eb mbahen t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitura n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb konstante p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb gatshme q\u00eb t\u00eb mobilizohen p\u00ebrball\u00eb \u00e7do kanosje. Me an\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj strategjie k\u00ebto vende besojn\u00eb s\u00eb parandalojn\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet duke besuar se cil\u00ebsia e ushtrive t\u00eb tyre (p\u00ebrgatitja, morali, st\u00ebrvitja, pajisjet moderne) do t\u00eb kompensoj\u00eb ep\u00ebrsin\u00eb numerike t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuesve potencial. \u00a0Zvicra\u00a0 e quan strategjin\u00eb e vet\u00eb \u201ciriqi i armatosur\u201d q\u00eb n\u00eb rast rreziku rrotullohet menj\u00ebher\u00eb duke marr\u00eb form\u00ebn e nj\u00eb sfere t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtjell\u00eb me gjemba p\u00ebr t\u2019u mbrojtur nga k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimet.\u00a0 Singapori e quan \u201ckarkalec deti i helmatisur\u201d q\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbijetuar mes \u201cpeshqve t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj\u201d l\u00eb t\u00eb kuptohet se do iu ngec\u00eb helmi n\u00eb fyt e do ken\u00eb kosto t\u00eb madhe n\u00ebse p\u00ebrpiqen ta g\u00eblltisin.<\/p>\n
Mir\u00ebpo problemi i synimit t\u00eb vet\u00eb-mjaftueshm\u00ebris\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kostoja e jasht\u00ebzakonshme ekonomike ose si\u00e7 quhet n\u00eb zhargonin e politikave ekonomike \u201carm\u00eb p\u00ebrkundrejt gjalpit\u201d q\u00eb nxjerr n\u00eb pah koston e jasht\u00ebzakonshme oportune t\u00eb investimit t\u00eb fondeve t\u00eb mbarueshme publike n\u00eb armatim e municion e jo n\u00eb produkte me p\u00ebrdorim civil. K\u00ebt\u00eb sfid\u00eb e ilustron m\u00eb s\u00eb miri historia e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb shkret\u00eb gjat\u00eb periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb autarkis\u00eb prej mesit t\u00eb viteve 70-t\u00eb deri n\u00eb r\u00ebnien e murit t\u00eb Berlinit, ku kostoja e ushtris\u00eb dhe bunkerizimit b\u00ebri q\u00eb n\u00eb vitet 80-t\u00eb t\u00eb shfaqje zija e buk\u00ebs. Edhe Izraeli q\u00eb q\u00ebndron n\u00eb krye t\u00eb list\u00ebs s\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb vogla me kapacitete t\u00eb m\u00ebdha vet\u00ebmjaftueshm\u00ebrie sigurie do ta kishte pothuaj t\u00eb pamundur q\u00eb ta mbante sistemin e mbrojtjes q\u00eb ka pa patur ndihm\u00ebn bujare amerikane.<\/p>\n
Prandaj p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb vog\u00ebl e t\u00eb dob\u00ebt si Kosova, q\u00eb e ka mbijetes\u00ebn dhe sigurin\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore, q\u00eb ka ende rrug\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb konsoliduar subjektivitetin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht e pranueshme nga shtetet e tjera, aleanca me SHBA-t\u00eb dhe vendet e NATO-s \u00ebsht\u00eb prioritet i pashmangsh\u00ebm. T\u00eb merremi vesh kur flitet p\u00ebr \u201cmiqt\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb\u201d s\u2019ka dyshim q\u00eb referenca b\u00ebhet pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebta t\u00eb fundit. \u00c7do lloj pretendimi apo propozimi nga k\u00ebto q\u00eb po d\u00ebgjohen pafund sot se n\u00eb rrethanat aktuale Kosova duhet t\u00eb shp\u00ebrfill\u00eb aleat\u00ebt dhe se mund t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb nj\u00eb strategji neutraliteti apo vet\u00eb-mjaftueshm\u00ebrie \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb naivitet intelektual ose nj\u00eb pap\u00ebrgjegjshm\u00ebri politike. Nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb Kosova e vog\u00ebl nj\u00eb mendje t\u00eb madhe q\u00eb t\u00eb pretendoj\u00eb t\u00eb vendos\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aleanc\u00eb. T\u00eb qenurit n\u00eb aleanc\u00eb mandej nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm privilegj por edhe obligim pra ka shum\u00eb p\u00ebrfitime por ka edhe kosto, nd\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb edhe disa vendime t\u00eb brendshme politike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarra n\u00eb koh\u00ebt e fundit q\u00eb mund t\u00eb konsideroheshin si \u201cpilula t\u00eb hidhura\u201d p\u00ebr t\u00eb konsoliduar m\u00eb tej aleanc\u00ebn ton\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr element i p\u00ebrmendur dendur n\u00eb artikullin e Z. Pula si kinse \u201cevidenc\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb katundaris\u00eb s\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme kosovare \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimi i fjal\u00ebs miqt\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. N\u00eb fakt fjala miq\u00ebsi \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur historikisht n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb masive n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare anek\u00ebnd bot\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb mendosh se po ndodh vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb kjo gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb provincializ\u00ebm. Pavar\u00ebsisht shprehjes s\u00eb famshme t\u00eb kryeministrit britanik Palmerston se shtetet s\u2019kan\u00eb miq por interesa,\u00a0 fjala miq \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur dendur si term p\u00ebr traktate, si instrument i retorik\u00ebs diplomatike e politike n\u00eb deklarata e korrespondenc\u00eb, si metafor\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruar fqinj\u00ebsin\u00eb e mir\u00eb apo bashk\u00ebpunimin e ngusht\u00eb bilateral. \u00a0P\u00ebrmendja e miq\u00ebsis\u00eb Anglo-Amerikane, Franko-Gjermane, Sino-Sovjetike e t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb ngjashme kan\u00eb q\u00eb parulla klishe t\u00eb st\u00ebr-p\u00ebrdorura t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebrtej qasjes s\u00eb ngurt\u00eb t\u00eb teoricien\u00ebve realiste apo neorealiste t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb cil\u00ebt shtetin sovran e konsiderojn\u00eb si nj\u00eb \u201ckuti t\u00eb zez\u00eb\u201d q\u00eb funksionon si nj\u00eb aktor unitar, racional dhe egoist cilido qoft\u00eb organizimi i brendsh\u00ebm politik, studiues t\u00eb tjer\u00eb shprehin bindjen se politika e jashtme lidhet ngusht\u00eb me politik\u00ebn e brendshme dhe se n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare shtetet mund t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb dhe t\u00eb synojn\u00eb vlera e norma p\u00ebrve\u00e7se fuqi. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb paaft\u00ebsia e shtetit p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjer\u00eb dashuri nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb mos t\u00eb ket\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr miq\u00ebsi , solidaritet apo p\u00eblqyeshm\u00ebri\u00a0 sociale p\u00ebrkundrejt nj\u00eb populli tjet\u00ebr,\u00a0 duke shkaktuar k\u00ebshtu njohjen e nj\u00eb obligimi etik t\u00eb nj\u00eb shteti\u00a0 ndaj nj\u00eb tjetri.<\/p>\n
Studiuesit bashkeohore t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare nuk e kan\u00eb konsideruar miq\u00ebsin\u00eb thjesht si nj\u00eb eufemiz\u00ebm q\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret p\u00ebr t\u00eb maskuar nj\u00eb partneritet interesash por kan\u00eb filluar t\u00eb merren seriozisht dhe e kan\u00eb inkorporuar n\u00eb teorit\u00eb kryesore.\u00a0 Pararoj\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt \u00ebsht\u00eb konstruktivizmi me n\u00eb krye nj\u00ebrin prej studiuesve kryesor, Alexander Wendt i cili e konsideron miq\u00ebsin\u00eb si nj\u00eb prej kategorive t\u00eb rendit anarkik n\u00eb politikat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Po ashtu teoria e Paqes Demokratike kur flet p\u00ebr shtete t\u00eb ngjashme demokratik\u00eb apo p\u00ebr nj\u00eb komunitet sigurie q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin shtete q\u00eb kan\u00eb zhvilluar nj\u00eb identitet kolektiv dhe mir\u00ebbesim t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb i referohet konceptit t\u00eb miq\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Prandaj t\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr \u201cmiqt\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb\u201d as nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ndonj\u00eb manifestim endemik e ekskluziv i \u201ckatundit\u201d Kosov\u00eb, as nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ndonj\u00eb novacion apo herezi dhe as nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ndonj\u00eb gj\u00eb e paarsyeshme dhe e naive.\u00a0 P\u00ebrkundrazi, miq\u00ebsia n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb nj\u00eb epoke t\u00eb karakterizuar nga bashk\u00ebpunimi\u00a0 \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb realitet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb i pranish\u00ebm krahasuar me epok\u00ebn e nj\u00eb shekulli m\u00eb par\u00eb q\u00eb karakterizohej nga konflikti e armiq\u00ebsia.<\/p>\n
Kur vjen fjala p\u00ebr ndryshimin epokal duhet theksuar strategjia e dyt\u00eb e rekomanduar nga studiuesit p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur prej nj\u00eb shteti t\u00eb vog\u00ebl n\u00eb kushtet e sotshme, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cmultilateralizmi\u201d. N\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhjen mes marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve bilaterale dhe atyre multilaterale shtetet e vogla kan\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb arsyeshme nj\u00eb preferenc\u00eb p\u00ebr marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet multilaterale. Bashk\u00ebpunimet bilaterale jan\u00eb t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetura kryesisht n\u00eb interesa.\u00a0 Nj\u00eb shtet duhet t\u2019i ofroj\u00eb di\u00e7ka pal\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb siguroj nj\u00eb interes t\u00eb vetin mir\u00ebpo dallimi n\u00eb p\u00ebrmasa t\u00eb shtetit \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb vog\u00ebl. K\u00ebshtu nj\u00eb shtet i vog\u00ebl e ka t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb ta imponoj\u00eb nj\u00eb ujdi dypal\u00ebshe n\u00ebse pala tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e fuqishme dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb detyrohet q\u00eb ta zbatoj\u00eb ujdin\u00eb n\u00eb fjal\u00eb. Angazhimi shum\u00ebpal\u00ebsh si an\u00ebtar organizatash apo pal\u00eb traktatesh \u00ebsht\u00eb tjet\u00ebr gj\u00eb sepse mund\u00ebson shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr hap\u00ebsir\u00eb manovrimi dhe pesh\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb vog\u00ebl.<\/p>\n
