{"id":4590,"date":"2019-03-20T09:21:53","date_gmt":"2019-03-20T07:21:53","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=4590"},"modified":"2024-10-29T12:31:51","modified_gmt":"2024-10-29T10:31:51","slug":"dialogu-me-serbine-dhe-mesimet-nga-pesimet-e-palestines","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/analize\/dialogu-me-serbine-dhe-mesimet-nga-pesimet-e-palestines\/","title":{"rendered":"Dialogu me Serbin\u00eb dhe m\u00ebsimet nga p\u00ebsimet e Palestin\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"
<\/div>\n
\n

Kur flitet p\u00ebr diplomaci e negociata, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme mendja t\u00eb shkon tek Lindja e Mesme n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, dhe tek konflikti mes Palestin\u00ebs dhe Izraelit n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti. Ky konflikt ka marr\u00eb aq shum\u00eb v\u00ebmendje dhe angazhim nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr dekada me radh\u00eb, sa nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e mir\u00eb e teorive dhe e teksteve m\u00ebsimore t\u00eb fush\u00ebs jan\u00eb shkruar mb\u00ebshtetur mbi p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn e k\u00ebsaj \u00e7\u00ebshtjeje ende t\u00eb pazgjidhur. Rasti i Palestin\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb ndryshe n\u00eb shum\u00eb aspekte nga rasti i Kosov\u00ebs dhe kurrsesi s\u2019mund t\u00eb vendosim shenj\u00ebn e barazimit mes tyre. P\u00ebrpos k\u00ebsaj \u00ebsht\u00eb histori aq e nd\u00ebrlikuar dhe e ngarkuar sa kurrsesi nj\u00eb shkrim i thjesht\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb paraqes\u00eb me sakt\u00ebsi dhe holl\u00ebsi ngarjet, faktet e rrethanat. Megjithat\u00eb si nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb, ka qen\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebmendjes p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe negociatave t\u00eb paqes, ka disa elemente q\u00eb mund t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb rastit t\u00eb dialogut ton\u00eb me Serbin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ajo q\u00eb i ka ndodhur popullsis\u00eb civile palestineze \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tragjedi e mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb dhe populli yn\u00eb, q\u00eb ka p\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb histori t\u00eb ngjashme traumatike, e kupton m\u00eb s\u00eb miri dhimbjet e p\u00ebrjetuara nga palestinez\u00ebt. Si pasoj\u00eb e luft\u00ebs s\u00eb koalicionit arab kund\u00ebr Izraelit n\u00eb 1948, pati mbi 700 000 palestinez\u00eb q\u00eb u larguan nga vendlindja. Vuajtjet e tyre t\u00eb kujtojn\u00eb muhaxhir\u00ebt e Sanxhakut t\u00eb Nishit, \u00e7am\u00ebt e d\u00ebbuar n\u00eb 1923 dhe 1945, d\u00ebbimet masive t\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebve p\u00ebr n\u00eb Turqi gjat\u00eb koh\u00ebs t\u00eb s\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebs reform\u00eb agrare, operacionit t\u00eb k\u00ebrkimit t\u00eb arm\u00ebve, gjat\u00eb viteve 50-t\u00eb prej mizoris\u00eb se Rankoviqitt apo gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Mir\u00ebpo rasti i Palestin\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr shembujt m\u00eb konkret\u00eb t\u00eb kostos oportune q\u00eb sjell nj\u00eb qasje maksimaliste dhe pozicioneve kok\u00ebforta n\u00ebp\u00ebr negociata. Po ashtu \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb d\u00ebshmi p\u00ebr rrezikun q\u00eb sjell mungesa e pragmatizmit dhe realizmit n\u00eb negociata si dhe shpresa q\u00eb viktimizimi apo k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr shpagim p\u00ebr padrejt\u00ebsit\u00eb e b\u00ebra t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushet. Pra refuzimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb pranuar marr\u00ebveshjen e mundshme me \u00ebndrrat e nj\u00eb ujdije ideale nd\u00ebshkimore ndaj Izraelit ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb palestinez\u00ebt ende t\u00eb mos ken\u00eb shtetin e tyre funksional, t\u00eb pavarur, edhe pse britanik\u00ebt kan\u00eb 72 vite q\u00eb jan\u00eb larguar.