{"id":4532,"date":"2021-09-17T11:57:09","date_gmt":"2021-09-17T09:57:09","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4532"},"modified":"2025-01-17T12:00:47","modified_gmt":"2025-01-17T10:00:47","slug":"rimendimi-i-politikes-ii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/kritike\/rimendimi-i-politikes-ii\/","title":{"rendered":"Rimendimi i Politik\u00ebs (II)"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Harresa e politik\u00ebs\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht, si Platoni, ashtu dhe Aristoteli, me an\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimeve teorike t\u00eb sip\u00ebrcekura e promovuan racionalizmin teleokratik edhe n\u00eb gjykimin e \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve politike. Logjika \u201cmjet-q\u00ebllim\u201d ka qen\u00eb thelbi i saj.\u00a0Nd\u00ebrkaq nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e mir\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj paradigme ishte e mot\u00ebrzuar edhe me t\u00eb menduarit metafizik t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre filozof\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Kurse k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb fundit, si\u00e7 pohon Dana R. Villa n\u00eb librin e tij \u201cArendt-i dhe Heidegger-i \u2013 Fati i Politik\u00ebs\u201d (Arendt and Heidegger \u2013 The Fate of the Politicial), q\u00eb nga fillimi e ka ve\u00e7uar \u201cparagjykimi\u201d produksionist i bot\u00ebs greke. Duke interpretuar mendimin e Heidegger-it mbi historin\u00eb e metafizik\u00ebs, Dana R.Villa konstaton se karakteri produksionist i ontologjis\u00eb per\u00ebndimore ka qen\u00eb persistent n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha fazat e zhvillimit t\u00eb vet. Madje edhe t\u00eb menduarit krisitian mbi \u201cQenien e qenieve si qenie krijuese (ens kreatum) nuk b\u00ebn asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pos q\u00eb e zgjeron horizontin e asaj bote, vet\u00ebm se tani duke e afirmuar Zotin n\u00eb rolin e krijuesit suprem (supreme artificier).<\/p>\n

E fundi i k\u00ebsaj strukture mendore, sipas filozofit t\u00eb njohur gjerman Martin Heidegger n\u00eb punimin e tij \u201cFundi i Filozofis\u00eb dhe Detyrat e t\u00eb Menduarit\u201d (The End of Philosophy and the Task of Thinking), erdhi jo m\u00eb her\u00ebt se me shfaqjen e Friedrich Nietzsche-s (Fridrih Ni\u00e7e)\u00a0 dhe Karl Marx-it. P\u00ebr Heidegger-in, \u201cp\u00ebrgjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb filozofis\u00eb mendimi i Platonit mbeti vendimtar qoft\u00eb edhe i ndryshuar t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht n\u00eb form\u00eb. Metafizika \u00ebsht\u00eb platoniz\u00ebm. Nietzsche e karakterizon filozofin\u00eb e tij si nj\u00eb platoniz\u00ebm t\u00eb kthyer s\u00eb prapthi. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrk\u00ebmbimin p\u00ebrfundimtar t\u00eb metafizik\u00ebs, t\u00eb realizuar nga Karl Marx-i, mund t\u00eb themi se \u00ebsht\u00eb arritur mund\u00ebsia m\u00eb ekstreme e filozofis\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb linj\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme e mbron edhe Hannah Arendt,\u00a0 kur pohon se tradit\u00ebs per\u00ebndimore t\u00eb mendimit politik t\u00eb inauguruar nga Platoni i erdhi fundi i saj me Karl Marx-in dhe tezat e tij se \u201cfilozofia dhe t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetat e saj nuk ndodhen jasht\u00eb sfer\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt njer\u00ebzore, por pik\u00ebrisht brenda saj dhe t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzuara nga raportet e prodhimit\u201d.