{"id":4530,"date":"2021-09-16T13:27:06","date_gmt":"2021-09-16T11:27:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4530"},"modified":"2024-10-23T11:09:10","modified_gmt":"2024-10-23T09:09:10","slug":"sistemi-nderkombetar-dhe-terheqja-e-domosdoshme-e-shba-se-nga-afganistani-ii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/sistemi-nderkombetar-dhe-terheqja-e-domosdoshme-e-shba-se-nga-afganistani-ii\/","title":{"rendered":"Sistemi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe \u201ct\u00ebrheqja e domosdoshme\u201d e ShBA-s\u00eb nga Afganistani (II)"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Kina si shkaktar i t\u00ebrheqjes s\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb nga Afganistani<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Jo pak studiues dhe komentues politik\u00eb ngutsh\u00ebm konkluduan se t\u00ebrheqja e ShBA-s\u00eb nga Afganistani \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshtimi m\u00eb i madh i saj n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme n\u00eb dekadat e fundit dhe se, n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, kjo ngjarje \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshmi e qart\u00eb e r\u00ebnies s\u00eb pakthyeshme t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb dhe dob\u00ebsimit t\u00eb relevanc\u00ebs s\u00eb k\u00ebtij shteti n\u00eb politik\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Konsideroj se \u201cgabim strategjik\u201d i ShBA-s\u00eb\u00a0vis-\u00e0-vis<\/em>\u00a0Afganistanit mund t\u00eb konsiderohet vet\u00ebm q\u00ebndrimi kaq i gjat\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb vend dhe p\u00ebrpjekja e d\u00ebshtuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar institucione dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7uar vlera politike demokratike n\u00eb nj\u00eb terren me kultur\u00eb politike refuzuese kundrejt k\u00ebtyre principeve. Largimi i Ushtris\u00eb amerikane \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb korrelacion t\u00eb drejt\u00eb me ndryshimet n\u00eb polaritetin e sistemit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe n\u00eb harmoni me ridimensionimin e interesave nacional\u00eb q\u00eb si q\u00ebllim kryesor kan\u00eb balancimin e shteteve rivale dhe konkurruese n\u00eb sistem, konkretisht Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhet e qart\u00eb se efekti i Afganistanit \u2013 si rast partikular \u2013 n\u00eb gjeopolitik\u00ebn amerikane ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb i pap\u00ebrfillsh\u00ebm. Ky largim \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht pasoj\u00eb e forcave sistemike dhe jo shkak n\u00eb vetvete. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb hera e par\u00eb (dhe ndoshta nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb as e fundit) kur ShBA-ja t\u00ebrhiqet nga nj\u00eb angazhim ushtarak n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jo fort t\u00eb lavdishme. ShBA-ja ka arritur t\u2019u mbijetoj\u00eb suksessh\u00ebm edhe d\u00ebshtimeve t\u00eb m\u00ebhershme q\u00eb ishin jo m\u00eb pak denigruese p\u00ebr fuqin\u00eb e saj t\u00eb \u201cbut\u00eb\u201d, si\u00e7 ishte t\u00ebrheqja nga Vietnami (1975). N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, ShBA-ja arriti ta rimerrte shum\u00eb shpejt veten, duke e rifituar dominimin e saj brenda m\u00eb pak se nj\u00eb dekade dhe duke mos reshtur asnj\u00ebher\u00eb s\u00eb rivalizuari Bashkimin Sovjetik, gj\u00eb q\u00eb\u00a0konkludoi\u00a0<\/strong>me triumfin e Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb. Sot ky shtet \u00ebsht\u00eb partner i ngusht\u00eb dhe ka interesa komplementar\u00eb me Vietnamin n\u00eb shum\u00eb sfera \u2013 m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja nd\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat \u00ebsht\u00eb koordinimi me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb frenimit t\u00eb ekspansionit kinez.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ShBA-ja mbetet shteti me nj\u00eb mori avantazhesh teknologjike, ekonomike edhe kulturore me t\u00eb cilat shum\u00eb pak vende mund t\u00eb konkurrojn\u00eb dhe t\u00eb krahasohen. Ato edhe mund t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqen nga nd\u00ebrhyrjet ushtarake apo edhe p\u00ebrpjekjet, n\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00ebn e rasteve shterpe, p\u00ebr shtet-nd\u00ebrtim n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme. Por, forca ushtarake e k\u00ebtij shteti vazhdon t\u00eb mbetet dominuese n\u00eb shum\u00eb zona t\u00eb globit. Kjo situat\u00eb do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb pavar\u00ebsisht d\u00ebshtimeve joelegante n\u00eb Afganistan, Irak dhe vende t\u00eb tjera. Skenat e kaosit n\u00eb aeroportin e Kabulit, nd\u00ebrsa trupat amerikan\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqeshin, krijojn\u00eb perceptimin e d\u00ebshtimit, por n\u00eb aspektin strategjik k\u00ebto skena jan\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb imazh sesa substanc\u00eb.<\/p>\n