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr shprehjet m\u00eb t\u00eb famshme p\u00ebr qasjen kok\u00ebforte dhe jorealiste t\u00eb palestinez\u00ebve n\u00ebp\u00ebr negociata \u00ebsht\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb prej nj\u00eb diplomati izraelit n\u00eb 1973 i cili ka th\u00ebn\u00eb se \u201cpalestinez\u00ebt nuk humbasin asnj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb humbur nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi\u201d. Duke dashur gjith\u00e7ka ose asgj\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre palestinez\u00ebt kan\u00eb humbur disa mund\u00ebsi historike p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb pavarur n\u00eb nj\u00eb territor m\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl sesa territori i pretenduar i Palestin\u00ebs. N\u00eb shum\u00eb raste madje \u00ebsht\u00eb krijuar p\u00ebrshtyja se palestinez\u00ebt m\u00eb shum\u00eb kan\u00eb pasur d\u00ebshir\u00eb t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrojn\u00eb e hakmerren ndaj Izraelit sesa t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb tyrin t\u00eb pavarur. Shpesh n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare angazhimi n\u00eb negociata i palestinez\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb par\u00eb si fitim kohe kohe p\u00ebr t’u rigrupuar e p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur kapacitetet e p\u00ebr ta rinisur mandej konfliktin s\u00ebrish mandej nga pozita t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuara. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye kan\u00eb shpresuar q\u00eb mosmarr\u00ebveshjet me hebrenjt\u00eb t’i zgjidhin n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet forc\u00ebs; mir\u00ebpo k\u00ebta t\u00eb fundit ia kan\u00eb dal\u00eb t\u00eb korrin fitore t\u00eb nj\u00ebpasnj\u00ebshme kund\u00ebr koalicioneve arabe. Historia e \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb Palestin\u00ebs mund t\u00eb konsiderohet tashm\u00eb e karakterizer me lider\u00eb jolargpam\u00ebs q\u00eb ia kan\u00eb humbur shum\u00eb shanse historike p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb pavarur palestinez.<\/p>\n

Fillimisht mund\u00ebsia e par\u00eb e humbur ka qen\u00eb ajo e raportit t\u00eb Komisionit Peel, e nxjerr\u00eb prej Britanis\u00eb n\u00eb 1937 e cila asokohe kishte mandatin e Lidhjes s\u00eb Kombeve p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeverisur Palestin\u00ebn. Raporti i nxjerr\u00eb nga ky komision deklaronte se mandati i protektoratit nuk po funksiononte m\u00eb e po ashtu nj\u00eb shtet i bashkuar qoft\u00eb edhe me kantone i Palestin\u00ebs nuk do kishte mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbijetuar, prandaj propozoi ndarjen e Palestin\u00ebn dhe krijimin e dy shteteve ku shumica e territorit i takonte arab\u00ebve. Ky propozim u refuzua nga arab\u00ebt ashtu sikurse u refuzua edhe propozimi m\u00eb i avancuar q\u00eb erdhi dy vjet m\u00eb von\u00eb n\u00eb form\u00ebn e \u201cLetr\u00ebs s\u00eb Bardh\u00eb\u201d apo \u201cRaportit t\u00eb MacDonald\u201d.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb 1939, n\u00eb kushtet kur Lufta e Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore dukej e pashmangshme, \u00c7amb\u00ebrleni b\u00ebri nj\u00eb propozim t\u00eb ri edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb favorsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr arab\u00ebt sepse donte t\u00eb shmangte armiq\u00ebsin\u00eb e tyre t\u00eb mundshme gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs. Ky propozim konsistonte n\u00eb krijimin brenda 10 vitesh t\u00eb nj\u00eb shtetit unitar arab t\u00eb Palestin\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u00eb konsiderohej gjithashtu atdhe