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, edhe p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr revolt\u00ebs s\u00eb hapur dhe mllefit q\u00eb k\u00ebta filozof\u00eb artikuluan ndaj tradit\u00ebs, as k\u00ebta nuk ia dol\u00ebn t\u00eb \u00e7lirohen plot\u00ebsisht nga pesha e saj dominuese. Ata mbeten t\u00eb ngujuar brenda g\u00ebrmadhave t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtes\u00ebs q\u00eb aspiruan ta rr\u00ebnojn\u00eb. Hijerorja e saj i ndoqi gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb koh\u00ebs. N\u00eb fund vet\u00ebm i konvertuan kriteret e saj hierarkike. Prandaj me filozofimet e tyre me \u00e7ekan p\u00ebrs\u00ebri nuk arrit\u00ebn ta hapin nj\u00eb horizont t\u00eb ri p\u00ebr ta ndri\u00e7uar kuptimin e \u201casaj q\u00eb zhvillohet n\u00eb mes nesh\u201d si qenie politike. S\u2019u krijua nj\u00eb vokabular autentik politik i pa ndikuar nga tradita. Dhe n\u00ebse mendimin metafizik, si\u00e7 thot\u00eb Heidegger-i, e kishte karakterizuar \u201charresa e qenies\u201d, at\u00ebher\u00eb paradoksalisht thelbin e mendimit politik t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj tradite e ka sh\u00ebnjuar pik\u00ebrisht \u201charresa e politik\u00ebs\u201d.<\/p>\n

Ajo mbeti e bllokuar dhe pa asnj\u00eb shtegdalje. U orientua vet\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb vizionit hierarkik t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. Inventarin e saj e form\u00ebsuan kategorit\u00eb e sundimit t\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mirit, n\u00ebnshtrimit t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs nga pakica, dominimit nga idet\u00eb transcendente, subordinimit t\u00eb jet\u00ebs njer\u00ebzore nga parimet qiellore dhe projektimit t\u00eb \u201cqytetit t\u00eb tok\u00ebs\u201d vet\u00ebm si medium p\u00ebr t\u2019u spastruar nga m\u00ebkatet ditore si dhe p\u00ebrfitimit t\u00eb sh\u00eblbimit shpirt\u00ebror personal n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim t\u00eb jet\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrtejme dhe parajs\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrhershme q\u00eb e dominon \u201cqytetin e Zotit\u201d. Po ashtu mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb sfer\u00eb u imponuan q\u00ebllime p\u00ebrfundimtare tej-politike t\u00eb sajuara si nga mendimi klasik, doktrinat teologjike, vizioni eskatologjik modern i historis\u00eb apo dogmat rigide ideologjike.<\/p>\n

Shembja e tradit\u00ebs dhe rimendimi i politik\u00ebs\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr pandehmave q\u00eb fundin e mendimit metafizik e lidhin me ligj\u00ebrimet e Marx-it dhe Nietzche-s, politikisht mbase shembjen dhe tejkalimin e parimeve fondatore t\u00eb saj mund ta k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb te nj\u00eb filozof tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb kishte jetuar m\u00eb her\u00ebt sesa dy figurat \u201crebeluese\u201d t\u00eb sip\u00ebrp\u00ebrmendura. Dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb fund kemi mund\u00ebsi ta gjejm\u00eb n\u00eb konstatimet e jasht\u00ebzakonshme t\u00eb mendimtarit t\u00eb njohur francez\u00a0 Baron de La Br\u00e8de et de Montesquieu (Monteskj\u00eb) t\u00eb artikuluara n\u00eb librin e tij t\u00eb monumental \u201cFryma e Ligjeve\u201d (The Spirit of Laws – De l’Esprit des lois).<\/p>\n

Natyrisht, kjo s\u2019do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb format paraprake t\u00eb mendimit politik u davarit\u00ebn plot\u00ebsisht. P\u00ebrkundrazi ato vazhduan t\u00eb ekzistojn\u00eb edhe pas k\u00ebsaj kthese rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsore q\u00eb e promovoi filozofi francez. Mir\u00ebpo, ky i fundit e hapi nj\u00eb shteg t\u00eb paprovuar m\u00eb par\u00eb, efektet e t\u00eb cilit do t\u00eb d\u00ebshmohen vendimtare n\u00eb konstituimin e mendimit politik modern t\u00eb pandikuar dhe kusht\u00ebzuar nga solucionet e tradit\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb elaborimit t\u00eb frym\u00ebs s\u00eb ligjeve, Montesquieu (Monteskj\u00eb) e anashkalon p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb pyetjen tradicionale politike t\u00eb inauguruar nga Platoni \u201cse kush duhet t\u00eb sundoj\u00eb?