T\u00ebrheqja e trupave amerikan\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb l\u00ebvizje politike e kusht\u00ebzuar nga transformimet strukturore n\u00eb sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Kuptohet, rritja e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs prodhon efekte detyruese p\u00ebr ShBA-n\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb veprime t\u00eb domosdoshme me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb balancimit dhe rivalizimit t\u00eb Pekinit p\u00ebr ndikim dhe dominanc\u00eb n\u00eb sistem. N\u00eb periudh\u00ebn kur sistemi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dominohej plot\u00ebsisht nga ShBA-ja \u2013 nga fundi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb deri rreth shfaqjes s\u00eb kriz\u00ebs globale financiare m\u00eb 2007-2009 \u2013 kjo e fundit mund t\u2019ia lejonte vetes \u201ckomoditetin gjeopolitik\u201d t\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqej nga nj\u00eb politik\u00eb e jashtme q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetej mbi parime t\u00eb liberalizmit, s\u00eb k\u00ebndejmi t\u00eb angazhohej n\u00eb mega-projekte p\u00ebr instalimin e sistemit politik demokratik apo realizimit t\u00eb inxhinieris\u00eb sociale n\u00eb Afganistan dhe vende t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb rajonit.<\/p>\n

Mir\u00ebpo, me rritjen ekonomike t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs dhe projektimit t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb q\u00eb ajo sot b\u00ebn n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb globin, shum\u00eb studiues kan\u00eb ardhur n\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim se momenti \u201cunipolar\u201d amerikan ka p\u00ebrfunduar dhe tashm\u00eb sistemi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb tranzicion drejt \u201cbi\u201d apo edhe \u201cmulti\u201d polaritetit. Andaj, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre shtr\u00ebngesave strukturore, lidershipi politik n\u00eb Uashington \u2013 pa marr\u00eb parasysh bindjet apo vlerat personale e partiake \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb i obliguar t\u00eb p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsoj\u00eb dhe zbatoj\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet mbi postulatet e (neo)realizmit politik. Pra, objektivi kryesor i ShBA-s\u00eb, n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb k\u00ebtij shekulli, duket t\u00eb jet\u00eb gara dhe konkurrenca kundrejt fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs dhe menaxhimi strategjik i rritjes s\u00eb k\u00ebsaj t\u00eb fundit.<\/p>\n