p\u00ebr hebrenjt\u00eb e kua ta t\u00eb kishin statusin e pakic\u00ebs. Po ashtu p\u00ebrcaktonte se imigrimi i hebrenjve do t\u00eb kufizohej n\u00eb 75 000 p\u00ebr 5 vjet\u00ebt e m\u00ebpasshme sikurse do t\u00eb kufizohej edhe blerja e tokave prej arab\u00ebve nga hebrenjt\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo \u00e7udit\u00ebrisht p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e arab\u00ebve e kund\u00ebrshtuan k\u00ebt\u00eb propozim duke k\u00ebrkuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb menj\u00ebhershme krijimin e nj\u00eb shteti arab dhe ndalimin e imigrimit t\u00eb hebrenjve q\u00eb vinin nga Evropa. Madje gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, lideri i palestinez\u00ebve Amin al-Husseini u aleancua me boshtin fashist duke u transferuar n\u00eb Gjermani e Itali e duke u b\u00ebr\u00eb pjes\u00eb e propagand\u00ebs nazi-fashiste.<\/p>\n

Lufta e Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore solli tragjedin\u00eb e Holokaustit dhe nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsim e mb\u00ebshtetje m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr k\u00ebrkesat e hebrenjve. Po ashtu kishte shkaktuar nj\u00eb sasi shum\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb refugjat\u00ebve hebrenj t\u00eb larguar prej mizorive naziste q\u00eb k\u00ebrkonin nj\u00eb streh\u00eb n\u00eb Palestin\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb britanik\u00ebt i p\u00ebrmbaheshin kufizimeve p\u00ebr t\u00eb pranuar emigrant\u00eb t\u00eb rinj hebrenj. Menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas luft\u00ebs u rikthyen edhe p\u00ebrplasjet mes formacioneve luftarake t\u00eb hebrenjve dhe t\u00eb arab\u00ebve dhe n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb tilla Britania vendosi t\u00eb hiqte dor\u00eb nga protektorati mbi Palestin\u00ebn dhe ta shtronte k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje n\u00eb organizat\u00ebn e sapoformuar t\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara. M\u00eb 29 n\u00ebntor 1947 Asambleja e P\u00ebrgjithshme e Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara miratoi rezolut\u00ebn 181, e cila b\u00ebri thirrje p\u00ebr ndarjen e mandatit t\u00eb Palestin\u00ebs t\u00eb sunduar nga Britania n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet hebraik dhe nj\u00eb shtet arab. Si rrall\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb historin\u00eb e OKB-s\u00eb, SHBA-t\u00eb dhe Bashkimi Sovietik s\u00eb bashku me satelit\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb komunist\u00eb votuan n\u00eb favor t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj rezolute.<\/p>\n

Plani b\u00ebri thirrje p\u00ebr ndarjen e Palestin\u00ebs n\u00eb dy shtete, nj\u00eb hebre dhe arab\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb. Plani i ndarjes s\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb e ndau vendin n\u00eb at\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb secili shtet t\u00eb kishte shumic\u00ebn e popullsis\u00eb s\u00eb vet, edhe pse disa vendbanime hebraike do t\u00eb binin brenda shtetit t\u00eb propozuar palestinez dhe shum\u00eb arab\u00eb (45% e popullsis\u00eb) do t\u00eb b\u00ebheshin pjes\u00eb e shtetit hebraik t\u00eb propozuar. Po ashtu zona e Jeruzalemit dhe Betlehemit do t\u00eb b\u00ebheshin zon\u00eb n\u00ebn administrimin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Arab\u00ebt, brenda dhe jasht\u00eb Palestin\u00ebs e refuzuan k\u00ebt\u00eb plan nd\u00ebrsa hebrenjt\u00eb e pranuan. Pasi britanik\u00ebt u larguan prej Palestin\u00ebs, m\u00eb 15 maj 1948, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit zionist\u00eb shpall\u00ebn shtetin e Izraelit mir\u00ebpo u sulmuan nga shtetet fqinje Egjipti, Siria, Jordania, Libani dhe Iraku si dhe nga vullnetar\u00eb prej shteteve t\u00eb tjera me shumic\u00eb muslimane. Izraeli ia doli t\u00eb mbijetonte e ta fitonte k\u00ebt\u00eb luft\u00eb t\u00eb pabarabart\u00eb e cila p\u00ebr arab\u00ebt do t\u00eb konsiderohej si nj\u00eb katastrof\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, sepse u shoq\u00ebrua me largimin e qindra mij\u00ebra refugjat\u00ebve palestinez\u00eb. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr edhe hebrenjt\u00eb q\u00eb jetonin n\u00eb shtetet arabe iu n\u00ebnshtruan hakmarrjeve t\u00eb shumta dhe n\u00eb dy dekadat q\u00eb pasuan pati mbi 850 mij\u00eb syresh q\u00eb u detyruan t\u00eb largoheshin p\u00ebr n\u00eb Izrael ose SHBA e Franc\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse b\u00ebjm\u00eb nj\u00eb krahasim n\u00eb vija t\u00eb trasha me p\u00ebrpjekjet shqiptare p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsi, mund t\u00eb themi se fatmir\u00ebsisht rilindasit tan\u00eb jan\u00eb treguar m\u00eb pragmatist\u00eb p\u00ebr mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e ofruara nga fuqit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha t\u00eb koh\u00ebs. Ndryshe nga lidershipi palestinez, rilindasit tan\u00eb u treguan me k\u00ebmb\u00eb n\u00eb tok\u00eb dhe nuk e refuzuan shtetin shqiptar t\u00eb arritur n\u00eb konferenc\u00ebn e Londr\u00ebs n\u00eb 1913, pavar\u00ebsisht se ishte territor i gjymtuar. Territori i k\u00ebtij shteti t\u00eb pavarur p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin arrit\u00ebn kompromis fuqit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha, ishte sa gjysma e territorit t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb e pavarur prej Ismail Qemalit n\u00eb vizitat e tij n\u00ebp\u00ebr kancelarit\u00eb e per\u00ebndimit. Mir\u00ebpo prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb ky shtet ishte m\u00eb mir\u00eb se asgj\u00eb dhe rilindasit tan\u00eb me logjik\u00ebn e realpolitik\u00ebs, e pranuan me shpres\u00ebn se duke e nd\u00ebrtuar dhe forcuar mund t\u00eb luftonin q\u00eb gradualisht t\u00eb bashkonin edhe pjes\u00ebt e tjera t\u00eb trungut etnik t\u00eb ngelur jasht\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb gjymtuar shqiptar. Madje kjo aspirat\u00eb e shtetit shqiptar, e quajtur Republika e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb ende pjes\u00eb e preambul\u00ebs s\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs s\u00eb saj t\u00eb vitit 1998 ku p\u00ebrmendet \u201caspirata shekullore e popullit shqiptar p\u00ebr identitetin dhe bashkimin komb\u00ebtar\u201d. Po t\u00eb kishin p\u00ebrdorur logjik\u00ebn emocionale palestineze, elita shqiptare e asaj kohe do t\u00eb duhej ta refuzonte k\u00ebt\u00eb ofert\u00eb t\u00eb pjessshme bazuar n\u00eb argumentet e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs historike, k\u00ebrkes\u00ebs p\u00ebr shpagim p\u00ebr vuajtjet e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs dhe morales.<\/p>\n

Situata e palestinez\u00ebve u p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsua akoma m\u00eb keq pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb 6 Dit\u00ebve n\u00eb 5-10 qershor 1967 ku Izraeli mundi koalicionin e vendeve fqinje arabe dhe pushtoi Bregun Per\u00ebndimor prej Jordanis\u00eb, rripin e Gaz\u00ebs dhe gadishullin e Sinait prej Egjiptit dhe mal\u00ebsin\u00eb Golan prej Siris\u00eb. N\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysur k\u00ebt\u00eb rezultat organizohet nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr sulm i koalicionit arab n\u00eb 6 tetor 1973 n\u00eb at\u00eb luft\u00eb q\u00eb u quajt Lufta e Yom Kippurit. Pas sukseseve fillestare t\u00eb arab\u00ebve, kund\u00ebrofensiva izraelite siguroi fitoren \u00e7ka solli nj\u00eb situat\u00eb ku t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebt p\u00ebsuan humbje t\u00eb m\u00ebdha dhe vendos\u00ebn t\u00eb b\u00ebnin arm\u00ebpushim e t\u00eb ndiqnin negociata paqeje. Lideri i Egjiptit, An\u00ebar Sadat shtyu p\u00ebrpara nj\u00eb tryez\u00eb negociatash ku ishte rezervuar nj\u00eb karrige p\u00ebr Jordanin\u00eb, nj\u00eb p\u00ebr Sirin\u00eb, nj\u00eb p\u00ebr Palestin\u00ebn, nj\u00eb p\u00ebr Egjiptin e nj\u00eb p\u00ebr Izraelin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb arrihej nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse p\u00ebr mbar\u00eb rajonin, mir\u00ebpo Siria dhe Jaser Arafati i Organizat\u00ebs \u00e7lirimtare t\u00eb Palestin\u00ebs refuzoi t\u00eb merrte pjes\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto negociata. B\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur nuk kishte koloni n\u00eb Bregun Per\u00ebndimor.