{"id":4499,"date":"2021-09-08T12:03:37","date_gmt":"2021-09-08T10:03:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4499"},"modified":"2024-11-08T12:07:29","modified_gmt":"2024-11-08T10:07:29","slug":"sistemi-nderkombetar-dhe-terheqja-e-domosdoshme-e-shba-se-nga-afganistani-i","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/sistemi-nderkombetar-dhe-terheqja-e-domosdoshme-e-shba-se-nga-afganistani-i\/","title":{"rendered":"Sistemi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe \u201ct\u00ebrheqja e domosdoshme\u201d e ShBA-s\u00eb nga Afganistani (I)"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Sado i rr\u00ebmujsh\u00ebm \u2013 jo shum\u00eb e lavdishme dhe tragjike ishte t\u00ebrheqja e trupave amerikan\u00eb nga Afganistani \u2013 nj\u00eb veprim i till\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb konsiderohet \u201ckatastrof\u00eb strategjike\u201d p\u00ebr ShBA-n\u00eb. Kjo l\u00ebvizje politike ishte t\u00ebrheqje e domosdoshme. Ajo nuk varet nga fakti se kush \u00ebsht\u00eb president n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb, apo se cili grup etnik, formacion politik apo organizat\u00eb terroriste do ta kontrolloj\u00eb terrenin pas t\u00ebrheqjes, por kusht\u00ebzohet drejtp\u00ebrdrejt nga ndryshimet strukturore n\u00eb sistemin dhe polaritetin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

Kur ShBA-ja ishte shteti dominues n\u00eb bot\u00eb dhe shijonte benefitet e \u201cmomentit unipolar\u201d, edhe mund t\u2019ia lejonte vetes t\u00eb projektonte dhe implementonte nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb krijimin e nj\u00eb rendi liberal nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, pjes\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebse e t\u00eb cilit \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe realizimi i \u201cinxhinieris\u00eb sociale\u201d n\u00eb vende dhe shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb tjera \u2013 si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti me Afganistanin apo me Irakun.<\/p>\n

Mir\u00ebpo, me ndryshimet n\u00eb struktur\u00ebn e sistemit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, nj\u00eb politik\u00eb e till\u00eb e jashtme, q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb principe liberale, b\u00ebhet e pamundur. Realizmi si qasje teorike dhe politik\u00eb praktike shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb \u201cmjetin\u201d e vet\u00ebm. Sepse, n\u00eb secilin rast, kur sistemi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cbi\u201d apo \u201cmultipolar\u201d, shtetet fokusohen ta balancojn\u00eb nj\u00ebri-tjetrin p\u00ebr fuqi dhe ndikim. Angazhimi p\u00ebr shp\u00ebrndarjen e vlerave si demokracia liberale apo edhe realizimi i eksperimenteve sociale n\u00eb vende si Afganistani nuk mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb prioritet.<\/p>\n

Lufta kund\u00ebr Terrorit (WoT) dhe limitet e \u201cinxhinieris\u00eb sociale\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

Shtetet e Bashkuara, t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequra nga presidenti George W. Bush, u p\u00ebrfshin\u00eb n\u00eb luft\u00eb kund\u00ebr Afganistanit n\u00eb\u00a0tetor t\u00eb vitit 2001<\/a>\u00a0\u2013 rreth nj\u00eb muaj pas sulmeve t\u00eb 11 shtatorit \u2013 n\u00ebn projektin e \u201cLuft\u00ebs kund\u00ebr Terrorit<\/a>\u201d, q\u00eb si synim themelor kishte p\u00ebrmbysjen e regjimit taleban. N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb dhjetorit t\u00eb po atij viti u duk sikur Ushtria amerikane kishte arritur nj\u00eb fitore t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb, q\u00ebllimplot\u00eb dhe spektakulare.<\/p>\n