Mb\u00ebshtetur mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb logjik\u00eb \u2013 q\u00eb derivon nga pandehma neorealiste e interpretimit t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare \u2013 leht\u00ebsisht mund t\u00eb konstatohet se kjo nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb t\u00ebrheqja e fundit e ShBA-s\u00eb nga vende t\u00eb ndryshme ku \u00ebsht\u00eb e angazhuar tash e sa vjet me q\u00ebllim nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb sistemit politik demokratik dhe instalimit t\u00eb institucioneve dhe vlerave liberale. N\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme jo t\u00eb larg\u00ebt ndoshta mund t\u00eb priten edhe l\u00ebvizje tjera. P\u00ebrve\u00e7se konkluzion teorik, kjo mb\u00ebshtetet edhe n\u00eb deklarimet e presidentit Biden kur, n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201ccic\u00ebrim\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb rrjete sociale, deklaron se \u201cvendimi p\u00ebr Afganistanin nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr Afganistanin. Ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me p\u00ebrfundimin e nj\u00eb epoke t\u00eb angazhimeve grandioze t\u00eb operacioneve ushtarake p\u00ebr t\u2019i rib\u00ebr\u00eb shtetet e tjera\u201d.<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 duket, (neo)realizmi si teori e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare \u00ebsht\u00eb rikthyer si qasja me fuqin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe shpjeguese t\u00eb realiteteve globale. Andaj edhe shtetet si Kosova, me institucione t\u00eb brishta politike dhe kapacitete t\u00eb limituara militare p\u00ebr ta garantuar sigurin\u00eb e vet \u2013 e q\u00eb p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb varura n\u00eb fuqin\u00eb ushtarake t\u00eb shteteve\/organizatave t\u00eb treta \u2013 duhet t\u2019i rikalibrojn\u00eb orientimet e tyre strategjike dhe t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrin veprime imediate me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb afta t\u00eb navigojn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb me polaritet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb tranzicion e sip\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

Tashm\u00eb ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb ShBA-ja dhe Kina jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshira n\u00eb nj\u00eb gar\u00eb strategjike q\u00eb po rezulton t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb e ashp\u00ebr n\u00eb qasje, m\u00eb e shtrir\u00eb n\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqe dhe m\u00eb intensive n\u00eb volum se \u00e7do rivalitet tjet\u00ebr mes shtetesh n\u00eb domenin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb k\u00ebtu edhe Luft\u00ebn e Ftoht\u00eb. Qysh n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb mandatit t\u00eb presidentit Trump, duke vazhduar m\u00eb pas edhe me Administrat\u00ebn Biden, ishte diktuar nj\u00eb ndryshim n\u00eb sjelljen e politik\u00ebb\u00ebr\u00ebsve amerikan\u00eb n\u00eb favor t\u00eb nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrimi m\u00eb konfrontues ndaj Pekinit. Sipas\u00a0Udh\u00ebzuesit t\u00eb P\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm Strategjik t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb Komb\u00ebtare<\/a>, t\u00eb publikuar n\u00eb mars nga Sht\u00ebpia e Bardh\u00eb dhe t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruar e aprovuar nga vet\u00eb presidenti Biden, Kina konsiderohet si \u201ckonkurrenti i vet\u00ebm potencialisht i aft\u00eb t\u00eb kombinoj\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e saj ekonomike, diplomatike, ushtarake dhe teknologjike dhe t\u00eb paraqes\u00eb nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb serioze kundrejt nj\u00eb sistemi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb hapur dhe stabil\u201d.<\/p>\n

Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb kuptohet se p\u00ebrse zyrtar\u00ebt amerikan\u00eb e konceptojn\u00eb Kin\u00ebn si konkurrentin kryesor p\u00ebr dominim dhe influenc\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. T\u00eb\u00a0dh\u00ebnat<\/a>\u00a0tregojn\u00eb se deri n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit 2021, GDP-ja kineze do t\u00eb jet\u00eb ekuivalente me rreth 71% t\u00eb GDP-s\u00eb amerikane. Nd\u00ebrsa, n\u00ebse krahasohen, n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve \u201880, gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb, GDP-ja e Bashkimit Sovjetik ishte e barabart\u00eb me 50% t\u00eb GDP-s\u00eb amerikane. N\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, Kina ia ka z\u00ebn\u00eb vendin ShBA-s\u00eb si destinacioni m\u00eb i madh i investimeve t\u00eb huaja.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, edhe lidershipi kinez ka nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb pamje shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb zymt\u00eb p\u00ebr ShBA-n\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb konstatim konsensual n\u00eb Pekin se ShBA-ja \u00ebsht\u00eb sfida m\u00eb e madhe e jashtme kundrejt interesit nacional, sovranitetit dhe stabilitetit t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. Shum\u00eb v\u00ebzhgues t\u00eb v\u00ebmendsh\u00ebm kinez\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb mendimit se ShBA-ja po udh\u00ebhiqet nga frika dhe zilia, andaj jan\u00eb t\u00eb angazhuar q\u00eb t\u2019i p\u00ebrdorin t\u00eb gjitha resurset q\u00eb kan\u00eb n\u00eb dispozicion p\u00ebr ta kontrolluar at\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7do m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme.<\/p>\n