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre negociatave kryeministri izraelit i koh\u00ebs, Begin, propozoi n\u00eb 1977 dh\u00ebnien e autonomis\u00eb pes\u00ebvje\u00e7are p\u00ebr territoret e Bregut Per\u00ebndimor dhe Rripit t\u00eb Gaz\u00ebs e mandej negocimi i statusit final. Mir\u00ebpo Arafat i refuzoi totalisht t\u00eb gjitha bisedimet e u zhvendos n\u00eb Liban ku u p\u00ebrfshi n\u00eb luft\u00ebn civile brenda k\u00ebtij vendi dhe e p\u00ebrdori Libanin si baz\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb sulme ndaj Izraelit. Kjo gj\u00eb e shtyu Izraelin mandej q\u00eb ta pushtonte Libanin e ta d\u00ebbonte Arafatin drejt Tunizis\u00eb. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr negociatat u materializuan me Akordet e Kamp David q\u00eb u n\u00ebnshkruan nga presidenti egjiptian dhe kryeministrit izraelit n\u00eb 17 shtator 1978, pas dymb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb dit\u00ebve t\u00eb negociatave sekrete n\u00eb Kampin David. Nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb pas u hodh hapi final i n\u00ebnshkrimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb traktati paqeje mes Egjiptit dhe Izraelit, gj\u00eb q\u00eb Sadati e pagoi me kok\u00ebn e tij pasi u vra si nd\u00ebshkim p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb paqe prej ekstremist\u00ebve. Jordania po ashtu shkoi gradualisht drejt rrug\u00ebs s\u00eb paqtimit me Izraelin duke finalizuar nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje paqeje n\u00eb 1994.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr palestinez\u00ebt vazhdoi gjendja e mjerueshme e konflikti u karakterizua sulme t\u00eb ndryshme terroriste, raprezalje t\u00eb egra dhe nd\u00ebrtime t\u00eb dhjet\u00ebra kolonive hebraike n\u00ebp\u00ebr Bregun Per\u00ebndimor e kulmoi mandej me Intifad\u00ebn q\u00eb pati nj\u00eb fatur\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha civil\u00ebsh sidomos n\u00eb krahun e palestinez\u00ebve. Vet\u00ebm shembja e murit t\u00eb Berlinit dhe rr\u00ebnimi i perandoris\u00eb sovjetike krijoi kushte p\u00ebr marr\u00ebveshjet e Oslos n\u00eb 1993.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto marr\u00ebveshje erdh\u00ebn si rezultat i bisedimet e fshehta t\u00eb organizuara n\u00eb Norvegji midis akademik\u00ebve izraelit\u00eb dhe zyrtar\u00ebve t\u00eb O\u00e7P-s\u00eb vendos\u00ebn nj\u00eb axhend\u00eb me nj\u00eb afat kohor pes\u00ebvje\u00e7ar p\u00ebr nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb plot\u00eb paqeje q\u00eb fillimisht do t\u00eb lejonte vet\u00ebqeverisje t\u00eb kufizuar palestineze (Autoriteti Palestinez) n\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb territoreve t\u00eb pushtuara dhe do t\u00eb sillte gjithashtu njohje t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb midis Izraelit dhe O\u00e7P-s\u00eb. Plani i ndarjes s\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb i vitit 1947, u ofroi palestinez\u00ebve pothuaj gjysm\u00ebn e tok\u00ebs midis Jordanis\u00eb dhe detit nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb Oslo, gjys\u00ebm shekulli m\u00eb pas palestinez\u00ebt ran\u00eb dakord t\u00eb merrnin vet\u00ebm 27% t\u00eb territorit n\u00eb kontroll. Me negociatat u kalua n\u00eb nj\u00eb hap m\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb duke firmosur n\u00eb 1995 n\u00eb Taba t\u00eb Egjipit marr\u00ebveshjet e dyta t\u00eb Oslos mir\u00ebpo pak koh\u00eb pas tyre u