Shumica e organizatave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebrpiqen q\u00eb t\u00eb arrijn\u00eb vendimet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb konsensuale e mund\u00ebsisht nj\u00ebz\u00ebri. Mir\u00ebpo edhe kur nevojitet vota procedurat e vendim-marrjes n\u00eb organizata multilaterale i japin pesh\u00eb t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme shteteve t\u00eb vogla sepse n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e tyre kan\u00eb vot\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb me fuqit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha. Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e mir\u00eb e drejtuesve t\u00eb organizatave nd\u00ebr-shtet\u00ebrore kan\u00eb drejtues dhe funksionar\u00eb diplomat\u00eb q\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga shtetet e vogla e shum\u00eb prej nismave multilaterale nd\u00ebrmerren nga mikro-shtete. K\u00ebshtu p\u00ebr shembull konventa e OKB-s\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebr t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebn e Detit\u00a0 q\u00eb sot \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebr aktivitetet detare u nd\u00ebrmor\u00a0 nga Malta nd\u00ebrsa Gjykata Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare\u00a0Penale u propozua fillimisht nga Trinidad dhe Tobago. Po ashtu e drejta nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare apo traktatet shum\u00ebpal\u00ebshe jan\u00eb t\u00eb barazvlefshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha shtetet pal\u00eb dhe ndryshe nga marr\u00ebveshjet bilaterale, ato multilaterale kan\u00eb si garanci nj\u00eb komunitet shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madh shtetesh dhe jan\u00eb m\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u shkelur. Prandaj vendosja e multilateralizmit si prioritet nga ana e Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb veprim m\u00eb se i arsyesh\u00ebm e i dobish\u00ebm q\u00eb b\u00ebn nj\u00eb shtet i vog\u00ebl p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur interesat e veta. S\u00ebrish n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast propozimi i shp\u00ebrfilljes s\u00eb nismave multilaterale dhe sugjerimi i nd\u00ebrmarrjes s\u00eb veprimeve n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb kok\u00ebforte unilaterale d\u00ebshmon p\u00ebr nj\u00eb papjekuri dhe mosnjohje t\u00eb fush\u00ebs s\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n
Par\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst politika e jashtme e Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb se racionale dhe e logjikshme duke vendosur n\u00eb plan t\u00eb par\u00eb aleanc\u00ebn me SHBA-t\u00eb dhe synimin e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb NATO si dhe n\u00eb t\u00eb tjera nisma multilaterale. Edhe nismat e tjera t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs shkojn\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn frekuenc\u00eb. Kosova ka fituar lirin\u00eb dhe pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb fal\u00eb fatit t\u00eb mir\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb epok\u00ebn ton\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb po karakterizohen nga e drejta nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, multilateralizmi, normat etike\u00a0 bashk\u00ebpunimi dhe dialogu. Prandaj \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb se arsyeshme q\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e saj\u00a0 t\u00eb jashtme Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb rreshtuar me ato vende q\u00eb ndjekin k\u00ebto qasje. Po ashtu si nj\u00eb vend i vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr p\u00ebrmasat e veta dhe se mund \u201ct\u2019i shtrij\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebt vet\u00ebm sa jorgani\u201d nuk merret me \u00e7\u00ebshtje globale por e ka p\u00ebrqendruar pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb energjive n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet rajonale qoft\u00eb n\u00eb rrafshin bilateral dhe qoft\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb multilateral.