{"id":4543,"date":"2021-07-08T10:07:50","date_gmt":"2021-07-08T08:07:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4543"},"modified":"2024-10-23T10:58:34","modified_gmt":"2024-10-23T08:58:34","slug":"ngritja-e-doktrines-biden","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/ngritja-e-doktrines-biden\/","title":{"rendered":"Ngritja e doktrin\u00ebs Biden"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Demokracia, autokracia dhe p\u00ebrplasja vendimtare e koh\u00ebs ton\u00eb.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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N\u00eb vizit\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, presidenti Joe Biden vuri theks t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb te tema vendimtare e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb tij t\u00eb jashtme. Ai tha se rivaliteti amerikano-kinez \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb \u201ckonkurrence m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe me autokrat\u00ebt\u201d rreth asaj \u201cse a mund t\u00eb garojn\u00eb demokracit\u00eb. . . n\u00eb nj\u00eb shekull q\u00eb ndryshon kaq shpejt.\u201d Ky nuk ishte ndonj\u00eb zbukurim retorik. Biden ka argumentuar vazhdimisht q\u00eb bota ka arritur n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cpik\u00eb lakimi\u201d q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb se a do t\u00eb sh\u00ebnoj\u00eb ky shekull nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr epok\u00eb t\u00eb dominimit demokratik, apo nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb ep\u00ebrsis\u00eb autokrate. Historian\u00ebt e s\u00eb nes\u00ebrmes, ka parashikuar ai, do t\u00eb \u201cpunojn\u00eb temat e tyre t\u00eb doktoratur\u00ebs mbi \u00e7\u00ebshtjen se kush ia doli mban\u00eb: autokracia apo demokracia?\u201d<\/p>\n

Bideni nuk e ka par\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb k\u00ebshtu bot\u00ebn. M\u00eb 2019, ai p\u00ebr\u00e7moi sugjerimin se Kina ishte garuese serioze, e aq m\u00eb pak subjekti kryesor i nj\u00eb sfide ideologjike epokale. Megjithat\u00eb, pretendimi i tij se p\u00ebrplasja qendrore e koh\u00ebs tone \u00ebsht\u00eb gara mes sistemeve demokratike dhe autokratike t\u00eb qeverisjes duket e sinqert\u00eb \u2013 dhe poashtu ka implikime t\u00eb thella p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn e jashtme dhe gjeopolitik\u00ebn amerikane.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr adminstrat\u00ebn e Bidenit, koncepti p\u00ebrmbledh\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb v\u00eb n\u00eb l\u00ebvizje marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e SHBA-s\u00eb me rival\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb. Ai lidh gar\u00ebn e fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha me rigjall\u00ebrimin e demokracis\u00eb amerikane dhe luft\u00ebn kund\u00ebr shqet\u00ebsimeve transnacionale, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb korrupsioni dhe COVID-19. Gjithashtu, koncepti fokuson Shtetet e Bashkuara n\u00eb nj\u00eb strategji v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb fortifikimit t\u00eb bot\u00ebs demokratike kundrejt k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve m\u00eb serioze me t\u00eb cilat \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrballur tash e nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Pyetja \u00ebsht\u00eb se a do t\u00eb mund ta kthej\u00eb administrata k\u00ebt\u00eb vizion n\u00eb realitet. Biden ka identifikuar sfid\u00ebn kryesore strategjike t\u00eb shekullit XXI, por problemet \u2013 sa t\u00eb qen\u00ebsishme ashtu edhe t\u00eb vet\u00ebkrijuara \u2013 jan\u00eb tashm\u00eb frik\u00ebsuese.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb bot\u00eb e sigurt p\u00ebr autokracin\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

Presidenti Donald Trump mund ta ket\u00eb kthyer Uashingtonin kah gara e fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, por Biden e ka vendosur k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje p\u00ebrbrenda nj\u00eb kornize strategjike m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb. Deri para pandemis\u00eb, Trump shpesh dukej sikur e shihte rivalitetin SHBA-Kin\u00eb kryesisht si luft\u00eb p\u00ebr kushtet e tregtis\u00eb. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, Biden e sheh konkurrenc\u00ebn si pjes\u00eb t\u00eb \u201cdebatit thelb\u00ebsor\u201d mes atyre q\u00eb besojn\u00eb se \u201cautokracia \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebnyra e duhur p\u00ebr t\u00eb ecur p\u00ebrpara\u201d dhe atyre q\u00eb besojn\u00eb se \u201cdemokracia duhet dhe do t\u00eb ngadhnjej\u00eb.\u201d<\/p>\n