\u201d, n\u00eb at\u00eb se si duhet t\u00eb ndahen pushtetet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb ta kufizojn\u00eb dhe kontrollojn\u00eb nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebn. Pra, mendimi politik modern nuk duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrhumbet n\u00eb pretendimet e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb heroit, misionarit, shp\u00ebtimtarit, filozofit, klerikut, ideologut, teologut, princit, monarkut q\u00eb e mish\u00ebron vullnetin hyjnor, por t\u00eb themelimit dhe fuqizimit t\u00eb disa qendrave t\u00eb pushtetit si mjet i domosdosh\u00ebm p\u00ebr ta mir\u00ebmbajtur balanc\u00ebn politike dhe afirmimin e \u201csundimit t\u00eb ligjit\u201d si alternativa finale ndaj \u00e7do modeli tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb sundimit.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, krahas k\u00ebtij koncepti nomokratik, ajo \u00e7ka n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb e b\u00ebn novatore teorin\u00eb politike t\u00eb Montesquieu-s\u00eb mbetet edhe zbulimi dhe afirmimi q\u00eb ai ua b\u00ebri kategoris\u00eb s\u00eb parimeve dhe forc\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre mobilizuese. Sepse, sipas tij, ligjet e formojn\u00eb \u201cnatyr\u00ebn e nj\u00eb qeverisjeje dhe jan\u00eb ato q\u00eb e b\u00ebjn\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb e till\u00eb dhe jo tjet\u00ebr gj\u00eb, mir\u00ebpo jan\u00eb principet ato q\u00eb e detyrojn\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb veproj\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me to\u201d. E pjes\u00eb e tyre jan\u00eb edhe pasionet njer\u00ebzore q\u00eb e nxisin at\u00eb t\u00eb l\u00ebviz\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ato thjesht shnd\u00ebrrohen n\u00eb inspirim p\u00ebr aksionet e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta politike. Dhe si t\u00eb tilla ato nuk kan\u00eb karakter transcendent, s\u2019jan\u00eb n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb q\u00ebllimeve finale ekstra-politike p\u00ebrtej tok\u00ebsore, por jan\u00eb zembereku inherent i nj\u00eb rendi politik. K\u00ebshtu, n\u00ebse parimi i aristokracis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nderi, i despotizmit frika, ajo q\u00eb e b\u00ebn t\u00eb veproj\u00eb dhe e v\u00eb n\u00eb l\u00ebvizje nj\u00eb demokraci \u00ebsht\u00eb forca e virtytit. Madje kjo e fundit v\u00ebshtir\u00eb mund t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb pa k\u00ebt\u00eb nxit\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Ai s\u2019moralizoi mbi mir\u00ebsin\u00eb origjinale natyrore t\u00eb njeriut q\u00eb rendi politik e kishte tjet\u00ebrsuar p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb m\u00ebkatit fillestar, apo s\u2019u zhyt n\u00eb \u00ebndrra romantike q\u00eb \u201cligjin e zemr\u00ebs\u201d s\u00eb tij ta kumtoj\u00eb si ligj t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm njer\u00ebzimit. Po ashtu s\u2019u josh nga idet\u00eb e sundimit t\u00eb vullnetit t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm, nj\u00eb term ky plot ambiguitete, si\u00e7 edhe b\u00ebri bashk\u00ebvend\u00ebsi i tij Zhan Zhak Ruso (Jean-Jacques Rousseau), veprat e t\u00eb cilit u shnd\u00ebrruan n\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj ungjilli politik n\u00eb gijotin\u00ebn e terrorit revolucionar t\u00eb drejtuar nga Maksimiljen Robespier (Maximilien Robespierre).<\/p>\n

K\u00ebt\u00eb doktrin\u00eb askush s\u2019e ka kap\u00ebrthyer me mir\u00eb sesa Hegeli n\u00eb vepr\u00ebn e tij monumentale \u201cFenomenologjia e Frym\u00ebs\u201d (The Phenomenology of Spirit). N\u00eb pjes\u00ebn mbi \u201cLirin\u00eb Absolute dhe Terrorin\u201d, ky zot\u00ebrues \u201cabsolut\u201d i frym\u00ebs krijuese njer\u00ebzore, pohon se kodin themelor t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj logjike e p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb aspiratat politike jakobine. Kushdo q\u00eb nuk i p\u00ebrshtatet asaj konsiderohet fraksion. T\u00eb tjer\u00ebt trajtohen me dyshim; si armiq t\u00eb popullit, vullnetit t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb fundit; si grupe q\u00eb d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb ta shk\u00ebpusin veten nga vullneti i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm. Pra, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt definohen si vullnete private q\u00eb duhen eliminuar dhe shtypur.\u00a0 Kjo edhe \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja q\u00eb asgj\u00eb s\u2019mund t\u2019i ik\u00eb furis\u00eb s\u00eb saj destruktive dhe negativitetit t\u00eb zbraz\u00ebt. Sepse, si\u00e7 pohon Hegeli, \u201cvet\u00ebm nga shkat\u00ebrrimi i asaj q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb objektive ky vullnet negativ e p\u00ebrjeton sensin e t\u00eb qen\u00ebt ekzistent\u201d.<\/p>\n