vra kryeministri Jitzhak Rabin prej ekstremist\u00ebve hebrenj pik\u00ebrisht sepse kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb l\u00ebshime e firmosur nj\u00eb ujdi me palestinez\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Prej k\u00ebsaj periudhe mund\u00ebsia tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb u shfaq p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje paqeje ishte n\u00eb vitin 2000 kur presidenti i SHBA Bill Klinton mblodhi nj\u00eb samit t\u00eb paqes midis presidentit palestinez Jaser Arafat dhe kryeministrit izraelit Ehud Barak n\u00eb Kamp David. Propozimi q\u00eb doli prej tyre e q\u00eb u quajt si paket\u00eb parametrat e Klintonin konsistonin n\u00eb krijimin e nj\u00eb shteti palestinez n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb Gaz\u00ebn dhe 97 p\u00ebrqind t\u00eb Bregut Per\u00ebndimor. K\u00ebt\u00eb 3% t\u00eb territorit t\u00eb Bregit Per\u00ebndimor ku ishin vendosur kolon\u00eb hebrenj do kompensohej me tok\u00eb t\u00eb pabanuar n\u00eb Negev dhe po ashtu pothuaj i gjith\u00eb Jeruzalemi i vjet\u00ebr pranohej t\u00eb lihej n\u00eb dor\u00eb t\u00eb Palestin\u00ebs e t\u00eb b\u00ebhej kryeqytet nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb hebrenjt\u00eb do t\u00eb mbanin vet\u00ebm pjes\u00ebn hebraike t\u00eb qytetit ku p\u00ebrfshihet edhe muri i vajtimit t\u00eb Tempullit t\u00eb Malit. Arafati nuk i kund\u00ebrshtoi parametrat, por shtoi aq shum\u00eb kushte e holl\u00ebsira t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb marr\u00ebveshja u shp\u00ebrb\u00eb dhe nd\u00ebrkaq Klintoni e p\u00ebrfundoi mandatin si president nd\u00ebrsa Baraku u mund n\u00eb zgjedhje nga Ariel Sharon q\u00eb i p\u00ebrkiste nj\u00eb krahu m\u00eb ekstremist. Veprimet ekstremiste t\u00eb Sharonit provokuan revoltimin e palestinez\u00ebve duke i hapur rrug\u00ebn Intifad\u00ebs s\u00eb Re e cila shkaktoi mij\u00ebra t\u00eb vrar\u00eb nga t\u00eb dy krah\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

Klima e p\u00ebrshtatshme p\u00ebr negociata u mund\u00ebsua vet\u00ebm disa vite m\u00eb pas kur prej dhjetorit 2006 deri n\u00eb shtator 2008, kryeministri izraelit Ehud Olmert u takua 36 her\u00eb me presidentin palestinez Mahmud Abaz nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb paralelisht kishte takime t\u00eb shumta n\u00eb nivel m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt teknik. N\u00eb fund Olmerti propozoi nj\u00eb plan q\u00eb n\u00eb thelb synonte largimin nga pothuaj gjith\u00eb Bregu Per\u00ebndimor si dhe pranonte t\u00eb hiqte dor\u00eb nga sovraniteti i Tempullit n\u00eb Jerusalem, vendit m\u00eb i shenjt\u00eb i judaizmit. Ai madje propozoi q\u00eb n\u00eb kuadrin e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje paqeje, zona q\u00eb p\u00ebrmbante vendet fetare n\u00eb Jeruzalem t\u00eb drejtohej nga nj\u00eb komitet i p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues nga pes\u00eb vende: Arabia Saudite, Jordania, Palestina, Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe Izraeli (pra shumic\u00eb myslimane). Plani i tij gjithashtu synonte t\u00eb aneksonte 6.3 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb Bregut Per\u00ebndimor n\u00eb Izrael, zona q\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi p\u00ebr 75 p\u00ebr qind t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs hebraike t\u00eb territoreve t\u00eb pushtuara nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb kolonit\u00eb e tjera do t\u00eb \u00e7montoheshin dhe evokuoheshin. K\u00ebt\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb t\u00eb aneksuar ai propozoi ta kompensonte me territore t\u00eb tjera ekuivalente n\u00eb Izrael si dhe propozi nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb korridori t\u00eb sigurt\u00eb nga Bregu Per\u00ebndimor deri n\u00eb Rripin e Gaz\u00ebs n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb autostrade (me shum\u00eb ura) q\u00eb do t\u00eb mbetet pjes\u00eb e