T\u00ebrheqja amerikane, p\u00ebrve\u00e7q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb imponuar nga ndryshimet strukturore n\u00eb sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me opinionin publik dhe orientimet strategjike t\u00eb lidershipit dhe interesave nacional\u00eb. Nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb deklaruar koh\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb form\u00eb eksplicite edhe nga vet\u00eb presidenti Biden. N\u00eb nj\u00eb shkrim autorial t\u00eb botuar n\u00eb mars\/prill t\u00eb vitit 2020 n\u00eb revist\u00ebn\u00a0Foreign Affairs<\/em>, ai nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjerash ishte zotuar q\u00eb do t\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqej nga nj\u00eb politik\u00eb e jashtme e \u201cklas\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme<\/a>\u201d. Kjo n\u00ebnkupton nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatur dhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me interesat e shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb votuesve amerikan\u00eb dhe jo vet\u00ebm e ekskluzivisht e mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb analizat dhe vizionin e politik\u00ebb\u00ebr\u00ebsve n\u00eb Uashington. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ka koh\u00eb q\u00eb opinioni publik amerikan e mb\u00ebshtet iden\u00eb e nj\u00eb t\u00ebrheqjeje t\u00eb trupave nga Afganistani.<\/p>\n

Kur presidenti Biden m\u00eb 14 prill e kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb publik vendimin p\u00ebr t\u00ebrheqje, n\u00eb nj\u00eb sondazh t\u00eb realizuar n\u00eb mes t\u00eb 16-18 prillit, doli n\u00eb pah se 80% e amerikan\u00ebve ishin\u00a0pro<\/em>\u00a0ides\u00eb q\u00eb ShBA-ja t\u2019i kthej\u00eb n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi menj\u00ebher\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb trupat\u00a0ushtarak\u00eb<\/a>. Kurse, n\u00eb korrik kjo shif\u00ebr shkoi n\u00eb 70%. Presidenti Biden n\u00eb artikullin e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb kishte konstatuar gjithashtu se \u201cKina p\u00ebrb\u00ebn sfid\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb\u201d p\u00ebr ShBA-n\u00eb dhe se ai, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebs personale me lider\u00ebt e k\u00ebtij shteti, e kishte shum\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb se me k\u00eb kishte t\u00eb b\u00ebnte.<\/p>\n

E nj\u00ebjta linj\u00eb e mendimit identifikohet edhe n\u00eb\u00a0fjalimin e tij<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb mbajtur pasi forcat amerikane filluan t\u00ebrheqjen nga Kabuli. Ai, pa dykuptim\u00ebsi dhe fare qart\u00eb, n\u00ebnvizoi se Amerika t\u00ebrhiqet nga Afganistani sepse n\u00eb k\u00ebto rrethana \u201cduhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohet te konsolidimi i fuqive kryesore p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrballur n\u00eb gar\u00ebn strategjike me Kin\u00ebn dhe shtetet e tjera\u201d. Si\u00e7 duket, veprimet e presidentit Biden, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr kritikave, jan\u00eb t\u00eb fokusuara p\u00ebr ta nxjerr\u00eb ShBA-n\u00eb jasht\u00eb \u201cVarrez\u00ebs s\u00eb Perandorive<\/a>\u201d dhe ta orientoj\u00eb at\u00eb drejt kapitullit t\u00eb ri t\u00eb gar\u00ebs p\u00ebr hegjemoni globale.<\/p>\n