\u00a0 Energjia e harxhuar prej dialogut t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me Beogradin me nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimin e Bashkimit Evropian \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu m\u00eb se e logjikshme t\u00eb ndodh pasi synon t\u00eb mbyll\u00eb t\u00eb vetmen \u00e7\u00ebshtjen t\u00eb kontestuar nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr Kosova (m\u00eb sakt\u00eb qeveria e saj) \u00ebsht\u00eb e vet\u00ebdijshme p\u00ebr r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb ka imazhi n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe p\u00ebrpiqet q\u00eb ta p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsoj\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb angazhimi intensiv n\u00eb diplomacin\u00eb publike dhe n\u00eb at\u00eb digjitale. Dialogu me Serbin\u00eb ka kontribuar q\u00eb ta ndryshoj\u00eb imazhin e Kosov\u00ebs nga nj\u00eb \u00e7erdhe konflikti n\u00eb nj\u00eb model nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dialogu konstruktiv. Vlejn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrmendur n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt iniciativa me impakt t\u00eb madh nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar si dialogu nd\u00ebr-fetar apo angazhimi\u00a0 aktiv n\u00eb bllokun kund\u00ebr-terrorizmit q\u00eb tregojn\u00eb se Kosova nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb barr\u00eb por aset p\u00ebr rendin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n
Analiza e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs mund t\u00eb zgjas\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb tep\u00ebr por ajo q\u00eb vlen t\u00eb kuptohet \u00ebsht\u00eb se n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme potenciali i Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb duke b\u00ebr\u00eb tashm\u00eb por jo m\u00eb ndryshe, sepse orientimi aktual i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i duhuri dhe m\u00eb i dobishmi p\u00ebr interesat e vendit. N\u00ebse ka nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim serioz q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb shprehet p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn e jashtme\u00a0 t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrzierja e agjend\u00ebs s\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme m\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme. Pra interesat partiake t\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb gar\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme p\u00ebr pushtet nuk duhet t\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb rrezik interesat e shtetit n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare sikurse duket se po ndodh n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb periudh\u00eb.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
N\u00eb nj\u00eb shkrim t\u00eb para disa dit\u00ebve t\u00eb titulluar \u2018Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie katundare apo marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare\u201d Z. Besnik Pula p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb shpjegoj\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me t\u00eb ashtuquajturat \u201cmarr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie katundare\u201d duke b\u00ebr\u00eb madje edhe nj\u00eb analogji me fshatrat berbere t\u00eb Algjeris\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb pa vend dhe pa shije.\u00a0 Kjo qasje mund […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":373,"featured_media":10230,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[972,1812,998],"ppma_author":[367],"class_list":["post-4460","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kosove","tag-marredheniet-nderkombetare","tag-politike"],"authors":[{"term_id":367,"user_id":373,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adri-nurellari","display_name":"Adri Nurellari","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Nurellari","first_name":"Adri","description":"Adri Nurellari \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, k\u00ebshilltar dhe kolumnist i angazhuar kryesisht n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs dhe medias. Ai ka vijuar studimet universitare n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe ato pasuniversitare n\u00eb Cambridge, London School of Economics dhe University College London. Adri \u00ebsht\u00eb ish-k\u00ebshilltar i kryeministrit Sali Berisha dhe ish-sekretar i PDIU-s\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ka punuar si pedagog n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb. Ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar si analist dhe konsulent nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb prej vitit 2013 punon si k\u00ebshilltar i Hashim Tha\u00e7it."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4460","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/373"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4460"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4460\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10232,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4460\/revisions\/10232"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10230"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4460"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4460"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4460"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4460"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}