Komuniteti i kombeve demokratike p\u00ebrballet me tri sfida t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhura. E para \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi nga fuqit\u00eb autoritare \u2013 Rusia dhe posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht Kina. K\u00ebto vende po kund\u00ebrshtojn\u00eb fuqin\u00eb amerikane n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb dhe po k\u00ebrc\u00ebnojn\u00eb kombet demokratike q\u00eb prej Evrop\u00ebs lindore te Ngushtica e Tajvanit. Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, sfida q\u00eb ato paraqesin \u00ebsht\u00eb sa ideologjike aq edhe gjeopolitike. Modele t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb rendit brenda vendit mund t\u00eb prodhojn\u00eb vizione t\u00eb rendit jasht\u00eb vendit: Rusia dhe Kina duan ta dob\u00ebsojn\u00eb, p\u00ebr\u00e7ajn\u00eb dhe t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsojn\u00eb sistemin ekzistues nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar ngase parimet themeltare liberale t\u00eb tij jan\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshti t\u00eb plot\u00eb me praktikat e tyre t\u00eb brendshme joliberale. Prandaj, rreziku \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb Moska dhe Pekini do ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb bot\u00ebn t\u00eb sigurt p\u00ebr autokracin\u00eb, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra q\u00eb bot\u00ebn e b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb pasigurt p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Rusia \u00ebsht\u00eb duke p\u00ebrdorur sulmet kibernetike dhe dezinformatat p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkundur demokracit\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019i p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt e tyre, por edhe shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb liberale jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb klanore dhe t\u00eb polarizuara.<\/p>\n

Kina e shfryt\u00ebzon pushtetin tregtar p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebshkuar kritik\u00ebn \u2013 dmth, lirin\u00eb e shprehjes \u2013 n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb e p\u00ebrparuara prej Evrop\u00ebs n\u00eb Australi; gjithashtu, autokrat\u00ebve t\u00eb bot\u00ebs u ofron mjete dhe teknika t\u00eb shtypjes; ajo poashtu\u00ebsht\u00eb duke rishkruar rregullat e organizatave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur, e madje privilegjuar autoritarizmin.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi m\u00eb i madh \u00ebsht\u00eb investimii jasht\u00ebzakonsh\u00ebmi Pekinit n\u00eb teknologji t\u00eb ndryshme, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb telekomunikacioni 5G dhe inteligjenca artificiale, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndajn\u00eb ndikimin autokratik t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs dhe tejkalimin e rival\u00ebve t\u00eb saj demokratik\u00eb. Kryesorja \u00ebsht\u00eb se nj\u00eb bot\u00eb e udh\u00ebhequr prej autokracive t\u00eb fuqizuara dhe agresive do t\u00eb jet\u00eb ashtu si\u00e7 ka paralajm\u00ebruar presidenti Franklin Roosevelt, \u201cnj\u00eb vend i rreziksh\u00ebm dhe i l\u00ebn\u00eb pas dore\u201d p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb vler\u00ebsojn\u00eb lirin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi i dyt\u00eb vjen prej problemeve transnacionale q\u00eb n\u00ebkontekstin e p\u00ebrplasjes s\u00eb sistemeve marrin pesh\u00eb t\u00eb shtuar. COVID-19 nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb pandemi q\u00eb ndodh\u00eb nj\u00eb her\u00eb n\u00eb shekull; ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb sfid\u00eb ndaj ides\u00eb se demokracit\u00eb mund t\u2019i p\u00ebrgjigjen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb efektshme rreziqeve m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha me t\u00eb cilat ballafaqohen qytetar\u00ebt e tyre.<\/p>\n