Taleban\u00ebt ishin rr\u00ebzuar nga pushteti. Rreziku q\u00eb organizatat terroriste si Al-Qaeda t\u00eb operonin n\u00eb territorin e Afganistanit ishin asgj\u00ebsuar dhe nj\u00eb lider lokal, Hamid Karzai, i cili dukej se ishte i p\u00ebrkushtuar n\u00eb vlera demokratike, ishte instaluar n\u00eb Kabul. Nj\u00eb sukses i till\u00eb i arritur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb kaq rapide ndikoi q\u00eb Administrata Bush t\u00eb konkludonte se t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat rezultate pozitive do t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u2019i arrinte edhe n\u00eb Irak dhe, p\u00ebrse jo, eventualisht edhe n\u00eb shtetet e tjera t\u00eb rajonit. Kjo politik\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebn edhe gjenez\u00ebn e asaj q\u00eb m\u00eb pas u b\u00eb e njohur si \u201cDoktrina Bush<\/a>.\u201d<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb transformim i till\u00eb i beft\u00eb i objektivave strategjik\u00eb e shnd\u00ebrroi nd\u00ebrhyrjen e ShBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb Afganistan nga luft\u00eb kund\u00ebr terrorizmit dhe organizatave q\u00eb lidheshin me sulmet e 11 shtatorit, n\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt shtet-nd\u00ebrtues. Nj\u00eb politik\u00eb dhe vizion i till\u00eb m\u00eb pas u normua n\u00eb \u201cMarr\u00ebveshjen e Bonit<\/a>\u201d, t\u00eb arritur m\u00eb dhjetor t\u00eb vitit 2001. Nga k\u00ebtu e tutje, qasja e ShBA-s\u00eb kundrejt Afganistanit ka qen\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht konsistente. Me kalimin e viteve president\u00ebt nd\u00ebrroheshin, por politika e ShBA-s\u00eb, pak a shum\u00eb, mbetej e nj\u00ebjta.<\/p>\n

Kjo zgjati deri tek ardhja n\u00eb pushtet e\u00a0presidentit Trump<\/a>, i cili gjat\u00eb fushat\u00ebs presidenciale (2016) kishte premtuar se kur t\u00eb zgjidhet president nj\u00eb nga vendimet e tij m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme do t\u00eb jet\u00eb kthimi i trupave amerikan\u00eb n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi dhe k\u00ebshtu t\u2019i jepej fund nj\u00eb \u201clufte t\u00eb pafund\u201d. Ai po ashtu, i udh\u00ebhequr nga doktrina e tij \u201cAmerika e Para\u201d, at\u00ebbot\u00eb e kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb se ShBA-ja \u201cduhet t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqet nga biznesi i shtet-nd\u00ebrtimit\u201d.<\/p>\n

Lufta e ShBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb Afganistan \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e gjata n\u00eb historin\u00eb e k\u00ebtij shteti. Gjithashtu edhe m\u00eb e kushtueshmja, sidomos n\u00eb aspektin financiar. N\u00eb 20 vjet,\u00a0ShBA-ja n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vend shpenzoi<\/a>\u00a0mbi 2 trilion\u00eb dollar\u00eb. Nga nj\u00eb kalkulim i thjesht\u00eb matematikor del se jan\u00eb harxhuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 300 milion\u00eb dollar\u00eb n\u00eb dit\u00eb p\u00ebr 20 vjet me radh\u00eb. P\u00ebr nj\u00eb popullat\u00eb 40-milion\u00ebshe, sa edhe \u00ebsht\u00eb Afganistani, p\u00ebr secilin qytetar afgan i bie rreth 50,000 dollar\u00eb shpenzime. N\u00ebse e analizojm\u00eb nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi krahasues, rezulton se nd\u00ebrhyrja dhe rikonstruktimi i Afganistanit i ka kushtuar ShBA-s\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa \u201cPlani Marshall<\/a>\u201d, q\u00eb u implementua n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n