territorit sovran t\u00eb Izraelit, por n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn nuk do t\u00eb kishte prani izraelite. Mir\u00ebpo pala palestineze nuk iu p\u00ebrgjigj fare k\u00ebsaj oferte, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb bujarja e b\u00ebr\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb prej koh\u00ebs s\u00eb planit t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb n\u00eb 1947 dhe ky propozim tjet\u00ebr shkoi n\u00eb kosh t\u00eb plehrave. Prej asaj kohe ka pasur orvatje e raunde t\u00eb reja negociatash, mir\u00ebpo asnj\u00eb prej tyre gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj dekade t\u00eb fundit nuk ka pasur asnj\u00eb plan apo projekt-marr\u00ebveshje gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse q\u00eb t’i afrohet p\u00ebrmasave t\u00eb planit t\u00eb Olmertit.<\/p>\n

Rasti i shanseve t\u00eb humbura t\u00eb Palestin\u00ebs dhe i negociatave q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb materializuar n\u00eb paqe ka edhe nj\u00eb element tjet\u00ebr interesant q\u00eb mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb si leksion p\u00ebr ne. Lider\u00ebt palestinez\u00eb q\u00eb e mbanin konfliktin n\u00eb jet\u00eb ishin nj\u00ebherazi super t\u00eb pasur e kishin leverdi materiale nga status quo-ja. Jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb shum\u00eb vite q\u00eb palestinez\u00ebt e rendisin korrupsionin si problemin e dyt\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madh me t\u00eb cilin p\u00ebrballen pas kriz\u00ebs ekonomike, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb pushtimi izraelit z\u00eb vendin e tret\u00eb. Korrupsioni galopant i lider\u00ebve t\u00eb partis\u00eb Fatah ka b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb nj\u00eb num\u00ebr gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb i madh palestinez\u00ebsh t\u00eb revoltuar t\u00eb shkojn\u00eb e t\u00eb mb\u00ebrshtesin Hamazin. Pas vdekjes s\u00eb Arafatit, ish ministri i tij i financave Salam Fayyad pajtoi nj\u00eb kompani amerikane kontabiliste p\u00ebr t\u00eb shqyrtuar llogarit\u00eb e ish-presidentit dhe t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat ishin trondit\u00ebse, sepse u zbulua nj\u00eb portofol i fsheht\u00eb me mbi 1 miliard\u00eb dollar\u00eb. B\u00ebhej fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr investime t\u00eb Arafatit n\u00eb kompani si nj\u00eb fabrik\u00eb shishe Coca-Cola n\u00eb Ramallah, nj\u00eb kompani telefonike tuniziane dhe fonde t\u00eb kapitaleve n\u00eb SHBA dhe Ishujt Kajman. Edhe pse parat\u00eb p\u00ebr portofolin personal t\u00eb Arafatit vinin nga fonde publike si taksat palestineze, pothuajse asnj\u00ebra prej tyre nuk ishte p\u00ebrdorur p\u00ebr popullin palestinez. N\u00eb vitin 2003, Fondi Monetar Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar (FMN) filloi t\u00eb kryej\u00eb nj\u00eb auditim dhe gjeti t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn dy miliard\u00eb dollar\u00eb fonde t\u00eb Fondit t\u00eb Autoritetit Palestinez q\u00eb mungonin dhe gjeti prova q\u00eb tregonin se k\u00ebto fonde jan\u00eb transferuar n\u00eb familjen e Arafatit n\u00eb Paris. E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb vlen p\u00ebr sot, lideri aktual Mahmud Abaz, llogaritet se ka s\u00eb paku pasuri prej s\u00eb paku 100 milion\u00eb eurosh pa llogaritur bizneset e panum\u00ebrta t\u00eb djemve t\u00eb tij. Muhammed Rashid i cili ishte k\u00ebshilltar financiar i Arafatit p\u00ebr dy dekada, tani \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb i arratisur, madje dhe ai vet\u00eb akuzohet se ka p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsuar 33.5 milion\u00eb dollar\u00eb nga Fondi i Investimeve Palestineze). Ky vler\u00ebsim \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2012. Vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr nj\u00eb krahasim Angela Merkel sot ka nj\u00eb pasuri t\u00eb p\u00ebrllogaritur prej 11.5 