Korrupsioni nd\u00ebrkufitar nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr qeverisjen e mir\u00eb; ai \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb e lig\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn e shfryt\u00ebzojn\u00eb Moska, Pekini e autoritar\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjeruar ndikimin dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar rival\u00ebt e tyre. Ndarja mes gar\u00ebs s\u00eb fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha dhe \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve transnacionale \u00ebsht\u00eb artificiale: demokracit\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb fitojn\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00ebn pa adresuar k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb fundit.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi i tret\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kalbja nga brenda e demokracis\u00eb. N\u00eb vitet e fundit, Shtetet e Bashkuara kan\u00eb p\u00ebrjetuar zgjedhjen e nj\u00eb presidenti pa m\u00ebdyshje joliberal dhe nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb dhunshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysur zgjedhjet demokratike. P\u00ebrgjat\u00eb bot\u00ebs liberale, sentimentet antidemokratike dhe pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsia me institucionet p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese kan\u00eb arritur pik\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb q\u00eb prej Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore. K\u00ebto trende jan\u00eb alarmuese n\u00eb vetvete; ato gjithashtu i b\u00ebjn\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb c\u00ebnueshme Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe aleat\u00ebt e saj ndaj k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit autokratik. Kriza e qeverisjes demokratike brenda vendit \u00ebsht\u00eb e lidhur ngusht\u00eb me kriz\u00ebn e ndikimit demokratik jasht\u00eb vendit.<\/p>\n

Doktrina Biden<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kjo sfid\u00eb e trefisht\u00eb fton p\u00ebr nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb trefisht\u00eb \u2013 elemente t\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebs mund t\u00eb shihen n\u00eb l\u00ebvizjet e hershme t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs s\u00eb Bidenit. Pik\u00eb s\u00eb pari, Shtetet e Bashkuara duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrforcojn\u00eb kohezionin dhe q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e komunitetit demokratik kundrejt rival\u00ebve autokratik\u00eb dhe ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb solidaritetin demokratik v\u00ebrtet global, meq\u00eb aq shum\u00eb aspekte t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje globale. S\u00eb dyti, ajo duhet t\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00eb demokracit\u00eb e bot\u00ebs n\u00eb adresimin e problemeve transnacionale, t\u00eb cilat asnj\u00eb komb nuk i zgjidh\u00eb dot vet\u00ebm. Gjithashtu, duhet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cpozicion t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb\u201d p\u00ebr rivalitetin global duke riinvestuar n\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebn e saj dhe duke treguar q\u00eb demokracit\u00eb ende mund t\u2019u sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n

Politika e jashtme e Bidenit \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar n\u00eb funksionalizimin e k\u00ebtij koncepti gjithp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs t\u00eb strategjis\u00eb amerikane\u2013 t\u00eb rr\u00ebnjosur n\u00eb faktin e pashmangsh\u00ebm se supremacia e demokracis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb n\u00eb rrezik tash, sesa ka qen\u00eb me breza t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb. P\u00ebrderisa shum\u00eb prej marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve m\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebqija nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Trumpit ishin me aleat\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb t\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara, Biden ka v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb plan t\u00eb par\u00eb riparimin e atyre aleancave si mbruoja n\u00eb grupin global t\u00eb demokracive.<\/p>\n

Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb orvatur t\u00eb qet\u00ebsoj\u00eb mosmarr\u00ebveshjet diplomatike dhe tregtare me Evrop\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb front t\u00eb bashkuar e t\u00eb fort\u00eb kund\u00ebr Rusis\u00eb dhe Kin\u00ebs, si dhe ka punuar me aleat\u00ebt n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb dhe Indo-Paq\u00ebsor p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar se agresioni ndaj Tajvanit mund t\u2019i kushtoj\u00eb shtrenjt\u00eb Partis\u00eb Komuniste t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs (CCP). Samiti i hersh\u00ebm i G-7 prodhoi nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt mbi k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin kinez dhe planet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb program infrastrukturor q\u00eb do t\u00eb promovoj\u00eb projekte transparente e t\u00eb cil\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb lart\u00eb p\u00ebr bot\u00ebn n\u00eb zhvillim \u2013 nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje demokratike ndaj Nism\u00ebs Rrip dhe Rrug\u00eb (BRI) t\u00eb Pekinit.<\/p>\n