Sipas nj\u00eb analize t\u00eb realizuar nga\u00a0Universiteti Brown<\/a>, respektivisht Instituti Watson, i cili kishte ekzaminuar shpenzimet kryesore t\u00eb angazhimit amerikan duke i ndar\u00eb ato n\u00eb linja t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta buxhetore, doli n\u00eb pah se 800 miliard\u00eb dollar\u00eb ishin shpenzime q\u00eb financuan luftimet e drejtp\u00ebrdrejta dhe 85 miliard u dedikuan p\u00ebr ta trajnuar Ushtrin\u00eb afgane. Taksapaguesit amerikan\u00eb paguan rreth 750 milion\u00eb dollar\u00eb n\u00eb vit paga p\u00ebr ushtar\u00ebt afgan\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kuptohet, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 shpenzimeve materiale, kostoja \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e madhe sa u p\u00ebrket jet\u00ebve t\u00eb humbura. Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre 20 vjet\u00ebve, rreth 2,500 ushtar\u00eb amerikan\u00eb dhe 4,000 kontraktor\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb civil\u00eb kan\u00eb humbur jet\u00ebn. Kjo duket\u00a0shif\u00ebr<\/a>\u00a0relativisht e ul\u00ebt krahasuar me 69,000 humbje jet\u00ebsh nga ana e policis\u00eb ushtarake afgane, 47,000 civil\u00ebve dhe 51,000 luft\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb q\u00eb vdiq\u00ebn n\u00eb luftime.<\/p>\n

Por, si ndodhi q\u00eb p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr k\u00ebtyre investimeve marramend\u00ebse financiare, p\u00ebrkushtimit 20-vje\u00e7ar politik, ushtarak, diplomatik dhe profesional n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e institucioneve afgane, ShBA-ja megjithat\u00eb nuk arriti ta krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet funksional? Duket se realizimi i inxhinieris\u00eb sociale n\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, p\u00ebr secilin shtet, \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje shum\u00eb komplekse. Mir\u00ebpo, \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u befasuar se si \u2013 p\u00ebr koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb \u2013 jo pak politik\u00ebb\u00ebr\u00ebs dhe komentues me ndikim n\u00eb jet\u00ebn publike n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb ishin t\u00eb bindur se do t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb t\u00eb transformojn\u00eb thell\u00ebsisht peizazhin socio-politik n\u00eb nj\u00eb mori vendesh t\u00eb Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme \u2013 p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb k\u00ebtu edhe Afganistanin \u2013 dhe t\u2019i shnd\u00ebrrojn\u00eb ato vende n\u00eb demokraci.<\/p>\n

Mosmarrja n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb e faktor\u00ebve kontekstual\u00eb t\u00eb vendeve si historia, kultura politike, traditat, raportet (shpesh konfliktuoze) tribale, religjioze, sociale, etj. dhe insistimi kok\u00ebfort\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb implementohen vlera t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb liberale, shpeshher\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb \u201crecet\u00eb\u201d e sigurt p\u00ebr d\u00ebshtim t\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm n\u00eb jo pak vende. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, tendenca p\u00ebr t\u00eb realizuar\u00a0inxhinieri sociale<\/a>\u00a0n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb huaj, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb zhvillon luftime t\u00eb armatosura p\u00ebr ta kontrolluar at\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb detyr\u00eb tmerr\u00ebsisht e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm si ShBA-ja.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb dh\u00ebnat historike tregojn\u00eb se p\u00ebrpjekja p\u00ebr ta imponuar demokracin\u00eb si sistem qeveris\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn e rasteve \u00ebsht\u00eb e destinuar t\u00eb d\u00ebshtoj\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, dy\u00a0studiues<\/a>\u00a0nga Universiteti i Teksasit Verior, Andrew Enterline dhe Michael Greig, pasi analizuan n\u00eb detaje 43 raste t\u00eb \u201cimponimit t\u00eb regjimeve demokratike\u201d, n\u00eb mes t\u00eb viteve 1800-1994, erdh\u00ebn n\u00eb konkluzion se n\u00eb 63% t\u00eb rasteve k\u00ebto p\u00ebrpjekje kan\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, Jeffery Pickring dhe Mark Peceny\u00a0ekzaminuan<\/a>\u00a0nd\u00ebrhyrjet ushtarake t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarra nga ShBA-ja, Britania e Madhe, Franca dhe Kombet e Bashkuara, nga viti 1945 deri m\u00eb 1996, me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb t\u00eb evidentohet se sa kan\u00eb luajtur rol pozitiv k\u00ebto nd\u00ebrhyrje militare n\u00eb demokratizimin e vendeve t\u00eb synuara.<\/p>\n