Mjerisht, kjo skem\u00eb mentale do t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb ushqim fanatik p\u00ebr shum\u00eb nga t\u00ebrmetet e m\u00ebvonshme politike. Diktatura e proletariatit e p\u00ebrb\u00ebn vet\u00ebm nj\u00ebr\u00ebn prej tyre. Prandaj, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e rast\u00ebsishme q\u00eb kudo q\u00eb hov\u00ebzoi flak\u00ebrima e k\u00ebsaj zjarrmie revolucionare, ajo p\u00ebrfundoi n\u00eb terror. Kurse sociologu i njohur Jean-Werner Muller, n\u00eb traktatin e tij politik\u201d \u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb Populizmi? (What Is Populism?), pohon se edhe sot ekziston nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkitje e \u00e7uditshme nd\u00ebrmjet populizmit dhe doktrin\u00ebs politike jakobiniste. Nd\u00ebrkaq William Galston konstaton se ngjash\u00ebm edhe populzimin e karakterizon revolta kund\u00ebr pluralizmit (Anti-Pluralism: The Populist Threat to Liberal Democracy). Apo, si\u00e7 thot\u00eb Jurgen Habermas, sa her\u00eb q\u00eb populli shfaqet politikisht, ai s\u2019mund t\u00eb shfaqet ndryshe, pos si \u201ckategori plurale\u201d.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Harresa e politik\u00ebs\u00a0 P\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht, si Platoni, ashtu dhe Aristoteli, me an\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimeve teorike t\u00eb sip\u00ebrcekura e promovuan racionalizmin teleokratik edhe n\u00eb gjykimin e \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve politike. Logjika \u201cmjet-q\u00ebllim\u201d ka qen\u00eb thelbi i saj.\u00a0Nd\u00ebrkaq nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e mir\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj paradigme ishte e mot\u00ebrzuar edhe me t\u00eb menduarit metafizik t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre filozof\u00ebve. Kurse k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb fundit, […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":377,"featured_media":12202,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[14],"tags":[1322,868,2389],"ppma_author":[371],"class_list":["post-4532","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-kritike","tag-kritike","tag-politika","tag-rimendimi"],"authors":[{"term_id":371,"user_id":377,"is_guest":0,"slug":"afrim-kasolli","display_name":"Afrim Kasolli","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Kasolli","first_name":"Afrim","description":"Afrim Kasolli ka studiuar Filozofi-Sociologji. Nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka ligj\u00ebruar l\u00ebnd\u00ebn \u201cHyrje n\u00eb Shkencat Politike n\u00eb Kolegjin Victory\u201d. Ka qen\u00eb deputet i Kuvendit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Merret me shkrime dhe ese filozofike. Sfer\u00eb e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e interesit t\u00eb tij \u00ebsht\u00eb filozofia politike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4532","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/377"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4532"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4532\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12203,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4532\/revisions\/12203"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12202"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4532"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4532"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4532"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4532"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}