Administrata ka ndihmuar gjithashtu n\u00eb krijimin e hap\u00ebsirave p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim demokratik rreth \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve kryesore globale. N\u00ebn Bidenin, Kat\u00ebrshja [Quad] dhe G-7 kan\u00eb njoftuar p\u00ebr planet q\u00eb t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndajn\u00eb gati dy miliard\u00eb vaksina p\u00ebr vendet n\u00eb zhvillim. Administrata po p\u00ebrgatitet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb front shum\u00ebpal\u00ebsh p\u00ebr ta luftuar korrupsionin dhe rrjedhjet e paligjshme financiare,t\u00eb cilat presidenti rus Vladimir Putin dhe autokrat\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebi kan\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzuar me aq zhd\u00ebrvjell\u00ebsi. Ndon\u00ebse Biden ka folur m\u00eb her\u00ebt p\u00ebr nevoj\u00ebn e nj\u00eb \u201csamiti global t\u00eb demokracive\u201d q\u00eb t\u00eb merret me k\u00ebto dhe \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb tjera, deri m\u00eb tash ai \u00ebsht\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur te grupet ekzistuese m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla, t\u00eb cilat mund t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb p\u00ebrparime reale sot, dhe mbase t\u00eb shtrojn\u00eb rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebr p\u00ebrpjekje m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha nes\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

Biden ka ndjekur t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin kurs n\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebn teknologjike. Tash p\u00ebr tash, administrata nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb duke e shtyr\u00eb iden\u00eb e krijimit t\u00eb D-10, T-12, apo ndonj\u00eb koalicioni tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb madh e formal demokratik, p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar ndikimet autokratike n\u00eb teknologji. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, ajo po punon me vende dhe grupe t\u00eb caktuara p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar bashk\u00ebpunimin demokratik nga posht\u00eb lart\u2013 me Koren\u00eb e Jugut p\u00ebr gjys\u00ebmp\u00ebr\u00e7uesit dhe teknologjin\u00eb 5G dhe 6G, me BE-n\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatjen e teknologjis\u00eb me politikat tregtare, me Japonin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar nj\u00eb internet t\u00eb hapur global, e me NATO-n n\u00eb luftimin e sulmeve kibernetike dhe dezinformimit.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, administrata ka luftuar kund\u00ebr formave m\u00eb t\u00eb egra t\u00eb shtypjes dhe sulmeve autoritare. \u00cbsht\u00eb raportuar se presidenti ka k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar Putinin me pasoja t\u00eb r\u00ebnda n\u00eb rast se vazhdojn\u00eb sulmet kibernetike kund\u00ebr infrastruktur\u00ebs kritike. Uashingtoni u bashkua me BE-n\u00eb n\u00eb sanksionimin e Bellorusis\u00eb, pasi qeveria e presidentit Alexander Lukashenko detyroi uljen e aeroplanit ku ndodhej nj\u00eb disident i k\u00ebrkuar nga pushteti \u2013 nj\u00eb shembull i shtypjes jasht\u00ebterritoriale q\u00eb jan\u00eb duke shfryt\u00ebzuar Rusia, Kina dhe autoritar\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrndjekur kritik\u00ebt dhe konsoliduar pushtetin e tyre.<\/p>\n

Ekipi i Bidenit punoi me Kanadan\u00eb, Mbret\u00ebrin\u00eb e Bashkuar dhe BE-n\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb sanksionuar zyrtar\u00ebt e PPK-s\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ishin t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb shtypjen e tmerrshme n\u00eb Xinjiang \u2013 duke shkaktuar k\u00ebshtu shkrirjen e \u201cUjkut Luftarak\u201d q\u00eb hodhi n\u00eb er\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjen e investimeve q\u00eb Pekini e n\u00ebnshkroi vet\u00ebm disa muaj m\u00eb her\u00ebt me Brukselin.<\/p>\n

Brenda vendit, Bideni ka b\u00ebr\u00eb investime n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim dhe zhvillim shkencor, infrastruktur\u00eb digjitale dhe fizike, si dhe fusha t\u00eb tjera p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar konkurrenc\u00ebn dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb adresuar tjet\u00ebrsimin e klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore dhe t\u00eb mesme. Premtimi i tij p\u00ebr \u201cnj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme p\u00ebr klas\u00ebn e mesme\u201d ka p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb se angazhimi global mund t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb familjet e klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore dhe avokimi i tij p\u00ebr nj\u00eb taks\u00eb minimale globale do t\u00eb ndihmonte demokracit\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb investojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt e tyre, thon\u00eb zyrtar\u00ebt e administrat\u00ebs. Nga perspektiva e Bidenit, k\u00ebto masa p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb parapagimet p\u00ebr at\u00eb lloj rigjall\u00ebrimi dhe reforme t\u00eb brendshme q\u00eb dikur ndihmoi demokracit\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb triumfojn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr gar\u00eb sistemesh gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Pjesa e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, ashtu sikur vijat e trasha t\u00eb strategjis\u00eb po dalin n\u00eb pah, e nj\u00ebjta vlen edhe p\u00ebr sfidat dhe mang\u00ebsit\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se strategjia e Bidenit \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e pranueshme p\u00ebr disa audience, sesa p\u00ebr tjerat. Strategjia \u00ebsht\u00eb e bazuar n\u00eb iden\u00eb se Shtetet e Bashkuara mund t\u00eb rezistoj\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb miri p\u00ebrparimin autoritar p\u00ebrmes solidaritetit t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb me demokracit\u00eb e konsoliduara. Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, t\u00eb frenuarit e fuqis\u00eb ruse dhe kineze, si ushtarakisht edhe diplomatikisht, do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb gjithashtu bashk\u00ebpunim me qeveri t\u00eb pap\u00ebrsosura ose autokratike, q\u00eb prej vendeve si Polonia dhe Turqia deri te Vietnami dhe Filipinet.<\/p>\n