Duke u mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb argumente t\u00eb pasura historike dhe analizimin p\u00ebrmes metodave t\u00eb sofistikuara shkencore, k\u00ebta autor\u00eb konkluduan se q\u00eb nga viti 1945 e tutje \u201cnd\u00ebrhyrjet liberale vet\u00ebm n\u00eb raste shum\u00eb t\u00eb rralla kan\u00eb luajtur rol pozitiv n\u00eb demokratizim\u201d. S\u00eb k\u00ebndejmi, imponimi i sistemit politik demokratik n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet tjet\u00ebr, si\u00e7 sugjerojn\u00eb\u00a0Alexander Downes dhe Jonathan Monten<\/a>, ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb vet\u00ebm at\u00ebher\u00eb kur \u201cparakushtet e favorshme t\u00eb brendshme jan\u00eb t\u00eb pranishme. Por, k\u00ebto kushte, p\u00ebr fat t\u00eb keq, jan\u00eb t\u00eb rralla n\u00eb shum\u00eb vende\u201d, p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb ata.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, duhet theksuar ka studiues t\u00eb cil\u00ebt konsiderojn\u00eb se demokracia si sistem politik edhe mund t\u00eb \u201ceksportohet\u201d n\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera. N\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn e rasteve shembujt ilustrues t\u00eb cil\u00ebt merren p\u00ebr ta mb\u00ebshtetur k\u00ebt\u00eb pandehm\u00eb jan\u00eb Japonia dhe Gjermania pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, evidencat historike tregojn\u00eb se nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht e pamundur q\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet potent si ShBA-ja t\u00eb arrij\u00eb ta instaloj\u00eb demokracin\u00eb liberale n\u00eb vende t\u00eb tjera.<\/p>\n

Por, nuk duhet t\u00eb harrohet se sukseset n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim jan\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtim sesa rregull. Q\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb realizohet me sukses t\u00eb plot\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme dhe e domosdoshme ekzistenca e nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb karakteristikash vendore dhe faktor\u00ebsh kontekstual\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt jan\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ues t\u00eb vlerave demokratike. N\u00eb jo pak raste ka shtete q\u00eb demonstrojn\u00eb nivele t\u00eb larta t\u00eb ndarjeve etnike apo fetare dhe k\u00ebto elemente jan\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht sfiduese p\u00ebr nj\u00eb demokraci t\u00eb imponuar.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb jetike q\u00eb shteti i cili synohet t\u00eb transformohet t\u00eb jet\u00eb homogjen n\u00eb aspektin etnik e religjioz. T\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb qeveri t\u00eb konsoliduar qendrore, nivele t\u00eb arsyeshme t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies dhe nj\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb modeste paraprake me vlerat demokratike. Gjermania dhe Japonia e pas-Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore p\u00ebrputhen me kriteret e sip\u00ebrp\u00ebrmendura. Por, duket se ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti me Afganistanin.<\/p>\n

Ky vend, p\u00ebrve\u00e7q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr m\u00eb t\u00eb varfrit n\u00eb bot\u00eb, karakterizohet nga ndarje t\u00eb thella n\u00eb vija etnike dhe\u00a0religjioze<\/a>. N\u00eb vendet ku lidhjet etnike, religjioze apo tribale jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb forta se raporti q\u00eb krijohet n\u00eb mes t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve dhe institucioneve shtet\u00ebrore, b\u00ebhet e pamundur t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet legjitimiteti i nevojsh\u00ebm n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb institucionet politike t\u00eb jen\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u2019i imponojn\u00eb vendimet e tyre dhe, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, k\u00ebto vendime t\u00eb pranohen pa shtr\u00ebngim nga qytetar\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Mir\u00ebpo, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr t\u00eb gjithave, duhet n\u00ebnvizuar se nj\u00eb nga arsyet p\u00ebrse p\u00ebrpjekja p\u00ebr ta instaluar nj\u00eb sistem politik demokratik n\u00eb vende si Afganistani \u00ebsht\u00eb e destinuar t\u00eb d\u00ebshtoj\u00eb q\u00eb nga fillimi, lidhet edhe me preferenc\u00ebn q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt dhe elitat e atij vendi kan\u00eb p\u00ebr sistemin ideal qeveris\u00ebs. Nuk duhet t\u00eb harrohet se asnj\u00ebher\u00eb gjat\u00eb historis\u00eb nuk ka pasur konsensus universal se \u00e7far\u00eb dhe cili duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb sistemi politik ideal.<\/p>\n