milion\u00eb dollar\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb Abazi n\u00eb deklaratat e tij t\u00eb pasuris\u00eb ka folur p\u00ebr pasuri prej 10 milion\u00eb dollar\u00ebsh. Por edhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ende pak qesharake se v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhesh i pasur duke qen\u00eb nj\u00eb politikan n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb bot\u00ebs s\u00eb 3-t\u00eb p\u00ebrve\u00e7 se duke vjedhur apo abuzuar me pushtetin. Letrat e Panamas\u00eb nxorr\u00ebn t\u00eb dh\u00ebna t\u00eb holl\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr llogarit\u00eb e fshehura t\u00eb lider\u00ebve t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm palestinez\u00eb p\u00ebrfshi k\u00ebtu t\u00eb nj\u00ebrit prej djemve t\u00eb Abazit, nd\u00ebrsa media dita-dit\u00ebs nxjerr pronat milion\u00ebshe t\u00eb f\u00ebmijeve t\u00eb tij n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr, Dubai, Aman e qytete t\u00eb tjera. \u00cbsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb tradit\u00eb nd\u00ebrkaq sa her\u00eb q\u00eb dalin skandale korrupsioni Abazi e acaron retorik\u00ebn antisemite n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb konfliktualiteti t\u00eb eklipsoj\u00eb abuzimet e denoncuara.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Kur flitet p\u00ebr diplomaci e negociata, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme mendja t\u00eb shkon tek Lindja e Mesme n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, dhe tek konflikti mes Palestin\u00ebs dhe Izraelit n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti. Ky konflikt ka marr\u00eb aq shum\u00eb v\u00ebmendje dhe angazhim nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar p\u00ebr dekada me radh\u00eb, sa nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e mir\u00eb e teorive dhe e teksteve m\u00ebsimore t\u00eb fush\u00ebs […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":373,"featured_media":8717,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[669,1236,664,12],"ppma_author":[367],"class_list":["post-4590","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-dialogue","tag-kosove-serbi","tag-kosovo","tag-serbia"],"authors":[{"term_id":367,"user_id":373,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adri-nurellari","display_name":"Adri Nurellari","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Nurellari","first_name":"Adri","description":"Adri Nurellari \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, k\u00ebshilltar dhe kolumnist i angazhuar kryesisht n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs dhe medias. Ai ka vijuar studimet universitare n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe ato pasuniversitare n\u00eb Cambridge, London School of Economics dhe University College London. Adri \u00ebsht\u00eb ish-k\u00ebshilltar i kryeministrit Sali Berisha dhe ish-sekretar i PDIU-s\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ka punuar si pedagog n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb. Ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar si analist dhe konsulent nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb prej vitit 2013 punon si k\u00ebshilltar i Hashim Tha\u00e7it."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4590","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/373"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4590"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4590\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9251,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4590\/revisions\/9251"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8717"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4590"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4590"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4590"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4590"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}