Ky nuk duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb problem fatal: p\u00ebr Uashingtonin, aleancat me demokracit\u00eb kan\u00eb qen\u00eb thelb i strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb, por gjithashtu ka qen\u00eb edhe nd\u00ebrtimi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve produktive, edhe pse transaksionale, me demokracit\u00eb e brishta dhe tiranit\u00eb e ndryshme. Kjo e thekson faktin se nuk ka nj\u00eb qasje uniforme p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e koalicioneve \u2013 dhe se strategjit\u00eb parimore ende k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb kompromise pragmatike.<\/p>\n

Edhe n\u00eb mesin e aleat\u00ebve demokratik\u00eb, krijimi i nj\u00eb uniteti mund t\u00eb d\u00ebshmohet m\u00eb i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se sa q\u00eb pritet nga administrata. Biden mund t\u00eb korr\u00eb shum\u00eb shpejt frytet q\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga dh\u00ebnia fund e luft\u00ebrave tregtare v\u00ebllavras\u00ebse, ose prej mospranimit t\u00eb l\u00ebvdatave nga nj\u00eb diktator rus. Posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht me Evrop\u00ebn, ka nj\u00eb rreze t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim rreth \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve si mbik\u00ebqyrja e investimeve. Praseprap\u00eb, madje edhe bashkimi i aleat\u00ebve t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb demokratik\u00eb mund t\u00eb paraqes\u00eb sfid\u00eb. Eksportuesit evropian\u00eb jan\u00eb duke varur shpresat te rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbja pas pandemis\u00eb e fuqizuar nga blerjet kineze; ekzistojn\u00eb ndarje t\u00eb forta transatlantike rreth privacis\u00eb, t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave dhe \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb tjera teknologjike.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb mjaft e leht\u00eb t\u00eb l\u00ebshosh deklarata t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta lidhur me shqet\u00ebsimet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb agresion t\u00eb mundsh\u00ebm kinez kund\u00ebr Tajvanit, apo p\u00ebr shtr\u00ebngimin ekonomik t\u00eb Australis\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrkaq, l\u00ebvizjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb bashkuar bot\u00ebn e lir\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi mund ta p\u00ebr\u00e7aj\u00eb at\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi tjet\u00ebr: administrata e Bidenit hoqi dor\u00eb nga kund\u00ebrshtimi i nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb gazsjell\u00ebsit Nord Stream 2 me shpres\u00ebn e inkuadrimit t\u00eb Berlinit n\u00eb qasjen e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt karshi Pekinit, por n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, kjo i mund\u00ebsoi Mosk\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb terren ndaj demokracive t\u00eb brishta t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Lindore.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrq\u00ebndrimi te beteja ideologjike dhe teknologjike mund t\u00eb shp\u00ebrq\u00ebndroj\u00eb administrat\u00ebn gjithashtu prej rreziqeve ushtarake q\u00eb jan\u00eb po aq serioze. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, Shtetet e Bashkuara mund t\u00eb humbin gar\u00ebn e sistemeve duke d\u00ebshtuar q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajn\u00eb agresor\u00ebt autoritar\u00eb dhe t\u00eb mbrojn\u00eb postblloqet demokratike n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Lindore dhe Paq\u00ebsorin per\u00ebndimor. Nj\u00eb komision dypartiak i strategjis\u00eb amerikane t\u00eb mbrojtjes paralajm\u00ebroi q\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2018 se Shtetet e Bashkuara thjesht nuk kan\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e nevojshme ushtarake p\u00ebr t\u2019i mbajtur zotimet p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb periferis\u00eb euroaziatike.<\/p>\n

Megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb, administrata ka treguar shum\u00eb m\u00eb pak urgjenc\u00eb n\u00eb frontin ushtarak: k\u00ebrkesa e saj e par\u00eb p\u00ebr buxhetin e Pentagonit \u00ebsht\u00eb e shesht\u00eb (n\u00eb terma real\u00eb) dhe kufizon masat afatshkurt\u00ebra p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrforcuar pozit\u00ebn e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara n\u00eb Paq\u00ebsor. Rivalitetet e sotme nuk kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb vet\u00ebm me fuqin\u00eb ushtarake \u2013 por n\u00eb koh\u00eb lufte, vlerat demokratike nuk e shp\u00ebtojn\u00eb dot bot\u00ebn e lir\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fund fare, lidhja mes komponenteve t\u00eb huaja dhe t\u00eb brendshme t\u00eb strategjis\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aq e pa t\u00eb met\u00eb sa pretendohet nga administrata. Sipas Bidenit, p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimi i fateve ekonomike t\u00eb klas\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme \u00ebsht\u00eb polis\u00eb sigurie kund\u00ebr ringjalljes \u201ctrumpiste\u201d dhe nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb e t\u00eb p\u00ebrforcuarit t\u00eb themeleve t\u00eb brendshme t\u00eb diplomacis\u00eb amerikane.<\/p>\n

Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, nj\u00eb prej pasojave praktike ka qen\u00eb dekreti \u201cBuy American\u201d [Bli amerikane] q\u00eb ngjan me \u201cAmerica First\u201d [S\u00eb pari Amerika] me karakteristika demokratike dhe nj\u00eb politik\u00eb tregtare q\u00eb nuk l\u00eb shum\u00eb mbresa dhe e cila ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb shum\u00eb vende, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Azi, t\u00eb shtrojn\u00eb pyetjen se a \u00ebsht\u00eb rikthyer v\u00ebrtet\u00eb Amerika, apo jo. N\u00ebse strategjia e Bidenit nuk p\u00ebrqafon nj\u00eb nocion t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb e ambicioz t\u00eb prosperitetit, at\u00ebher\u00eb nuk do t\u2019i kontribuoj\u00eb shum\u00eb kohezionit dhe fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb bot\u00ebs s\u00eb lir\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb se Biden ka identifikuar sakt\u00eb sfid\u00ebn e p\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj epoke. Tash vjen pjesa e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. Ai duhet ta aktualizoj\u00eb strategjin\u00eb e tij dhe ta b\u00ebj\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb\u00a0Foreign Affairs<\/a>, m\u00eb 29 qershor 2021.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

\"Image\"<\/div>\n

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Ky artikull mb\u00ebshtetet nga “Sbunker” p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorit dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Demokracia, autokracia dhe p\u00ebrplasja vendimtare e koh\u00ebs ton\u00eb. N\u00eb vizit\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, presidenti Joe Biden vuri theks t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb te tema vendimtare e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb tij t\u00eb jashtme. Ai tha se rivaliteti amerikano-kinez \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb \u201ckonkurrence m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe me autokrat\u00ebt\u201d rreth asaj \u201cse a mund t\u00eb garojn\u00eb demokracit\u00eb. […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":8880,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[657,656],"ppma_author":[280],"class_list":["post-4543","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-joe-biden","tag-usa"],"authors":[{"term_id":280,"user_id":0,"is_guest":1,"slug":"hal-brands","display_name":"Hal Brands","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Hal-Brands.png","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Hal-Brands.png"},"user_url":"","last_name":"","first_name":"","description":"Hal Brands \u00ebsht\u00eb profesori i shquar i \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve globale Henry Kissinger n\u00eb Shkoll\u00ebn e Studimeve t\u00eb Avancuara Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Universitetit \"Johns Hopkins\". Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu nj\u00eb studiues rezident n\u00eb Institutin Amerikan t\u00eb Nd\u00ebrmarrjeve dhe nj\u00eb kolumnist i \"Bloomberg Opinion\"."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4543","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4543"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4543\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8908,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4543\/revisions\/8908"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8880"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4543"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4543"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4543"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4543"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}