Andaj, dikush mund t\u00eb argumentoj\u00eb se demokracia liberale \u00ebsht\u00eb forma m\u00eb e mir\u00eb e qeverisjes, por ka t\u00eb tjer\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb favorizojn\u00eb sisteme t\u00eb tjera. Ky k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrim ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb nga shteti n\u00eb shtet, por ka edhe raste kur i nj\u00ebjti shtet n\u00eb periudha t\u00eb ndryshme historike ka favorizuar sisteme diverse politike. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, gjat\u00eb viteve \u201830 shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb preferonin komunizmin apo edhe fashizmin, kundrejt demokracis\u00eb liberale.<\/p>\n

Kishte t\u00eb till\u00eb q\u00eb me p\u00ebrfundimin e Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb i dhan\u00eb fund historis\u00eb duke e shpallur demokracin\u00eb liberale si triumfuese p\u00ebrfundimtare kund\u00ebr sistemeve t\u00eb tjera. Por, kjo nuk doli t\u00eb jet\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Sot ka shtete q\u00eb edhe pse jan\u00eb brenda Bashkimit Evropian, jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb jan\u00eb kritike kundrejt vlerave t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb liberale, por po i modifikojn\u00eb ato \u2013 gati n\u00eb refuzim \u2013 drejt nj\u00eb sistemi q\u00eb n\u00eb literatur\u00eb tashm\u00eb njihet si \u201cdemokraci iliberale\u201d. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, Kina dhe Rusia kan\u00eb p\u00ebrqafuar regjimet autoritare, Koreja e Veriut \u00ebsht\u00eb diktatur\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa Irani republik\u00eb\u00a0islamike<\/a>. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, afgan\u00ebt duket q\u00eb \u2013 n\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e tyre \u2013 preferojn\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem tjet\u00ebr qeveris\u00ebs para demokracis\u00eb liberale.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Sado i rr\u00ebmujsh\u00ebm \u2013 jo shum\u00eb e lavdishme dhe tragjike ishte t\u00ebrheqja e trupave amerikan\u00eb nga Afganistani \u2013 nj\u00eb veprim i till\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb konsiderohet \u201ckatastrof\u00eb strategjike\u201d p\u00ebr ShBA-n\u00eb. Kjo l\u00ebvizje politike ishte t\u00ebrheqje e domosdoshme. Ajo nuk varet nga fakti se kush \u00ebsht\u00eb president n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb, apo se cili grup etnik, […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":402,"featured_media":9940,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1482,999],"ppma_author":[688],"class_list":["post-4499","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-afganistan","tag-shba"],"authors":[{"term_id":688,"user_id":402,"is_guest":0,"slug":"alfred-marleku","display_name":"Alfred Marleku","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Marleku","first_name":"Alfred","description":"Alfred Marleku ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet bachelor, master dhe ato t\u00eb doktorat\u00ebs n\u00eb shkenca politike. Aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Kolegjin \u201cUBT\u201d, Fakultetin e Shkencave Politike.\r\n\r\nP\u00ebr shum\u00eb vjet ka punuar si menaxher i projekteve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb financuara nga Komisioni Evropian, USAID-i, Ambasada Amerikane etj., t\u00eb cilat fokusohen, kryesisht, n\u00eb reformat e arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim dhe zhvillim (R&D); kthimin e trurit; zhvillimin e plan-programeve n\u00eb harmoni me nevojat e tregut etj. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar edhe n\u00eb sektorin publik si k\u00ebshilltar politik n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit juridik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4499","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/402"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4499"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4499\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9941,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4499\/revisions\/9941"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9940"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4499"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4499"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4499"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4499"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}