Nga Lindja e Mesme drejt Azi-Paq\u00ebsorit<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Nuk kam dyshim q\u00eb po t\u00eb pyeteshin zyrtar\u00ebt n\u00eb Kin\u00eb, por edhe n\u00eb Rusi e n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha shtetet e tjera t\u00eb fuqishme q\u00eb kan\u00eb interesa konfliktual\u00eb me ShBA-n\u00eb, ata do preferonin q\u00eb kjo e fundit t\u00eb vazhdonte t\u00eb q\u00ebndronte n\u00eb Afganistan. Madje, p\u00ebr ta do t\u00eb ishte e preferueshme q\u00eb sikur n\u00eb Afganistan ShBA-ja t\u00eb vepronte edhe n\u00eb s\u00eb paku dhjet\u00eb shtete t\u00eb tjera. Kush nuk do kishte d\u00ebshir\u00eb dhe interes q\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtari i tij kryesor politik e ekonomik n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb garoj\u00eb me ty t\u2019i ket\u00eb duart e z\u00ebna duke shpenzuar koh\u00eb, energji, mjete t\u00eb pafundme financiare dhe jet\u00eb njer\u00ebzish gjithandej n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Krejt kjo me q\u00ebllim q\u00eb t\u00eb imponoj\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem politik q\u00eb bazohet n\u00eb vlera t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb liberale n\u00eb nj\u00eb ambient dhe kultur\u00eb politike mospajtuese dhe mosp\u00ebr\u00e7uese t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre vlerave. T\u00ebrheqja nga Afganistani e ka liruar ShBA-n\u00eb nga nj\u00eb barr\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00eb e nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrjeje t\u00eb kushtueshme, angazhim i cili e kishte humbur fokusin strategjik para shum\u00eb vitesh. Ky veprim ia mund\u00ebson asaj t\u00eb ridimensionoj\u00eb dhe ridrejtoj\u00eb resurset e veta n\u00eb rajone dhe objektiva t\u00eb tjer\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me interesat e saj vital\u00eb dhe prioritetet strategjike \u2013 larg Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme drejt Azi-Paq\u00ebsorit.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Kina si shkaktar i t\u00ebrheqjes s\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb nga Afganistani Jo pak studiues dhe komentues politik\u00eb ngutsh\u00ebm konkluduan se t\u00ebrheqja e ShBA-s\u00eb nga Afganistani \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshtimi m\u00eb i madh i saj n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme n\u00eb dekadat e fundit dhe se, n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, kjo ngjarje \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshmi e qart\u00eb e r\u00ebnies s\u00eb pakthyeshme t\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":402,"featured_media":8880,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1482,656],"ppma_author":[688],"class_list":["post-4530","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-afganistan","tag-usa"],"authors":[{"term_id":688,"user_id":402,"is_guest":0,"slug":"alfred-marleku","display_name":"Alfred Marleku","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Marleku","first_name":"Alfred","description":"Alfred Marleku ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet bachelor, master dhe ato t\u00eb doktorat\u00ebs n\u00eb shkenca politike. Aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Kolegjin \u201cUBT\u201d, Fakultetin e Shkencave Politike.\r\n\r\nP\u00ebr shum\u00eb vjet ka punuar si menaxher i projekteve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb financuara nga Komisioni Evropian, USAID-i, Ambasada Amerikane etj., t\u00eb cilat fokusohen, kryesisht, n\u00eb reformat e arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim dhe zhvillim (R&D); kthimin e trurit; zhvillimin e plan-programeve n\u00eb harmoni me nevojat e tregut etj. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar edhe n\u00eb sektorin publik si k\u00ebshilltar politik n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit juridik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4530","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/402"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4530"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4530\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8917,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4530\/revisions\/8917"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8880"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4530"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4530"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4530"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4530"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}